THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 

COLLEGE 

PRESENTED  BY 


Mrs.    J.   R.   Sackrider 


THE   SOCIALISM  OF 
TO-DAY 

A  SOURCE-BOOK  OF  THE  PRESENT  POSITION 
AND  RECENT  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  SO- 
CIALIST AND  LABOR  PARTIES  IN  ALL  COUN- 
TRIES, CONSISTING  MAINLY  OF  ORIGINAL 
DOCUMENTS 


EDITED  BY 

WILLIAM   ENGLISH    WALLING 

J.   G.  PHELPS   STOKES 

JESSIE  WALLACE   HUGHAN 

HARRY  W.   LAIDLER 

AND  OTHER   MEMBERS  OF  A   COMMITTEE  OF  THE 
INTERCOLLEGIATE   SOCIALIST   SOCIETY 


NEW  YORK 

HENRY  HOLT  AND  COMPANY 

1916 


CoPYRiaHT,  I91G 

BT 

HENRY  HOLT  AND  COMPANY 
Pablished  May,  1916 


THE    OUINN    i    BOOEN    CO.     PRESS 
RAHWAY,   N.  J. 


V  \   y  UNIVlV.SrTY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

'"'    A  SANTA  LAKBAIiA  COLLEGE  LlBllA 


LI 


W3 


PREFACE 

For  many  years  all  books  about  Socialism — whether  in 
favor  or  against  it — were  concerned  mainly  with  theory. 
About  the  year  1900,  Socialist  and  Labor  parties  grew  to 
be  political  factors  of  importance  in  several  of  the  great 
nations,  developing  programs  of  reform,  the  sincerity  and 
practicality  of  which  were  beginning  to  be  tested  by  experi- 
ence. Then  the  second  stage  of  Socialist  literature  set  in; 
Socialism  was  presented,  both  by  Socialists  and  by  anti- 
Socialists,  as  a  movement. 

The  time  for  a  third  stage  is  at  hand,  and  it  will 
mark  a  revolution  in  the  treatment  of  the  subject.  Even 
when  Socialism  is  regarded  as  a  movement,  the  diffi- 
culty remains  that  it  must  be  presented  by  an  individual, 
who  is  either  a  Socialist  or  an  anti-Socialist.  In  either 
case  partisanship  almost  inevitably  creeps  in,  and  the 
reader's  only  recourse  is  to  refer  to  a  number  of  vol- 
umes before  he  can  be  certain  he  has  secured  a  non- 
partisan and  balanced  view.  The  time  has  arrived  when 
the  educated  public  will  demand  that  this  great  movement 
be  discussed  in  a  more  rigidly  scientific  manner — a  treat- 
ment that  can  be  secured  only  by  the  publication  of 
original  documents  with  the  minimum  of  editorial  com- 
ment, the  selection  of  such  documents  being  made  ex- 
clusively with  a  view  to  their  importance  and  without 
regard  to  their  tendency. 

Wel)elieve  that  tJie  present  volume  is  tJie  first  interna- 
tional and  compreliensive  source-hook  dealing  with  the 
Socialist  movement  in  any  language.  The  Socialists  have 
limited  their  collection  of  documents  either  to  single  na- 


vi  PREFACE 

tions  or  to  the  proceedings  of  the  International  Socialist 
Congresses.  We  have  utilized  all  of  these  sources  together 
with  many  others,  such  as  Socialist  speeches  in  parlia- 
ments, and  in  this  way  we  have  endeavored  to  cover  all  the 
important  nations,  and  all  the  topics  that  have  been  in 
the  foreground  of  discussion  in  recent  years.  The  only 
exception  is  the  relation  of  the  Socialists  to  war,  which  is 
covered  in  a  separate  companion  volume  edited  by  one 
of  our  editors  {The  Socialists  and  the  War,  by  W.  E. 
Walling,  Henry  Holt  and  Company).  We  devote  an  im- 
portant chapter,  however,  to  the  Socialist  position  on  mili- 
tarism, without  duplicating  any  of  the  documents  of  that 
volume — since  we  here  deal  chiefly  with  the  domestic 
aspect  of  the  question. 

We  believe  the  recent  development  of  the  world's  So- 
cialist and  Labor  parties  has  shown  that  they  have  enough 
in  common  to  justify  their  treatment  as  a  more  or  less 
unified  whole.  We  have  made  no  effort,  however,  in  our 
selection  and  arrangement  of  quotations,  to  suggest  agree- 
ment between  the  various  parties  or  even  between  the  fac- 
tions of  the  same  party.  Whether  the  obvious  differences 
at  present  existing  are  merely  temporary  or  crucial  and 
irreconcilable  it  remains  for  history  to  show. 

The  book  has  been  edited  with  the  genuine  co-operation 
of  a  number  of  persons.  Those  mentioned  as  editors  have 
done  the  bulk  of  the  work.  Others  contributing  substan- 
tially were  Alice  K.  Boehme,  Joseph  L.  Cohen,  Paul  H. 
Douglas,  Felix  Grendon,  Nicholas  Kelley,  Paul  Kennaday, 
Margaret  Rambaut,  H.  D.  Sedgwick,  John  Spargo,  Caro 
Lloyd,  and  Alexander  Trachtcnberg. 

The  editors  and  all  who  co-operated  with  them  are  mem- 
bers of  an  organization  of  college  men  and  women  devoted 
exclusively  to  promoting  the  study  of  Socialism,  and  they 
were  chosen  and  delegated  by  this  organization  to  carry 


PREFACE  vii 

out  the  present  work.  We  believe  that  the  Intercollegiate 
Socialist  Society  has  demonstrated,  by  publications  and 
activities  extending  through  ten  years,  that  it  is  equipped 
to  perform  such  a  task  efficiently  and  was  to  be  relied 
upon  to  execute  it  in  a  liberal  and  non-partisan  spirit. 
Although  a  large  part  of  our  membership  is  composed 
of  Socialists,  we  include  the  most  divergent  schools  of 
Socialist  thought,  while  a  large  portion  of  our  members 
are  non-Socialists,  and  some  are  anti-Socialists  interested 
in  securing  a  broad  and  reliable  discussion  of  the  subject. 
Therefore,  the  present  volume,  like  all  the  rest  of  our 
work,  is  dedicated  to  all  persons  who  wish  to  understand 
the  Socialist  movement  as  it  is — whatever  may  be  their 
personal  opinions  concerning  it. 

The  Editors. 


CONTENTS 

PART  I 

THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Section  I 

THE  INTEENATIONAi 
CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Socialists  and  the  New  International     ...         3 

Historical  Sketch — First  Congress  of  Paris,  1889 — 
Resolution  on  the  Eight  Hour  Day — Congress  of  Brus- 
sels, 1891 — Congress  of  Zurich,  1893 — Admission  of 
Labor  Unions  Under  Certain  Conditions — Political  Tac- 
tics— Congress  of  London,  1896 — Political  Tactics — Ex- 
clusion of  Anarchists — Second  Congress  of  Paris,  1900 — 
Political  Tactics — Question  of  Coalition  Ministries — 
Formation  of  International  Socialist  Bureau — Congress 
of  Amsterdam,  1904 — Political  Tactics — Coalition  Min- 
istries— Discussion  Between  Bebel  and  Jaures — Vote  of 
the  International  Socialist  Movement. 

Section  II 

socialism  on  the  continent  of  eubope 

II.  Germany 27 

The  Socialist  Vote — Relative  Strength  of  Political  Par- 
ties— Recent  Political  Development — Party  Membership 
— Strength  of  Socialism  in  Advanced  Sections — Occupa- 
tions and  Religion  of  Socialist  Members  of  Reichstag — 
Program  of  Party — Socialist  Appeals  on  First  and  Sec- 
ond Ballots  in  1912  Elections — Private  Agreement — Op- 
position Within  the  Party — Action  of  1912  Party  Con- 
gress— Kautsky  and  Bernstein  on  Meaning  of  the 
Socialist  Victory — The  Test  Year  in  the  Reichstag — 
Socialist  Program  in  Prussian  Elections,  May,  1913 — 
Republican  Demonstration  in  the  Reichstag,  June  3,  1914. 

III.  Fbance 57 

Introductory — Electoral  Tactics — Resolution  on  the 
Election  of  1914 — Election  Manifesto  of  Socialist  Party — 
— Results  of  Election — Jean  Jaur&s  on  Victory. 


X  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

IV.  Belgium 70 

Introductory — Socialist  Tactics  in  Election  of  1914 — 
Results  of  Election — Causes  of  Victory — Manifesto  of 
Labor  Party — Reorganization  of  Party. 

V.  Italy 76 

Introductory — Declaration  of  Socialist  Party  Against 
War  in  Tripoli — Split  in  Party — Declaration  of  Regular 
Party — Declaration  of  Reformist  Socialist  Party — Elec- 
toral Tactics  in  1913  Elections — Action  of  Executive 
Committee — Tactics  on  Second  Ballot — Electoral  Mani- 
festo— Situation  Before  the  Elections — Results  of  Elec- 
tion— Comments  on  Socialist  Success — Resolution  of 
Parliamentary  Group  After  Election — Resolution  upon 
Resignation  of  Giolitti  Ministry — Discussion  of  Free- 
masonry at  1914  Party  Congress — Disobedient  Party 
Deputies  After  the  Congress — Disobedient  Party  Branches 
— Further  Effects  of  Position. 


VI.  Russia   and   Finland 95 

Introductory  to  Russia — Elections  of  1912 — Tactics 
and  Composition  of  Social  Democratic  Group  in  Fourth 
Duma — Expulsion  of  Members  and  Resignation  of 
Milinovsni  from  Duma — Republican  Demonstration  in 
Duma — Russian  Social  Democratic  Unity  Conference, 
Brussels,  1914 — Constitutional  Struggles  in  Russia — 
The  Movement  in  Finland — Social  Democratic  Party 
Convention,  1914. 

VII.  Holland    (and  Switzeeland) 108 

Introductory  to  Holland — Party  Congress  of  1914 — 
Socialist  Party  Program — Results  of  Elections — General 
Political  Situation — The  Ministerial  Crisis  and  the  So- 
cial Democracy — History  of  Swiss  Social  Democratic 
Movement. 

VIII.  Denmabk,   Sweden   and  Noeway 129 

Introductory  to  Denmark — Socialist  Support  of  the 
Government — The  Constitutional  Crisis — General  Suf- 
frage— Effect  of  the  War  on  Suffrage — The  Political 
Situation — Introductory  to  Sweden — Socialists  Favor  a 
Republic — Swedish  Parliamentary  Elections  of  1914 — 
Election  Appeal — Results  of  Election — The  Question  of 
the  Coalition  Ministry — The  Party  Congress  of  1915 — 
The  Elections  of  191.5 — The  General  Position  of  the  So- 
cialist Movement  in  Norway. 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

IX.  Austria  and  Hungary 155 

Introductory  to  Austria — Bauer  on  Perils  of  Reform- 
ism— Introduction  to  the  Hungarian  Movement — Con- 
gress of  Social  Democratic  Party,  1913 — Political  Jug- 
glery in  Hungary,  1914. 

X.  Spain  and  Portugal 172 

Introductory  to  Spain — Iglesias  on  Situation  in  Spain 
— Introductory  to  Portugal — General  Political  Situation. 

XI.  RouMANiA,  Bulgaria  and  Greece 181 

Introductory  to  Roumania — Socialist  Party  Political 
and  Agrarian  Programs,  1910 — Plea  for  Unity  Among 
Bulgarian  Socialists — Introductory  to  Movement  in 
Greece. 


Section  III 

THE   socialist   MOVEMENT   IN   AMERICA 

XII.  The    Present    Status    of    Socialism    in    the    United 

States 191 

Membership  of  the  Socialist  Party  by  Years — By 
States — Membership  in  Proportion  to  Population  of 
States — Vote  Compared  with  that  of  Other  Parties — 
Socialist  Vote  of  1914 — Officers  of  the  Party. 

XIII.  The  National  Program 199 

The  Socialist  Party  Platform— Report  of  U.  S.  Con- 
gressman Berger. 

XIV.  The  State  Programs      .       . 210 

Report  of  Committee  on  State  Program,  Convention  of 
1912 — New  York  State  Program,  1914 — Pennsylvania 
State  Program,  1912 — Montana  State  Program,  1912 — 
Oklahoma  State  Program — Wisconsin  State  Program, 
1912 — Socialists  in  Wisconsin  Legislature. 

XV.  Policy   and   Tactics 221 

Discussion  of  the  Importance  of  Political  Action,  by 
Victor  Berger,  Charles  Edward  Russell,  William  D.  Hay- 
wood, Eugene  V.  Debs — Party  Organization — Constitu- 
tion of  Socialist  Party — Amendment  to  Constitution 
Regarding  the  Party  Owned  Press — Regarding  a  Change 
in  Members'  Pledge — Proposed  Union  of  American  So- 
cialist Parties — Report  of  Socialist  Party  Delegation  to 
the   International   Socialist   Congress,   Copenhagen,   1910. 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVI.  Canada 235 

History  of  the  Canadian  Socialist  Party — Socialist 
Party  in  1914 — Platform — History  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic Party — Platform — The  Labor  Movement  in  Canada. 

XVII.  Central  and  South  America 243 

Address  of  de  Larra  of  Mexico — Proclamation  of  So- 
cialist Party  on  Mexican  War — Introductory  to  Argen- 
tine Republic — The  Argentine  Party  and  Nationalism. 

Section  IV 
SOCIALISM  IN   BRITISH  EMPIRE    (EXCLUDING   CANADA) 

XVIII.  The    British    Independent    Labor   Party    and   the 

British   Socialist  Party 255 

Introductory — Excerpts  from  Constitution  of  British 
Labor  Party — Growth  of  Labor  Party — Program  of  Inde- 
pendent Labor  Party — Parliamentary  Activities — Criti- 
cism and  Defense  of  Labor  Party,  by  Robert  Smillie,  J. 
Ramsay  MacDonald.  Philip  Snowden — Resolution  Against 
British  System  of  Party  Legislation — Speech  of  Mover — 
Speech  of  F.  W.  Jowett — The  Basis  of  the  Socialist  Party 
— The  Conference  of  1914. 

XIX.  The  British  Labor  Party 266 

The  British  Labor  Party  in  Parliament,  1912 — The 
Party  Conference  of  1913 — Labor  Party  in  Parliament, 
1914 — Discussion  of  Party  Tactics — Conference  of  1910 — 
Labor  Party  and  a  Program. 

XX.  The  Fabian  Society  and  Socialist  Lenity       .  285 

Introductory  to  Fabian  Society — Basis  of  the  Society 
— The  Fabians  and  Socialist  Unity — Annual  Conference, 
1914 — Socialist  Unity  on  the  Basis  of  Common  Action 
•with  Labor  Party — Manifesto  of  International  Socialist 
Bureau — The  Unity  Conference — Discussion  of  British 
Socialist  Party — Declaration  of  Executive  Committee  of 
B.  S.  P. 

XXI.  Ireland 299 

The  Political  Situation  in  Ireland — Speech  by  James 
Larkin. 

XXII.  Australia 309 

Tlie  Australian  Labor  Party — Introductory — Elections 
of  1913 — National  Referenda — Federal  Elections — Growth 
of  the  Labor  Party  Elections,   1913 — Comment  in  Labor 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

Vote  in  1914 — The  Labor  Party  in  the  States — Manifesto 
of  the  Labor  Party  Elections,  1913 — Comment  in  Labor 
Leader,  Vorwaerts,  Neic  Statesman,  The  Socialist,  on 
1913  Elections — Election  Manifesto  of  Australian  Labor 
Party,  1914 — Election  Campaign  of  1914 — Legislative 
Achievements — Future  of  Labor  Party — Report  of  Aus- 
tralian Socialist  Party  to  International  Socialist  Con- 
gress of  Vienna. 

XXIII.  New   Zealand 340 

Introductory — From  Editorial  in  New  Statesman — 
Foundation  of  Social  Democratic  Party — Program  of  So- 
cial Democratic  Party,  1913 — The  Election  of  1914— Re- 
view and  Forecast — Questions  for  Parliamentary  Candi- 
dates Proposed  by  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  1914 — 
The  Labor  Representation  Committee. 

XXIV.  South   Africa 354 

Introductory — The  Labor  Party  and  the  Elections  of 

1913. 

Section  V 

SOCIALISM   IN   CHINA 

XXV.  China 357 

Introductory — Interview  with  Sun  Yat  Sen. 

PART  II 
THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

I.  Socialist  Parties  and  the  Labor  Unions     ....     373 

The  International  Congress  of  Stuttgart,  1907 — Congress 
of  the  French  Party,  1907 — Same,  1912 — Discussion  in 
the  United  States — Syndicalism  Defined — Convention  of 
1912 — Debs  on  Industrial  LTnionism — Spargo,  Socialist 
Convention,  Haywood,  Debs  on  Sabotage. 

II.  The  General  Strike 389 

The  International  Socialist  Congress  of  London,  1896 
—Of  Amsterdam,  1904— Of  Stuttgart,  1907— The  Gen- 
eral Strike  in  Belgium,  1913 — Causes  Leading  to  Strike 
— Special  Congress  of  Labor  Party,  1912 — Speech  of 
Vandervelde — Preparations  for  Strike,  Congress  of  1913 
— Report  of  Anseele — Speech  of  Vandervelde — Resolu- 
tion Adopted — Conclusion  of  Strike,  Congress  of  1913 — 
Speech  of  Vandervelde — Discussion  of  Success  of  Strike 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  FAOB 

— Correspondence  in  Voricaerts — In  New  Statesman — 
The  Proposed  General  Strike  for  Equal  Suffrage  in 
Prussia — Resolution  of  the  Party  Executive — Resolution 
of  the  Minority — Scheideman  Speaking  for  the  Executive 
Committee — Bernstein  for  the  Majority — Rosa  Luxem- 
burg for  the  Minority — Bauer  for  the  Majority — Lieb- 
knecht  for  the  Minoritj' — Statement  of  Belgian  Delegates 
— Scheideman,  Closing  the  Debate — Voricaerts,  Editorial 
Summary — The  General  Strike  in  Italy,  1914 — The  Gen- 
eral Strike  in  Russia,  1914 — The  General  Strike  in  New 
Zealand,  1913. 

III.  Compulsory  Arbitration  of  Labor  Disputes   .        .       .431 

Discussion  at  Conference  of  British  Labor  Party,  1913 
— Experience  of  New  Zealand — Compulsory  Arbitration 
in  Australia. 

IV.  The  Socialist  Program  of  Labor  and  Social  Legisla- 

tion      438 

Program  of  Copenhagen  Congress,  1910 — Resolution  at 
British  Labor  Party  Conference,  1913,  on  the  National 
Minimum — Conference  of  British  Labor  Party,  1914,  the 
Feeding  of  School  Children. 

V.  Unemployment 441 

The  International  Congress  of  Copenhagen,  1910 — The 
German  Congress  of  1913 — Official  Report  to  the  Pro- 
posed International  Congress  of  Vienna,  1914,  by 
Vaillant. 

VI.  The  High  Cost  of  Living 446 

The  British  Labor  Party  Conference,  1914,  State  Regu- 
lated Prices — The  French  Party  Congress,  1914 — The 
Webb  Report  for  the  Proposed  International  Congress  of 
Vienna,  1914. 

VII.  Agriculture 453 

The  International  Congress  of  London,  1896 — Official 
Report  to  the  French  Party  Congress  of  1912  by  Cora- 
pere-]Morel — The  Program  Adopted  by  the  Danisli  Con- 
gress, 191,3 — Recent  Tendencies  of  Agricultural  Concen- 
tration in  the  United  States,  by  A.  j\I.  Simons — The 
Agrarian  Program  in  the  L'nited  States,  1912 — The 
Agrarian  Program  in  Oklahoma,  1912. 

VIII.  The  Land 469 

The  British  Labor  Party  Conference  of  1914 — Confer- 
ence of  British  Independent  Labor  Party,  1914 — Con- 
ference of  British  Socialist  Party,  1914. 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

IX.  The  Trusts 475 

The  International  Socialist  Congress  of  Paris,  1900 — 
Of  Amsterdam,  1904. 

X.  GOVERNAIENT    OWNERSHIP 477 

The  Socialist  Group  in  the  German  Reichstag,  1913 — 
The  British  Labor  Party  Conference,  191.3 — The  Report 
on  Currency  to  the  National  Committee  of  the  Socialist 
Party  of  the  United  States,  1914. 

XI.  Import  Duties 481 

The  Italian  Congress  of  1914 — The  American  Conven- 
tion of  1912. 

XII.  Taxation 4S5 

The  German  Congress  of  1913 — Article  by  Wendel — 
Report  by  Wurm — Resolution  of  Congress. 

XIII.  Immigration  and  the  Race  Problem       ....     495 

The  International  Congress  of  Stuttgart,  1907 — The 
American  Congress  of  1910,  Asiatic  Immigration — Con- 
gress of  1912,  Same — Resolution  on  the  Dillingham  Bill 
— The  American  National  Committee,  1913 — Debs  on  the 
Japanese  Question — The  American  Party  and  the  Negro, 
Resolutions  of  1901 — The  Australian  Labor  Party,  1914 
The  Australian  Workers'  Union,  1914 — The  South  African 
Labor  Party,  1913. 

XIV.  Militarism 509 

The  French  Congress  of   1912 — Jaur&s  on  Militarism  in 

the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  1913 — The  Italian  Congress 
of  1914 — The  American  Party  Congress  of  1912 — Con- 
scription and  the  Australian  Labor  Party,  from  the 
Daily  Citizen  (London),  the  International  Socialist  Re- 
view, the  A^ew5  Statesman   (London). 

XV.  Proportional  Representation 523 

The  American  Congress  of  1912 — The  Conference  of 
the  British  Labor  Party,  1914. 

XVI.  Municipal  Socialism 532 

The  International  Congress  of  Paris,  1900 — The  Berlin 
Municipal  Election  of  1913 — The  French  Party  Municipal 
Program,  1912,  on  Political,  Economic,  Financial,  Educa- 
tional, Charitable,  Health  and  Housing  Reforms — Co- 
operation with  Other  Parties  in  Municipal  Elections,  Dis- 
cussion at  Italian  Congress,  1914 — Resolution  Adopted — 
Criticism  by  Oda  Olberg — The  Municipal  Program — The 


xvi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

Italian  Municipal  Elections  of  1914 — General  Results — 
Victories  at  Naples  and  Ancona — The  General  Strike  and 
Municipal  Elections — The  Municipal  Program  in  the 
United  States — Discussion  of  the  Commission  Form  of 
City  Government  at  the  Convention  of  1912 — A  Suggested 
Model  City  Charter — A  Suggested  Municipal  Program — 
Municipal  Platform  of  New  York  City,  1913 — Socialist 
Administration  in  Berkeley — Socialist  Administration  in 
Butte — Message  of  Mayor  Lunn  of  Schenectady — Social- 
ist Municipal  Platform  in  Schenectady — Message  of 
Mayor  Seidel  of  Milwaukee — Accomplishments  in  ^lil- 
waukee — Socialist  Municipal  Platform — Municipal  Taxa- 
tion, from  British  Fabian  Tract  by  Sidney  Webb. 

XVII.  CO-OPEKATION  582 

International  Congress  of  Copenhagen.  1910 — American 
Socialist  Convention  of  1912 — The  Majority  Report 
Adopted  by  the  Convention — The  ilinority  Report — 
Speech  of  W.  R.  Gaylord,  Favoring  the  Report. 

XVIII.  The  Drixk  Question 586 

Report  to  the  Proposed  International  Socialist  Congress 

of  Vienna,  1914,  by  Vandervelde — The  French  Congress 
of  1914 — The  American  Congress  of  1912. 

XIX.  Woman   Suffrage 594 

The  International  Congress  of  Stuttgart,  1907 — The 
Conference  of  the  British  Labor  Party,  1913 — Congress- 
man Berger's  Resolution,  U.  S.,  1912. 

XX.  Education 602 

The  Struggle  of  the  Belgian  Socialists  for  non-Sec- 
tarian Education — Manifesto  of  the  General  Council  of 
the  Labor  Party  Against  the  Sectarian  School  Law — 
Declaration  of  the  Socialist  Group  in  tlie  Senate  After 
the  Passage  of  the  Law — Report  on  Industrial  Educa- 
tion, American  Party  Convention,  1912. 

APPENDIX 

Pbepabedness        609 

Index 633 


PART  I 
THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 


SECTION  I 
THE  INTERNATIONAL 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  SOCIALISTS  AND   THE  NEW  INTER- 
NATIONAL * 

I.   HISTORICAL  SKETCH 

"On  one  of  the  last  days  of  November,  1847,  a  handful 
of  political  refugees,  mostly  Germans,  met  in  an  obscure 
clubroom  in  East  London  to  hear  the  report  of  two  of 
their  associates  who  had  undertaken  to  prepare  a  state- 
ment of  principles  to  be  issued  in  the  name  of  their  organ- 
ization, the  Communist  League.  It  was  a  most  unusual 
document,  that  Communist  Manifesto,  to  which  they  lis- 
tened in  rapt  attention — a  searching  analysis  of  modern 
society  in  the  light  of  historical  and  economic  science;  a 
challenge  to  all  established  powers,  a  ringing  battle-cry, 
a  comprehensive  program,  and  all  within  the  space,  say, 
of  eight  pages  of  this  [the  Metropolitmi]  magazine.  At 
the  closing  words — 'Workingmen  of  all  countries,  unite! 
You  have  nothing  to  lose  but  your  chains;  you  have  a 
world  to  gain ! ' — the  little  gathering  voted  enthusiastic  ap- 
proval and  resolved  to  give  this  declaration  the  widest 
publicity  their  scanty  means  would  permit.    They  felt  that, 

*  This  brief  statement  of  the  origin  of  the  Socialist  movement,  by  Al- 
gernon Lee,  one  of  the  best  known  of  American  Socialist  writers,  ap- 
peared in  the  Metropolitan  Magazine  for  July,  1914. 

3 


4  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

though  the  words  were  the  words  of  Karl  Marx  and  Fred- 
erick Engels,  the  real  author  was  the  working-class  itself, 
then  just  beginning  to  wake  to  a  consciousness  of  its 
wrongs,  its  rights,  and  its  power.  .   .  . 

"The  Socialist  movement,  which  was  born  that  Novem- 
ber day,  grew  very  slowly  at  first.  The  International 
Workingmen's  Association  did  not  come  into  being  till 
1864.  Twelve  years  later  it  was  dissolved,  and  its  enemies 
joyfully  announced  that  'Socialism  is  dead.'  Their  re- 
joicing was  premature.  The  preceding  year,  1875,  had 
seen  the  foundation  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  in 
Germany,  in  several  other  countries  Socialist  parties  were 
taking  form,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  move- 
ment was  actually  stronger  than  ever  before.  No  national 
frontiers  could  confine  it,  no  racial  antipathies  could  with- 
stand the  force  with  which  it  fused  the  working-people 
into  one  brotherhood.  Wherever  the  railway  and  the  fac- 
tory made  their  appearance,  wherever  peasants  and  handi- 
craftsmen were  being  transformed  into  industrial  wage- 
workers,  there  Socialism  sprang  up,  with  Trade-Unionism 
by  its  side.  .  .  . 

"In  1889  the  first  of  a  new  series  of  International  So- 
cialist Congresses  was  held  at  Paris,  and  similar  gatherings 
have  since  taken  place  at  intervals  of  two  to  four  years. 
The  ninth  was  the  special  congress  which  met  at  Basel  in 
November,  1912,  to  concert  measures  for  preventing  the 
Balkan  conflict  from  embroiling  the  great  nations  in  a 
general  war.  .   .   . 

"The  new  International  is  not  a  centralized  body.  The 
party  in  each  country  enjoys  full  autonomy,  but  all  are 
kept  in  mutual  touch  through  the  permanent  Interna- 
tional Socialist  Bureau,  which  has  its  office  in  Brussels; 
and  all  send  delegates  to  the  congresses,  where  questions 
of   principle   and  policy  are  discussed  with  the  utmost 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL        5 

freedom,  sometimes  so  sharply  that  outside  observers  think 
the  movement  is  sure  to  split  in  twain.  .   .   . 

**In  every  country  the  nucleus  of  the  movement  is  an 
organized  party  whose  members  pay  monthly  dues  and 
which  carries  on  a  many-sided  and  year-round  campaign 
by  means  of  lectures,  study  classes,  mass  meetings,  street- 
corner  speeches,  sale  of  newspapers,  magazines,  books  and 
pamphlets,  distribution  of  leaflets,  and  other  activities. 
Germany  has,  of  course,  the  largest  party,  with  more  than 
a  million  members;  the  United  States  already  has  over 
one  hundred  thousand.  .   .   . 

"Ten  years  ago  the  voting  strength  of  Socialism 
throughout  the  world  was  between  five  and  six  millions. 
To-day,  on  the  most  moderate  computation,  it  exceeds 
eleven  millions.  Taking  into  account  the  limitation  of 
the  suffrage  in  various  countries,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the 
number  of  its  avowed  adherents  is  three  or  four  times 
greater  than  that  shown  at  the  polls — say  ten  per  cent  of 
the  adult  population  of  the  civilized  world." 

The  following  review  of  the  first  seven  International 
Congresses — from  that  of  Paris  in  1889  to  that  of  Stutt- 
gart in  1907 — is  taken  from  the  account  of  Jean  Longuet, 
grandson  of  Karl  Marx,  and  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
French  Socialist  Party,  in  the  volume  entitled  Le  Mouve- 
ment  Socialiste  Internationale  of  the  series  called  the  En- 
cyclopedic Socialiste,  edited  by  Compere-Morel.  The  ac- 
count of  the  Copenhagen  Congress  (1910)  is  taken  from 
the  report  of  the  American  Socialist  delegation.  The  re- 
ports to  the  proposed  Vienna  Congress  of  1914  are  from 
the  summaries  of  the  Socialist  press. 

All  important  Socialist  discussions  and  resolutions  relat- 
ing directly  to  war  are  to  be  found  in  William  English 
Walling 's    volume.    Socialists    and    the    War.     Thus    the 


6  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

special  congress  of  Basel  (1913),  the  discussion  of  meas- 
ures to  be  taken  in  case  of  war  at  the  congresses  of  1891, 
1893,  1900,  1907,  and  1910,  the  discussion  of  colonialism 
in  1910,  and  the  report  on  imperialism  for  the  proposed 
congress  of  Vienna  (1914)  are  omitted  from  this  volume 
and  presented  in  the  other. 

II.   CONGRESS  OF  PARIS,   1889 

(From  Longuet) 

"The  first  congress  of  the  new  International  Socialist 
movement  was  held  at  Paris  on  the  one-hundredth  anni- 
versary of  the  taking  of  the  Bastile,  July  14,  1889.  Be- 
sides 221  French  delegates,  it  included  an  imposing  dele- 
gation from  beyond  the  Rhine.  Our  German  comrades 
were  then  in  the  midst  of  the  full  tide  of  Bismarckian 
reaction  and  the  regime  of  the  anti-Socialist  law — under 
which  the  entire  Socialist  press  was  suppressed,  and  mili- 
tants filled  the  imperial  prisons.  But  their  superb  organ- 
ization came  out  victorious  from  all  these  trials,  and  they 
sent  81  delegates.  In  their  name,  the  old  soldier  of  the 
revolution,  William  Liebknecht,  said:  'Laboring  Germany 
and  laboring  France  are  uniting  at  this  moment.  This  is 
not  a  congress  of  ideologists;  we  are  contracting  an  alli- 
ance which  will  have  its  effect  in  the  entire  world.' 

"In  the  German  delegation,  besides  Liebknecht,  were 
Bebel,  Bernstein,  Molkenbuhr,  Vollmar,  Clara  Zetkin,  and 
the  majority  of  the  Socialist  members  of  the  Reichstag. 

"England  had  22  delegates,  among  whom  were  J.  Keir 
Hardie,  John  Burns,  Eleanor  Marx  (youngest  daughter 
of  Karl  Marx),  and  Cunningham  Graham. 

"Belgium  had  14  delegates,  including  Anseele,  Cesar 
de  Paepe,  Jean  Volders,  Defuisseaux;  Austria  had  8,  one 
of  whom  was  Victor  Adler ;  Spain  sent  2,  one  being  Pablo 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL        7 

Inglesias;  Holland  sent  4,  including  Domela  Nieuwenhuis 
and  van  Vliegen ;  Italy  5,  including  Andrea  Costa  and  A. 
Cipriani;  Russia  6,  among  whom  were  Pierre  Lavroff  and 
Georges  Plechhanoff.  There  were  also  at  the  Congress 
3  Swedish  comrades,  1  Bulgarian,  5  Roumanians,  5  Amer- 
icans, 3  Norwegians,  3  Danes,  1  Portuguese,  1  Bohemian, 
5  Poles,  including  L.  Winiarsky,  3  Hungarians,  including 
the  former  minister  of  labor  of  the  Commune,  Leo 
Franckel. 

"Never  before  had  there  been  so  representative  an  as- 
sembly of  the  proletariat  of  all  countries.  Never  had  the 
International  appeared  more  alive,  more  vigorous,  than  in 
arising  from  the  tomb  in  which  the  reaction  following  the 
Paris  Commune  of  1871  had  seemingly  buried  it. 

''French  Socialism  at  this  time  was  marred  by  deep 
internal  discord.  The  groups  of  the  'Possibilist'  Labor 
Party,  together  with  the  Parisian  labor  unions,  quar- 
reled with  the  groups  of  the  Labor  Party  of  Guesde,  the 
central  revolutionary  committee,  and  the  national  federa- 
tion of  unions,  over  the  right  of  representing  France  at 
the  Congress. 

"The  Germans  tried  to  arrange  a  preliminary  confer- 
ence so  as  to  elect  a  common  organizing  committee  for 
the  Congress.  The  'possibilists'  refused  to  participate  in 
it  or  to  meet  with  the  other  French  groups.  The  latter, 
therefore,  in  conjunction  with  the  delegates  from  the  Eng- 
lish Social  Democratic  Federation,  and  certain  English 
trade-unionists,  organized  separately.  The  Belgian,  Ital- 
ian, and  Dutch  delegates  participated  in  both  assemblies. 
Thus  two  congresses  developed  and  continued  to  meet 
separately.    Fusion  was  not  effected." 


8  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

m.   THE   CONGRESS  OP  BRUSSELS,   1891 

(From  Longuet) 

"This  Congress  brought  about  the  union  of  the  elements 
represented  in  the  two  separate  congresses  of  Paris.  For 
the  first  time  since  1882,  they  deliberated  together — 
though  only  for  a  few  days — the  antagonistic  factions  in 
the  French  section  still  needing  many  years  for  the  real- 
ization of  complete  unity.  Besides  the  resolution  on  war 
[which  is  included  in  Socialists  and  tlie  'War'\  this  Con- 
gress concerned  itself  with  defining  the  Socialist  attitude  to- 
wards social  reform  and  labor  legislation.  The  Congress 
'placed  itself  on  the  ground  of  the  class  struggle,  in  the 
conviction  that  there  can  be  no  possibility  of  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  working-class  as  long  as  there  are  ruling 
classes.'  This  resolution  was  voted  unanimously.  The 
eloquent  young  leader  of  the  Belgian  Socialists,  Emile 
Vandervelde,  celebrated  the  occurrence  in  these  terms: 
'For  the  first  time  revolutionary  Socialists  and  Trade- 
Unionists  have  found  themselves  in  agreement  in  proclaim- 
ing the  necessity  of  the  class  struggle.  There  is  a  new 
fact  without  precedent;  the  Socialists  of  the  entire  world 
are  united,  according  to  the  words  of  Karl  Marx:  "Pro- 
letariat of  the  world,  unite."  '  " 

For  a  further  account  of  this  Congress  see  Part  II,  Chapter  IV, 
"Labor  Legislation." 

IV.   THE   CONGRESS  OF  ZURICH,    1893 
(From  Longuet) 

"This  Congress  concerned  itself  chiefly  with  considera- 
tion of  the  general  strike  as  a  means  of  preventing  war 
and  'parliamentarism.' 

"The  admission  of  the  'anarchists'  to  the  Congress  had 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL        9 

first  to  be  considered.  [By '  anarchists, '  Longuet  here  means 
those  revolutionists  who,  while  seeking  a  socialistic  order 
of  society,  yet  oppose  political  action  as  a  means  for  at- 
taining it,  or  who  favor  political  action  in  elections  only 
as  a  means  of  agitation,  but  without  reliance  upon  par- 
liamentary action].  This  question  was  complicated  by 
certain  German  anti-parliamentarists  ('Independents' 
and  'Young  Socialists,')  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  In- 
ternational after  the  Congress  of  Erfurt,  1891,  and  who 
were  claiming  admission  to  the  Zurich  Congress.  The 
debate  was  violent  and  absorbed  the  first  two  days'  ses- 
sion. After  a  vigorous  speech  by  Bebel,  'who  defined 
political  action  as  the  utilization  by  the  proletariat  of 
political  rights  and  legislation  for  the  conquest  of  po- 
litical power,'  and  who  asked  'why  they  were  going  to  lose 
three  days  in  discussing  with  people  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  put  out  at  the  end  of  the  third  day,'  the 
Congress  adopted  by  vote  of  16  nationalities  against  2 
(Spain  and  France)  the  resolution  which  has  become 
famous  under  the  name  of  the  Resolution  of  Zurich. 

"One  of  its  leading  principles  was  as  follows:  'All  labor 
unions,  as  well  as  those  parties  and  Socialist  organizations 
which  recognize  the  necessity  of  working-class  organiza- 
tion and  of  political  action,  are  to  be  admitted  to  the 
Congress. ' 

"The  Congress  adopted  Bebel's  definition  of  political 
action  as  given  above,  and  the  anti-parliamentary  factions 
were  excluded. 

"The  proposal  of  an  international  general  strike  against 
war  was  brought  up  by  the  Dutch,  but  the  immense  ma- 
jority voted  against  it.  They  also  asked  that  the  Con- 
gress should  recommend  to  the  labor  parties  of  all  coun- 
tries to  '  make  use  of  the  elections  solely  as  a  means  of 
agitation,'   and  to  'forbid  the  elected  representatives  of 


10         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  proletariat  from  taking  part  in  the  labor  of  Parlia- 
ment. ' 

"Liebknecht  forcefully  refuted  this  conception.  Tac- 
tics are  a  matter  of  an  essentially  practical  nature :  There 
is  no  such  thing  as  revolutionary  or  reactionary  tactics. 
Only  the  aim  is  revolutionary.  Tactics  vary  from  one 
epoch  to  another,  from  one  country  to  another.  If  Ger- 
many was  to-day  in  the  situation  of  Eussia,  the  German 
Socialists  would  employ  no  other  tactics  than  those  of 
the  Russian  terrorists.  .  .  .  Like  tactics,  political  power 
is  itself  neither  reactionary  nor  revolutionary.  What  it 
is  depends  upon  those  who  exercise  it.  It  is  only  an  instru- 
ment which  does  whatever  the  party  that  manipulates  it 
wishes.  .  .  .  'Let  us  believe  in  acts,  rather  than  in  words,' 
he  declared.  'If  the  proletariat  wishes  to  emancipate 
itself  from  the  capitalist  yoke,  it  must  first  emancipate 
itself  from  the  yoke  of  the  revolutionary  phrase.'  "  The 
following  resolution  was  passed: 

"  1.  It  is  necessary  that  the  workers  of  all  countries  should 
organize  nationally  and  internationally  into  labor  unions  and 
other  organizations  for  struggling  against  their  exploiters; 

"  2.  Political  action  is  necessai-y  not  only  from  the  point  of 
view  of  agitation  and  of  the  affirmation  of  Socialist  principles  as 
a  whole,  but  also  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  realization  of 
reforms  of  immediate  interest.  Consequently  we  recommend  to 
the  workers  of  all  countries  to  conquer  political  rights,  and  to 
make  use  of  them  in  all  legislative  and  administrative  boards, 
for  the  purpose  of  realizing  the  demands  of  the  proletariat,  and 
to  gain  possession  of  political  power  which  is  to-day  only  an 
instrument  of  capitalist  domination  in  order  to  transform  it  into 
a  means  of  the  emancipation  of  the  proletariat; 

"3.  The  form  of  political  and  economic  struggle  must  be  de- 
termined according  to  circumstances  by  the  various  nationalities. 
But  in  all  cases  the  revolutionary  aim  of  the  Socialist  move- 
ment must  be  made  fundamental.  Namely  the  complete  trans- 
formation of  present  society  from  the  economic,  moral,  and  po- 
litical points  of  view.     (Our  italics.) 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL      11 

"  In  no  case  can  political  action  be  used  for  compromise  or  for 
alliances,  which  would  contradict  the  principles  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  Socialist  parties." 

This  resolution  was  adopted  by  all  the  nationalities, 
except  Holland.  It  was  supplemented  by  an  amendment 
in  favor  of  the  initiative,  referendum,  and  proportional 
representation. 

V.   THE   CONGRESS  OF  LONDON,   1896 

(From  Longuet) 

"'The  battle  between  the  parliamentarians  and  the  anti- 
parliamentarians  was  renewed  with  vigor.  Divisions 
among  the  French  delegates  added  to  the  intensity  of  the 
conflict.  Under  the  leadership  of  Pernand  Pelloutier, 
secretary  of  the  Federation  of  Labor  Exchanges,  'syndi- 
calists' sought  admission  to  the  Congress  as  representa- 
tives of  the  labor  exchanges.  They  were  supported  by 
the  'Allemanistes'  and  'Blanquists.'  A  majority  of  the 
French  section  endeavored  to  secure  repudiation  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Zurich  resolution  of  1893,  but  the  Con- 
gress reaffirmed  this  resolution  by  vote  of  17  nationalities 
against  2  (France  and  Holland),  and  declared: 

^'  1.  The  Congress  means  by  political  action  all  forms  of  organ- 
ized struggle  for  the  conquest  of  political  power,  and  its  use  in 
the  legislative,  and  administration  of  state  and  municipality  by 
the  working-class  for  the  purpose  of  its  emancipation. 

"  2.  The  Congress  declares  that  the  conquest  of  political  power 
is  the  best  means  by  which  the  woi'kers  may  achieve  their  emanci- 
pation, the  freedom  of  the  man  and  the  citizen,  the  best  means 
by  which  they  can  establish  the  Socialist  Republic. 

"  It  appeals  to  the  workers  of  all  countries  to  unite  in  a  party, 
separate  from  all  bourgeois  political  parties,  and  to  demand 
adult  suffrage,  the  second  ballot,  and  the  initiative  and  refer- 
endum, nationally  and  locally. 

"  3.    The    Congress    declares   also    that    the    emancipation    of 


12         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

woman  is  inseparable  from  that  of  the  worker,  and  appeals  to 
the  women  of  all  countries  to  organize  politically  with  the  workers. 

"The  adoption  by  the  Congress  of  the  following  motion 
of  Wilhelm  Liebknecht  established  a  precedent  which  has 
effected  the  exclusion  of  anarchist  factions  from  all  fur- 
ther congresses  of  the  International: 

"  The  executive  of  the  Congress  is  instructed  to  issue  an  invita- 
tion to  the  next  congress,  exclusively  to  the  following: 

"  1,  The  representatives  of  groups  which  aim  at  the  substitu- 
tion of  Socialist  property  and  production  for  capitalist  property 
and  production,  and  which  consider  legislative  and  parliamentary 
action  as  one  of  the  means  necessary  to  attain  this  end. 

"  2.  To  organizations  of  a  labor  union  character  which,  though 
undertaking  no  aggressive  politics,  acknowledge  the  necessity  of 
legislative  and  pai-liamentary  action.  As  a  consequence,  the 
anarchists  are  excluded."     (Our  italics.) 

(See  also  Part  II,  Chapter  II,  "  The  General  Strike.") 

VI.    THE   CONGRESS    OF   PARIS,    1900 

(From  Longuet) 
"This  Congress  was  held  under  very  unfavorable  con- 
ditions. The  'ministerial  question'  was  raging,  the  So- 
cialist Millerand  having  accepted  a  portfolio  in  the  French 
Cabinet  without  the  consent  of  the  French  Socialists.  Vio- 
lent controversy  had  arisen  with  regard  to  his  conduct 
and  the  precedent  involved.  This  controversy  was  taken 
to  the  Congress  for  adjudication.  After  a  vigorous  po- 
litical debate  in  which  Ferri,  Kautsky,  Auer,  Guesde, 
Jaures,  Vandervelde,  and  others  took  part,  a  finely  shaded 
motion,  edited  by  Karl  Kautsky,  the  great  theorist  of  the 
German  movement,  was  adopted,  as  follows : 

"  The  proletariat  in  a  modern  democratic  state  cannot  obtain 
political  power  accidentally.  It  can  do  so  only  when  the  long 
and  difficult  work  of  political  and  economic  organization  of  the 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL      13 

proletariat  is  at  an  end,  when  its  physical  and  moral  regeneration 
has  been  accomplished,  and  when  more  and  more  seats  have 
been  won  in  municipal  and  other  legislative  bodies. 

"  But  where  the  government  is  centralized,  political  power  can- 
not be  obtained  step  by  step.  If  an  individual  Socialist  becomes 
a  cabinet  minister,  that  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  normal  com- 
mencement of  the  seizure  of  political  power  by  the  proletariat. 
It  must  be  looked  upon  only  as  a  temporary  makeshift. 

"  Whether  in  any  particular  set  of  circumstances  such  a  make- 
shift ought  to  be  adopted  is  a  question  not  of  principles  but  of 
tactics,  on  which  the  Congress  can  make  no  decision.  But  in  any 
case  this  dangerous  experiment  can  be  of  use  only  if  it  is  agreed 
upon  by  the  party  as  a  whole,  and  on  the  understanding  that  the 
Socialist  minister  is,  and  remains,  the  representative  of  this  party. 
(Our  italics.) 

"  Where  the  Socialist  minister  becomes  independent  of  his  party, 
where  he  ceases  to  be  its  representative,  his  entry  into  the  Cabinet 
becomes  a  means  of  weakening  rather  than  of  strengthening  the 
proletariat;  it  tends,  not  to  bring  nearer  the  time  when  the  pro- 
letariat shall  have  political  power  in  its  own  hands,  but  rather 
to  postpone  it. 

"Plechanoff  proposed  the  following  amendment,  which 
was  also  adopted : 

"  The  Congress  lays  it  down  that  a  Socialist  is  bound  to  resign 
from  a  bourgeois  cabinet  if  the  organized  party  declares  that 
the  Cabinet  has  in  any  way  acted  unfairly  in  the  economic 
struggle  between  Capital  and  Labor. 

' '  This  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  votes  of  24  nations 
to  9  (each  'nation'  had  two  votes).  The  opposition  was 
made  up  of  the  2  votes  of  Bulgaria  and  Ireland  and  1 
each  of  Poland,  Russia,  Italy,  the  United  States,  and,  of 
course,  France. 

"On  the  question  of  alliances  with  other  parties,  the 
Congress  declared: 

"  The  class  struggle  forbids  every  kind  of  alliance  with  any 
faction  whatever  of  the  capitalist  class,  unless  exceptional  cir- 


14        THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

cumstanees  may  make  coalitions  necessary  in  some  places — that 
is,  without  any  confusion  of  program  or  tactics — coalitions  which 
the  party  must  reduce  to  the  minimum  until  their  complete 
elimination;  they  cannot  be  tolerated  except  in  so  far  as  their 
necessity  is  recos^nized  by  the  district  or  national  organization  to 
which  the  groups  which  compose  them  [i.e.  which  enter  them] 
belong." 

This  Congress  also  laid  the  foundation  for  the  first 
permanent  organization,  to  continue  the  work  of  the  Inter- 
national Congresses.  This  resulted  in  the  formation  of 
the  International  Socialist  Bureau.  The  bureau  is  com- 
posed of  permanent  delegates  from  each  country,  called 
"international  secretaries" — the  larger  countries  naming 
two  each,  the  smaller  countries  one.  It  held  one  or  more 
sessions  every  year  from  1904  to  1914  inclusive.  In  the 
meanwhile  it  was  represented  by  an  executive  committee, 
composed  of  Belgian  Socialists,  with  its  headquarters  at 
the  Maison  du  Peuple  at  Brussels.  From  its  organization 
up  to  the  present  time  Emile  Vandervelde  has  been  the 
chairman  of  this  committee  and  Camille  Huysmans  has 
been  its  secretary. 


VII.    THE    CONGRESS   OF   AMSTERDAM,    1904 

(From  Official  Report) 
At  this  Congress,  as  at  the  Congress  of  Paris,  the  chief 
subject  of  discussion  was  whether  or  not  Socialists  should 
be  allowed  to  form  a  part  of  progressive  capitalistic  gov- 
ernments in  coalition  with  non-Socialist  parties.  Mil- 
lerand's  participation  in  the  recent  Waldeck-Rousseau 
ministry  still  occasioned  acrimonious  controversy.  The 
French  Socialists  were  at  this  time  divided  into  two  en- 
tirely separate  parties:  one,  headed  by  Jaures,  indorsed 
Millerand's  action;  the  other,  headed  by  Guesde,  opposed 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL      15 

it.  As  the  Socialists  of  the  South  German  countries, 
Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  and  Baden,  had  shown  by  recent 
action  that  they  were  in  substantial  agreement  with 
Jaures — at  least  to  the  extent  of  voting  in  favor  of  the 
budgets  of  existing  governments,  under  certain  circum- 
stances— the  matter  had  been  taken  up  by  the  German 
Party  at  their  recent  congress  at  Dresden,  where  a  resolu- 
tion had  been  passed  by  a  majority  of  288  to  11  votes, 
condemning  the  Jaures  "revisionist"  position.  This  same 
resolution  was  presented  to  the  Amsterdam  Congress,  and 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  25  to  5  (12  not  voting).  It  was 
known  as  the  Dresden  resolution,  and  was  as  follows: 

The  Congress  expresses  its  entire  disapproval  of  the  revisionist 
policy — that  is,  of  the  attempt  to  change  our  well-tried  and  suc- 
cessful policy  of  the  class  war  by  giving  up  all  efforts  to  seize 
the  political  power  out  of  the  hands  of  our  opponents  and  replace 
such  tactics  by  compromising  with  them. 

The  result  of  the  revisionist  tactics  would  be  that  the  party 
which  is  striving  for  the  speediest  replacement  of  the  existing 
system  by  one  on  Socialist  lines,  the  party  which,  therefore,  in 
the  best  sense  of  the  term  is  revolutionary,  would  become  merely 
one  for  amending  existing  society. 

And,  therefore,  the  Congress  holds,  in  disagreement  with  the 
revisionists,  that  class  opposition  cannot  be  smoothed  over,  but 
that,  on  the  contrary,  it  becomes  constantly  greater,  and  it  de- 
clares : 

1.  That  the  party  declines  all  responsibility  for  the  political 
and  economic  conditions  which  arise  out  of  the  capitalist  system 
of  production,  and  accordingly  refuses  to  support  any  action 
which  tends  to  keep  the  existing  ruling  class  in  power. 

2.  That  in  accordance  with  the  resolution  of  Kautsky  at  the 
International  Socialist  Congress  in  Paris  in  the  year  1900,  Social 
Democracy  cannot  exercise  supreme  power  in  society  as  at  present 
constituted. 

The  Congress  further  disapproves  of  any  attempt  to  make  light 
of  class  differences  in  order  to  smooth  the  way  for  union  with 
the  non-Socialist  parties. 

The  Congress  looks  to  the  Social  Democratic  parties  to  use 


16         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  influence  which  an  increased  membership  and  an  increased 
number  of  votes  gives  them,  to  continue  to  spread  information 
as  to  what  is  the  aspiration  of  Social  Democracy,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  principles  of  our  program,  to  push  forward  with 
all  their  might  the  interests  of  the  working-classes,  to  extend 
and  to  safeguard  political  freedom  and  equal  rights  everywhere, 
to  oppose  even  more  energetically  than  before  the  spirit  of  mili- 
tarism, whether  on  land  or  on  water,  to  oppose  all  colonial  and 
imperial  policy,  and  all  injustice,  oppression,  and  exploitation 
in  every  form,  and  finally  to  extend  social  legislation  in  every 
direction  and  to  make  it  possible  for  the  working-classes  to  fulfill 
their  destiny  in  the  political  and  the  general  life  of  the  age. 
(Our  italics.) 

Kautsky's  resolution  with  Plechanoff's  amendment,  as 
adopted  by  the  Paris  Congress  of  1900,  was  reaffirmed. 

The  discussion  at  this  Congress  was  of  such  exceptional 
importance  that  we  quote  the  very  significant  speeches  of 
Bebel  and  Jaures  on  the  two  sides  of  the  question  at  issue, 
the  fundamental  question  of  Socialist  politics. 

The  speech  of  Jean  Jaures  was,  in  part,  as  follows : 

We  demand  that  we  [the  International  Congress]  take  account 
of  the  Socialist,  revolutionary,  republican  proletariat  who  have 
opposed  those  of  the  other  Socialist  faction  in  France  who 
declared  that  the  republic,  and  the  secularization  of  the  schools 
were  not  worth  an  hour's  time  of  the  proletariat,  and  ought  to 
be  sacrificed  for  the  hope  of  the  automatic  installation  of  a  col- 
lectivist  regime  through  the  play  of  blind  forces.  It  is  we  who 
will  demand  an  account  of  Vaillant  for  his  denial  of  the  secular, 
revolutionary,  republican  traditions  of  the  Blanquists.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

It  is  not  the  situation  in  France  that  disturbs  me.  I  thor- 
oughly recognize  that  impliedly  or  explicitly  the  Dresden  resolu- 
tion recognizes  the  double  necessity  of  an  immediate  and  of  a 
revolutionary  Socialist  action.  It  is  right  in  saying  that  Social- 
ism must  be  carried  on  by  a  class  organization,  independent  in 
its  end  and  actions  and  devoted  to  the  complete  transformation 
of  the  capitalist  system  with  the  object  of  abolishing  all  ex- 
ploitation and  restoring  to  the  collective  workers  all  the  fruits 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL       17 

of  their  labor.  All  our  reforms  have  for  their  revolutionary 
object  the  emancipation  of  oppressed  and  exploited  labor.  (Ap- 
plause.) But  you  must  recognize  that  Socialism  must  make  its 
appeal  to  all  the  forces  of  democracy  if  it  is  to  accomplish  im- 
mediate reforms.  We  must  not  cease  to  gi-asp  and  to  utilize 
democratic  evolution  to  further  proletarian  evolution  whenever 
it  has  need  of  such  assistance. 

I  have  heard  Guesde  [leader  of  the  French  Socialist  faction 
opposed  to  Jaures]  at  a  previous  meeting,  where  we  have  spoken 
together  in  Socialist  propaganda,  declare  that  out  of  thirty-seven 
million  citizens,  not  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  individuals 
had  purely  capitalist  class  interests.  I  have  heard  Bebel  say 
the  same  thing.  It  Avould  be  foolish  to  leave  this  half -developed 
democracy  to  itself.  This  is  why  it  is  necessary  that  the  pro- 
letariat with  its  close  organization  must  make  use  of  all  democ- 
racy. The  "  Socialistic  Radical "  Party  of  France  is  neither 
proletarian  nor  capitalist,  counting  among  its  members  the 
artisans  of  the  small  industries  and  the  country  workers.  This 
party  will  accept  partial  reforms  such  as  secularization,  pro- 
gressive income  tax,  inheritance  tax,  and  the  progressive  social- 
ization of  mines,  insurance,  sugar  factories,  and  all  monopolistic 
industries.  We  do  not  need  to  merge  ourselves  with  them,  but 
we  would  be  fools  and  criminals  to  reject  their  co-operation  if 
we  may  thereby  realize  possible  reforms  which  would  hasten  the 
coming  of  the  new  era.     (Applause.) 

That  which  leads  me  to  vote  against  the  Dresden  resolution 
is  that  it  appears  to  me  to  be  an  attempt  to  set  forth  as  a 
supreme  formula  of  Socialism  what  is  really  but  a  Socialist 
tradition.  To  Bebel,  Fern,  and  Kautsky  I  will  say  that  it  is 
a  singular  method  of  establishing  Socialist  unity  in  France  to 
place  a  weapon  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  factions  to  be  used 
against  the  other.  Above  all  else,  I  am  opposed  to  the  Dresden 
resolution  because  it  implies  a  sort  of  deep  distrust  of  the  pro- 
letariat. Its  authors  seem  to  fear  that  the  proletariat  will  com- 
promise itself  and  lose  itself  through  its  collaboration  with 
democracy.  The  International  Socialism  which  would  renovate 
the  entire  world  and  free  it  from  capitalism  speaks  to  the  pro- 
letariat which  it  expects  to  accomplish  this  as  if  it  were  an 
incompetent  minor  incapable  of  directing  itself, — a  blind  man  in 
a  strange  city.  It  is  as  a  protest  against  this  position  that  we- 
oppose  the  Dresden  resolution.     It  is  because  it  would  seek  to- 


18         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

limit  the  diverse  activity  of  the  proletariat  by  narrow  rules  and 
bind  and  injure  the  working-class  where  it  has  the  need  of  the 
greatest  liberty  of  initiation  and  activity. 

The  more  mature  and  stronger  the  proletariat  is  in  any  coun- 
try the  more  decisively  does  it  move  toward  our  tactics.  Wherever 
freedom  of  movement  and  action  rules,  there  new  problems  arise. 
So  it  is  in  Italy,  where  the  bourgeois  democracy  is  ready  to  take 
new  forward  steps  if  Socialism  does  not  neglect  to  fulfill  its 
political  role.  In  England  labor  organizations  are  beginning  to 
come  to  Socialism.  Bebel  says  that  it  was  the  reforms  of  the 
English  bourgeoisie  which  prevented  the  adherence  of  the  pro- 
letariat [there]  to  class-conscious  Socialism.  I  think,  on  the 
contrary,  that  class-conscious  Socialism  has  not  in  its  beginning 
had  a  sufficiently  close  contact  Avith  labor  organizations.  It  was 
a  misfortune  that  the  Socialist  parties  were  not  closely  united 
to  the  ti'ade-unions  at  the  beginning  and  that  they  were  so 
dominated  by  revolutionary  catastrophic  theories.  Because  they 
stood  waiting  for  a  catastrophic  revolution  the  English  Socialists 
have  not  been  able  to  become  a  part  of  the  gi-eat  labor  movement. 
The  bond  between  the  proletariat  and  Socialism  is  just  now  grow- 
ing, but  this  is  because  of  Socialist  political  activity  in  social 
reforms.  In  Belgium  it  is  possible  to  overthrow  the  Clerical  Party 
within  two  years  if  the  Liberals  and  Socialists  unite.  .   .    . 

When  the  German  Socialists  brought  this  resolution  before  the 
International  Congress  they  labored  under  a  fatal  illusion  because 
they  thought  that  their  national  rule  might  be  made  to  serve  as 
a  uniform  international  regulation  adaptable  to  the  internal  sit- 
uation of  every  country.  ...  In  seeking  to  force  their  Dresden 
resolution  upon  us  they  but  communicate  to  the  International 
Congress  the  spirit  of  uncertainty  and  of  hesitation  with  which 
they  are  stricken.  You  have  given  to  International  Socialism  a 
method  of  action  and  of  systematic  organization.  You  are  a 
great  party,  and  to  you  belongs  the  future  of  Germany.  .  .  . 
But  there  is  a  great  contrast  between  the  appearance  and  the 
reality  of  your  great  force  in  spite  of  your  electoral  success.  It 
is  apparent  to  the  eyes  of  all  that  this  formidable  electoral  force 
of  yours,  valuable  as  it  may  be  for  propaganda,  has  little  effect 
because  you  refuse  to  utilize  democratic  instruments  which  are 
necessary  to  Jiive  it  effect.  The  Dresden  resolution  will  impose 
upon  the  whole  international  movement  the  rules  of  inaction  and 
necessity  of   inaction  which  it   has  imposed  upon  the  German 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL       19 

movement,  which  have  taken  the  instruments  for  transformation 
from  the  German  pi-oletariat.  .  .  .  They  have  not  conquered  uni- 
versal suffrage  and  democracy,  they  have  received  it  from  above, 
and  to-day  those  who  gave  it  threaten  to  withdraw  it.  And  so 
it  is  that  you  in  your  "  red  kingdom  "  of  Saxony  may  find  your 
universal  suffrage  taken  away  from  you  without  a  possibility 
of  resistance.  .  .  .  You  have  no  revolutionary  tradition.  You 
are  the  only  country  in  the  world  where  Socialism  will  not  be 
enacted  when  it  secures  a  majority.  You  have  no  true  parlia- 
mentary regime,  for  your  parliament  is,  after  all,  but  a  play- 
thing in  the  hands  of  more  powerful  forces.  You  are,  therefore, 
neither  parliamentary  nor  revolutionary  Socialists.  To  be  sure, 
you  are  large  and  strong;  you  have  your  destiny.  Humanity 
vraited  upon  your  Congress  at  Dresden.  At  least  Voricaerts  has 
proclaimed  that  the  kingdom  was  yours  after  the  election  and 
that  you  would  convoke  the  International  at  Berlin,  but  the  fact 
is  that  you  are  powerless.  (Applause.)  You  have  blindly  groped 
hither  and  thither  and  concealed  your  powerlessness  of  action  by 
taking  refuge  in  theoretical  formulas  that  conceal  the  political 
aim.  (Applause.)  And  now  you  would  seek  to  bind  the  Inter- 
national with  all  its  forces,  all  its  powers,  and  make  it  share 
your  temporai-y  powerlessness,  your  momentary  inactivity. 

Where  then  does  your  movement  encounter  opposition?  In 
France,  Belgium,  England,  Switzerland,  those  countries  where 
democratic  life  is  most  intense  and  most  effective,  and  it  is  just 
th*s  fact  which  proves  that  your  Dresden  resolution  is  a  menace 
to  the  International. 

August  Bebel  replied,  in  part,  as  follows: 

The  speech  which  Comrade  Jaures  has  made  to-day  would  give 
you  the  wholly  false  impression  that  we  German  Social  Dem- 
ocrats had  called  forth  this  debate.  Neither  before  nor  since  the 
Dresden  Congress  have  we  thought  of  such  a  thing  for  a  moment. 
It  is  due  much  more  to  a  fraction  of  the  French  comi-ades  who 
believe  that  our  Dresden  resolution  should  be  adopted  as  the 
foundation  of  the  tactics  of  the  Social  Democrats  in  all  par- 
liamentary ruled  countries.  .  .  .  The  causes  that  had  led  us  to 
adopt  it  in  Germany  have  appeared  in  a  large  number  of  other 
countries.  .  .  .  Events  since  the  Paris  Congress  of  1900  have 
shown  that,  in  spite  of  the  unanimous  adoption  of  the  Kautsky 
resolution,   these   tendencies,   these   practices   have  continued  to 


20         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

advance  and  in  many  countries  have  secured  an  important  influ- 
ence. Therefore,  it  is  doubly  desirable  to  pass  judgment  on  these 
tendencies.  ... 

Jaures  says  [the  Dresden  resolution]  belongs  only  to  mon- 
archical Germany.  To  be  sure,  Germany  is  not  only  one  mon- 
archy, it  is  almost  two  dozen  monarchies.  .  .  .  It  is  a  reactionary, 
feudalistic,  police  dominated  land — one  of  the  worst-ruled  coun- 
tries in  Europe.  We  know  this  who  have  to  fight  this  system 
day  after  day  and  who  bear  the  traces  of  its  workings  upon  our 
bodies.  We  do  not  need  anyone  from  other  countries  to  tell  us  in 
what  miserable  conditions  we  are.  But  the  facts  are  such  that 
our  resolution  may  perhaps  give  the  correct  tactics  to  be  fol- 
lowed in  other  countries. 

My  opinions  on  monarchy  and  republic  have  been  frequently 
given  in  no  unmistakable  manner  in  the  bourgeois  press.  ...  It 
goes  without  saying  that  we  are  republicans,  SociaUst  republicans, 
.  .  .  but  we  do  not  rush  after  the  bourgeois  republic.  However 
much  we  may  envy  you  French  on  account  of  your  republic,  and 
however  much  we  may  wish  it,  we  do  not  think  it  is  worth  while 
to  let  our  heads  be  cracked  for  it.  (Thunderous  applause.) 
Whether  bourgeois  monarchy  or  bourgeois  republic,  both  are  class 
states,  .    .    .  supporters  of  the  capitalist  social  order.  .   .   . 

Monarchy  is  not  so  bad  as  you  paint  it,  nor  the  republic  so 
good.  Even  in  our  military,  agrarian,  police  Germany  we  have 
institutions  which  would  be  ideal  in  comparison  with  those  of 
your  bourgeois  republic.  Look  at  the  tax  legislation  in  Prussia 
and  other  individual  states  and  then  look  at  France.  I  know  of 
no  other  country  in  Europe  that  has  so  oppressive,  reactionary, 
exploiting  a  system  of  taxation  as  France.  In  opposition  to  this 
exhausting  system  with  a  budget  of  three  and  a  half  billion 
francs,  we  at  least  have  a  progressive  income  and  property  tax. 

And  so  far  as  concerns  the  improvement  of  the  laboring-class, 
the  bourgeois  repi;blic  also  utilizes  all  its  forces  asrainst  the 
laborer.  Where  are  the  laborers  used  with  a  more  universal  and 
oppressive  brutality  than  in  the  great  bourgeois  republic  on  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean,  the  ideal  of  so  many  of  you "?  In  Switzer- 
land also,  a  far  more  democratic  republic  than  even  France,  sis 
times  in  this  last  short  summer  the  militia  has  been  used  against 
the  laborers  who  sought  to  make  use  of  the  richt  of  coalition  and 
union  through  their  small  strikes.  I  em^  you  and  your  republic, 
especially   on   account   of  the  universal   suffrage  for  all   repre- 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL       21 

sentative  bodies.  But  I  tell  you  frankly  that  if  we  had  the 
suffrage  in  the  same  degree  and  with  the  same  freedom  as  you, 
we  would  have  shown  you  something  wholly  different  (tremendous 
applause)  from  what  you  have  yet  shown  us.  .    .    . 

What  is  your  militia  to-day  other  than  a  most  acceptable  instru- 
ment for  the  maintenance  of  class  dominion?  There  has  been 
no  great  battle  in  the  last  four  years,  either  at  Lille,  Roubaix, 
Marseilles,  Brest,  Llartinique,  or  more  recently  in  Normandy, 
against  the  striking  workers  in  which  the  Waldeck-Rousseau- 
Millerand  ministry  and  the  Combes  ministry  have  not  used  the 
military  against  the  laborers.  In  November  the  Paris  police  broke 
into  the  Parisian  labor  headquarters  in  the  most  shamefully 
violent  manner  and  wounded  and  clubbed  70  laborers,  and  then 
some  of  our  Socialist  friends  in  the  Chamber  refused  to  vote 
for  the  punishment  of  the  chief  of  police.  (Hisses.)  Jaures 
has  delivered  a  lecture  to  us  about  what  we  should  do.  I  will  only 
tell  him  that  if  in  Germany  anyone  had  thought,  for  the  sake  of 
favoring  the  Government,  of  supporting  an  order  of  the  day 
which  surrendered  the  most  important  interest  of  the  proletariat, 
he  would  find  himself  on  the  next  day  without  any  vote  (tre- 
mendous applause),  he  would  not  remain  a  representative  of  the 
people  another  hour.    We  are  too  well  disciplined  for  that. 

Jaures  said  that  the  Dresden  resolution  betrayed  a  spirit  of 
uncertainty  and  doubt.  I  am  greatly  astonished  that  so  widely 
cultured  and  historically  correct  a  man  as  Comrade  Jaures  should 
make  such  a  statement  concerning  the  Dresden  resolution  and  the 
German  Social  Democracy.  With  the  exception  of  Turkey  and 
Russia  we  Germans  have  the  worst-ruled  government  in  Europe. 
But,  in  spite  of  that,  by  means  of  the  universal  suffrage  in  the 
Reichstag  and  the  corrupted  suffrage  for  the  individual  states, 
we  have  sent  a  great  number  of  representatives  to  the  legislative 
bodies  of  Germany.  Have  these  representatives  ever  rejected 
any  reform,  ever  refused  to  support  an  advance*?  Just  the  con- 
trary. If  we  have  secured  the  least  little  bit  of  political  and 
social  advance  in  Germany,  we  Social  Democrats  can  ascribe  it 
alone  to  our  account  ("Bravo!").  ,  .  .  Only  by  us  are  they 
forced  and  whipped  on  to  reform,  and  the  Social  Democrats  are  so 
charitable  as  to  accept  all  concessions  that  they  can  wring  from 
their  opponents,  whenever  an  advance  is  actually  offered,  whether 
to-day  from  the  Government,  to-morrow  from  the  Liberal  parties, 
or  the  day  after  from  the  Center.    But  in  the  next  hour  we  will 


22         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

fight  them  all,  Center,  government  representatives,  and  Liberals, 
as  our  constant  enemies.  The  bottomless  abyss  between  us  and 
the  Government,  as  well  as  the  bourgeois  parties,  is  not  forgotten 
for  a  moment.  In  England,  also,  the  Government  gi-ants  its  re- 
forms only  because  it  would  hinder  the  rise  of  a  powerful  Socialist 
movement.  The  English  bourgeoisie  is  the  shrewdest  in  the  world. 
("Hear!  hear!").  If  in  the  universal  elections  next  year  Eng- 
lish Liberalism  is  victorious  it  will  make  one  of  you  [perhaps 
John  Burns]  an  under  state  secretary,  not  in  order  to  advance  to- 
ward Socialism,  but  in  order  ...  to  hold  the  votes  of  laborers  and 
to  avoid  Socialism.     (Stormy  applause  from  the  English  delegates.) 

What  sort  of  services  has  Jaures  perfomied  through  his  alli- 
ances? If  the  republic  of  France  was  in  danger  the  last  few 
years  [I  accept  that  as  a  fact],  you  were  wholly  right  when  you 
worked  with  the  bourgeois  defenders  of  the  republic  to  rescue  it. 
We  would  have  done  exactly  the  same.  Neither  do  we  offer  you 
any  reproach  for  your  struggle  against  clericalism.  Unite,  if  you 
are  alone  too  weak,  with  the  Liberals  for  this  purpose.  We  would 
have  done  the  same,  but  after  the  battle  we  are  different  people. 

And  where  was  it  during  the  last  few  years  that  Jaures  has 
rescued  the  world's  peace  from  danger?  We  also  have  spoken  for 
the  peace  of  the  world,  but  in  contrast  to  us  you  voted  for  a 
military  and  naval  state  (the  Jauresists,  "No!"),  for  a  colonial 
state  (Jauresists,  "No!  "),  for  indirect  taxes,  for  the  secret  fund 
(objections  among  the  Jauresists),  and  thereby  supported  every- 
thing that  endangered  peace.  (Loud  applause.)  We  cannot  give 
a  vote  of  confidence  to  the  budget  of  a  capitalist  government. 
(Loud  applause.) 

Jaures  hopes  through  this  co-operation  with  capitalist  parties 
to  secure  the  nationalization  of  railroads  and  mines.  One  of  the 
most  important  points  in  his  progi-am,  then,  the  monarchical 
Germany  has  already  accomplished.  (Merriment.)  If  we  in 
Germany  really  wished  such  an  advance  we  would  naturally  have 
also  supported  the  bourgeois  parties,  but  we  would  have  rejected 
most  decisively  any  permanent  alliance  with  these  elements.  .   .    . 

I  have  never  heard  a  more  outrageous,  contradictory  assertion 
than  that  the  Dresden  resolution  arose  from  a  spirit  of  doubt 
and  uncertainty.  It  was  directed  at  just  these  doubters  and 
uncertain  individuals  who  sought  to  corrupt  our  old  and  tested 
tactics.  .   .   . 

Jaures   spoke   further   of   the   political   powerlessness   of   the 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL       23 

German  Social  Democracy.  What  did  he  expect  us  to  do  .  .  .  ? 
Three  million  [votes]  is  not  enough  for  us  .  .  .  when  we  are 
opposed  to  a  capitalist  majority  of  eight  million.  .  .  .  To-day  we 
have  only  the  moral  weight  of  a  strong  minority.  ...  Certainly 
the  proposed  laws  that  we  support  with  our  votes  often  find  their 
way  into  the  Government  waste-basket.  So  much  the  better  for 
our  agitation.  If  reasonable  and  necessary  propositions  do  not 
become  laws  we  thereby  gain.  But,  says  Jaures,  "  as  soon  as  we 
had  received  our  three  million  votes  the  idea  was  suggested  to 
abolish  the  Reichstag  suffrage."  But,  Comrade  Jaures,  what 
does  that  show,  except  the  fright  of  the  bourgeoisie?  .  .  .  But 
Avhat  do  you  think  would  happen  in  France  if  you  had  two  million 
votes'?  Do  you  think  your  bourgeoisie  would  look  on  peacefully? 
Just  wait  and  see.  "  Your  helplessness  arises  from  the  fact  that 
universal  suffrage  was  given  to  you.  You  have  no  revolutionary 
principles."  So  says  Jaures.  ...  It  was  not  the  fighting  spirit 
of  the  French  comrades  which  gave  them  the  republic,  but 
Bismarck's  victory,  which  forced  your  captured  emperor  to  give 
you  a  republic.  That  is  no  disgrace.  And  in  Germany  when 
Bismarck  gave  us  universal  suffrage  he  was  obliged  to  refer  it 
to  the  revolutionary  traditions  of  1848  and  1S49.  That  his  plan 
to  hold  the  bourgeoisie  back  with  the  help  of  a  little  Socialist 
Party  was  not  carried  out  is  due  to  the  German  Social  Democracy. 
The  Millerand  episode  has  now  gone  by,  but  the  quarrels  arising 
out  of  it,  and  which  so  greatly  injured  the  French  Socialist 
movement,  still  continue.  Concerning  this  confusion  of  minds 
a  fine  statement  was  made  by  Jaures  in  the  Cosmopolis  of  1898. 
(Cries  of  "Hear!  hear!  ")  :  "  Socialists  cannot  take  power  grad- 
ually. One  must  wait  until  it  can  all  be  taken.  (Jaures,  'Very 
true.')  We  can  co-operate  in  securing  partial  reforms,  but  who- 
ever sets  a  new  life  principle  as  a  goal  in  place  of  the  existing 
one  can  only  accept  the  entire  power.  If  we  were  to  take  but 
a  part,  this  influence  would  be  paralyzed  by  the  present  social 
order.  The  new  ideal  would  not  thereby  be  realized  by  compro- 
mise. We  can  attain  to  this  in  a  crisis  and  cannot  come  out  of 
it  again."  ("Hear!  hear!")  How  prophetically,  Comrade 
Jaures,  have  you  foreseen  developments.  (Jaures,  "No!  no!" 
Great  merriment.)  You  yourselves  have  made  the  worst  com- 
promise by  your  continuous  support  of  Millerand.  .  .  .  Millerand 
did  not  greet  the  International  Socialist  Congress  of  1900,  but 
rather  made  his  obeisance  before  the  bloodiest  despot  in  Europe — 


24         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  Czar.  And  when  we  went  to  Pere  La  Chaise  to  honor  the 
murdered  Communards  by  laying  a  wreath  upon  their  graves, 
then  were  we  greeted  by  the  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery  of 
the  Waldeck-Rousseau  ministry,  and  they  did  everything  possible 
to  make  an  International  recognition  of  the  Communards  im- 
possible. This  one  thing  should  have  been  enough  to  have  made 
Millerand  for  them  impossible.  (Cheering  and  applause.)  And 
since  then  we  have  seen  that  in  every  vote  in  the  French  Par- 
liament the  Jauresist  faction  has  split  into  two  or  three  divisions, 
such  as  is  seen  in  Germany  only  in  the  most  decadent  cap- 
italist party,  the  National  Liberals,  and  now  a  fraction  of  the 
proletarian  party  in  France  offers  us  this  same  spectacle,  with 
the  natural  result  that  the  party  is  compromised  and  demoral- 
ized. We  should  vote  for  the  Dresden  resolution.  I  have  no  fear 
of  the  consequences.  The  French  proletariat  is  not  what  it  is 
my  firm  conviction  that  it  is  if  it  does  not  accept  the  warning  of 
the  Congi'ess.  (Tremendous  applause  followed  this  speech,  and 
broke  out  again  and  again  long  after  Bebel  had  returned  to  his 
place.  Countless  cheers  broke  through  the  sound  of  hand- 
clapping  and  many  delegates  were  on  their  feet  waving  their 
handkerchiefs. ) 

(See  also  Part  II,  Chapter  II,  "The  General  Strike.") 

The  Stuttgart  Congress  of  1907  is  treated  in  the  chap- 
ters on  Labor  Unions  and  Woman  Suffrage,  the  Copen- 
hagen Congress  of  1910  under  Co-operation  and  Unem- 
ployment, the  proposed  Congress  to  have  been  held  at 
Vienna  in  1915  under  The  High  Cost  of  Living,  Unem- 
ployment, and  the  Drink  Question. 


SOCIALISTS  AND  THE  NEW  INTERNATIONAL       25 

Vm.   VOTE   OF   THE   INTERNATIONAL   SOCIALIST   MOVEMENT 

1904-1914.  COMPILED  BY   MORRIS   ORANS 

Socialists 
first  take  part 

Country                in  elections  1914  1910  1907  1904 

Argentina 1896  48,024  7,006  3,495  1,257 

Austria 1893  1,081,441  1,041,948  1,041,948  780,000 

Belgium    1894  483,241  483,241  469,094  305,361 

Bulgaria 1900  85,489  25,265  13,360  10,652 

Canada    1903  17,071  10,929  3,670  2,867 

Chile  (?) 1903  18,000  18,000  18,000  12,000 

Denmark    1872  107,015  98,721  76,566  55,593 

Finland    1903  310,503  336,659  329,946  100,000 

France    1881  1,106,047  1,106,047  877,999  860,827 

Germany    1867  4,238,919  3,259,020  3,259,020  3,010,771 

*  Greece ( ?)    . . . . 12,000  34,000  

t  Great  Britain..  1895  529,193  376,645  342,196  100,000 

Holland    1880  144,375  83,362  65,743  39,338 

Hungary    1902  85,266  80,000  80,000  8,000 

Italy    1882  822,280  345,615  326,016  326,016 

Luxemburg(?)  .. 10,000  6,100  4,000  4,000 

:J:New  Zealand ..  1905  9,091  2,521  2,521  91 

Norway    1894  124,594  91,268  43,134  24,779 

Portugal(?)     ... 15,000  

Roumania    2,057  1,557  ....  .... 

Russia  (?)     1906  300,000  300,000  200,000            

Servia 1903  30,000  9,000  3,133  2,508 

Spain    1891  40,991  40,991  26,000  23,000 

Sweden     1890  172,980  112,293  26,000  10,000 

Switzerland    ....1884  105,012  87,766  64,389  64,389 

§  United  States..  1888  931,381  641,789  438,509  441,776 

Uruguay  (?)     ...1910  10,000  80,000  


Totals 10,739,970    8,599,744   7,414,739    6,183,225 

*  Where  the  exact  date  of  elections  does  not  correspond  with  the 
periods  used  iu  this  table,  the  vote  of  tl)e  last  electiou  has  been  used. 

f  The  vote  includes  the  Labor  Party,  the  Independent  Labor  Party  and 
the  Social  Democratic  Federation. 

X  Socialist  vote.  The  vote  of  the  Labor  Party  omitted  as  not  being 
strictly  Socialist. 

§  Including  the  vote  of  the  Socialist  Party  and  the  Socialist  Labor 
Party. 


26         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 


INTERNATIONAL   SOCIALIST   MOVEMENT 

MEMBERS  OF  PARLIAMENT,  1904-1914.      COMPILED  BY  MORRIS  0RAN8 

First  Soc.  No.  of  Deputies.    Pet.  No.  of    Deputies.      Pet. 

Country                    elected  in  Soc.  Total         Soc.  Soc.        Total         Soc. 

Argentina    1904  7  120      5.12  1       120      0.80 

Austria 1901  88  516  17.06  10       425      2,29 

Belgium    1894  40  186  22.18  30       166    18.07 

Bulgaria 1903  22  275      8.06  2       275      0.83 

Denmark    1884  32  114  28.08  16        114     14.04 

Finland    1904  90  200  45.00  1       200      0.50 

France    1885  76  584  13.01  48       587      8.19 

Germany    1867  111  397  38.81  81        397     20.38 

Great  Britain ....  1894  41  670      6.12  8       670      1.18 

Holland    1897  18  100  18.00  7       100      7.00 

Italy    1892  63  508  12.45  28       508      5.65 

Luxemburg    10  53  18.87  5         48    10.42 

Norway    1903  24  123  18.70  4       117      3.42 

Portugal     1911  1  164      0.65  ..        148 

Russia    1906  17  442      3.82         

Servia     1906  2  160      1.25  ..        160 

Spain    1910  1  406       0.25  ..        404 

Sweden     1896  66  230  27.82  4       230      1.81 

Switzerland   1892  17  189      8.56  6       145      4.19 

Uruguay     1911  1  69      1.33         

Totals 728  5,223  13.19  265    4,671      5.64 


SECTION  II 

SOCIALISM  ON  THE  CONTINENT  OF 
EUEOPE 


CHAPTER  II 
GERMANY 

I.   THE   STRENGTH   OF   THE   SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY 

The  very  rapid  growth  of  the  Socialist  movement  in 
Germany  is  indicated  by  the  increasing  Socialist  vote  for 
members  of  the  Imperial  Parliament,  or  Reichstag: 

Popular  Percentage  Socialists 

Year  vote  total  vote  elected 

1871 124,655  3.0  2 

1874 351,952  6.8  10 

1877 493,288  9.1  13 

1878 437,158  7.6  9 

1881 311,961  6.1  13 

1884 549,990  9.7  24 

1887 763,128  10.1  11 

1890 1,427,298  19.7  35 

1893 1,786.738  23.2  44 

1898 2,107,076  27.2  56 

1903 3,010,771  31.7  81 

1907 3,259,020  28.9  43 

1912 4,250,329  34.8  110 

Two  additional  Socialist  members  were  elected  at  special 
elections  in  1913  and  1914.  The  Reichstag  consists  of  397 
members ;  the  Socialists  are  already  the  strongest  party  in 

27 


28 


THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 


it,  and  if  they  were  represented  in  proportion  to  their 
popular  vote  they  would  have  138  members. 

One  of  the  chief  effects  of  this  growth  of  Socialism  in 
the  Reichstag  has  been  to  shift  the  balance  of  power  con- 
tinually in  the  Socialist  direction.  In  the  elections  of 
1912,  for  example,  the  growth  of  the  Socialist  vote  put  the 
Reichstag  for  the  first  time  into  the  hands  of  the  National 
Liberals — although  the  National  Liberals  had  received  that 
year  a  smaller  proportion  of  the  total  vote  than  at  the 
previous  election  (1907). 

RECENT  DEVELOPMENT  OF  POLITICAL   PARTIES 

The  following  table  shows  the  change  in  the  complexion 
of  the  Reichstag  from  1907  to  1912 : 


Party 

o 

> 

5§ 
So 

PL,-" 

B 
o 
> 

ooj 
£5 

Hi 

.eii 

fr4     fc.      C 

o  o  > 

o 

O 

6 

2 
3 

o 
6 

Social-Democratic 

3,259,029 

28.9 

4,250,401 

3.48 

+  991.372 

+  30 

53 

110 

People's  Progressive. 
(Radical) 

1,233,933 

10.9 

1.497,041 

12.3 

+  263.108 

+  21 

49 

42 

National  Liberal 

1,630,581 

14.5 

1,662,670 

13.6 

+    32,089 

-2 

51 

45 

Center  (Catholic)  and 
Poles  

3,633,501 

23.4 

2,438,487 

29.0 

-  195,014 

-7 

123 

108 

Conservatives]   ^„„ 
and  Imperial  L„°?' 

Economic  [««;f 
Union J    ^''® 

1,895,192 

16.8 

1,797,983 

14.7 

-  197,208 

-  10 

107 

70 

Total 

11,262,829 

12,207,259 

! 

944,430 

1 
8| 

(The  smaller  parties  are  not  included.) 

In  1912  the  Socialist  party  membership  was  970,112 
(839,741  men,  130,371  women).  In  1913  the  membership 
rose  to  982,850  (841,735  men,  141,115  women). 


GERMANY  29 

A  special  effort  was  made  to  get  new  members  in  1914. 
In  a  single  week  in  March  (The  Red  Week)  148,000  were 
obtained.  The  dues-paying  members  in  the  summer  of 
1914  exceeded  1,080,000,  of  whom  nearly  one  million  are 
men. 

In  1913  the  party  had  91  daily  newspapers  and  jour- 
nals with  a  circulation  of  1,800,000.  During  the  Red 
Week  (1914)  82,539  new  subscribers  were  gained. 

The  German  Socialists  have  364  "education  commit- 
tees," numerous  libraries  for  men,  women,  and  children, 
a  highly  elaborate  system  for  the  diffusion  of  Socialist 
principles  among  all  classes,  and  over  12,000  Socialist 
members  of  town  and  village  councils. 

Some  parts  of  Germany  are  largely  agricultural  and 
backward,  others  are  highly  industrialized  and  advanced. 
Moreover,  many  parts  of  this  federal  empire  enjoy  a  large 
measure  of  autonomy.  The  relative  advance  of  Socialism 
in  the  more  industrialized  districts,  the  fact  that  Socialism 
has  gained  three-fourths  of  all  the  voters  in  Hamburg, 
a  majority  of  those  of  the  whole  kingdom  of  Saxony,  and 
practically  half  of  those  of  Berlin  is  peculiarly  significant. 
The  following  table  is  of  interest : 


THE    STRENGTH   OF    SOCIALISM   IN    HIGHLY   INDUSTRIALIZED 
DISTRICTS    (1913) 

Per  cent  Per  cent       (1913) 

of  total  of  total        No.  of 

Vote  in           vote  Vote  in            vote            party 

1907               1907  1912              1918        memhers 

Kingdom  of  Saxony.  .418,570  48.5  513,216  55.0  159,913 

Berlin    ....291,939  40.6  418,848  49.1  28,842 

Hamburg    251,215  66.2  307,762  74.9  118,828 

Province  of  Branden- 
burg   112,892  60.6  138,343  61.2  61,823 

It  will  be  seen  that  in  these  instances  the  Socialist  vote 
does  not  correspond  very  closely  with  Socialist  Party  mem- 


30         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

bership — there  being,  in  1913,  in  the  whole  country,  about 
23  Socialist  Party  members  to  each  100  Socialist  voters. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  the  occupations  of  the 
Social-Democratic  members  of  the  Reichstag  elected  in 
1912.  By  occupation  80  of  the  110  were  wage-earners;  17 
being  metal  workers,  9  wood  workers,  8  cigar  makers,  7 
printers,  6  shoemakers,  6  tailors,  4  from  the  building 
trades,  3  from  the  textile  industry,  2  being  transport 
workers,  2  office  emploj^ees;  and  nearly  all  the  other 
important  trades  and  industrial  employments  were  repre- 
sented by  one  member  each.  Of  the  30  remaining  mem- 
bers 3  were  merchants  and  27  were  members  of  the  pro- 
fessions, the  latter  being  divided  as  follows:  8  lawyers,  7 
writers,  5  teachers,  4  editors,  1  referendar,  1  ex-officer,. 
1  preacher  (Paul  Goehre).  The  ex-officer  was  von  Voll- 
mar,  the  leader  of  the  Bavarian  Socialists. 

In  religion,  22  belonged  to  the  established  Protestant 
churches,  17  to  other  Protestant  churches,  4  to  the  Cath- 
olic Church;  7  were  Jews.  Fifty-eight  belonged  to  no 
church,  6  of  these  declaring  that  they  had  no  religion, 
whatever.     Two  were  non-committal. 

n.   THE  PROGRAM   OF   THE   GERMAN   SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY 

While  the  oldest,  perhaps,  of  all  the  programs  of  the 
world's  leading  Socialist  parties,  that  of  Germany  is  of 
special  significance  as  being  the  prototype  of  nearly  all 
other  Socialist  Party  programs,  and  as  having  remained 
unmodified  since  its  original  adoption  at  Erfurt  in  1891. 
It  is  as  follows: 


GERMANY  31 

THE  ERFURT   PROGRAM 

Preamhle 

The  economic  development  of  bourgeois  society  leads  by  natural 
necessity  to  the  downfall  of  the  small  industry,  whose  founda- 
tion is  formed  by  the  worker's  private  ownership  of  his  means 
of  production.  It  separates  the  worker  from  his  means  of  pro- 
duction, and  converts  him  into  a  propertyless  proletarian,  while 
the  means  of  production  become  the  monopoly  of  a  relatively 
small  number  of  capitalists  and  large  landowners. 

Hand  in  hand  with  this  monopolization  of  the  means  of  pro- 
duction goes  the  displacement  of  the  dispersed  small  industries 
by  colossal  great  industries,  the  development  of  the  tool  into  the 
machine,  and  a  gigantic  growth  in  the  productivity  of  human 
labor.  But  all  the  advantages  of  this  transformation  are  monop- 
olized by  capitalists  and  large  landowners.  For  the  proletariat 
and  the  declining  intermediate  classes — petty  bourgeoisie  and 
peasants — it  means  a  growing  augmentation  of  the  insecurity  of 
their  existence,  of  misery,  oppression,  enslavement,  debasement, 
and  exploitation. 

Ever  gieater  grows  the  number  of  proletarians,  ever  more 
enormous  the  army  of  surplus  workers,  ever  sharper  the  oppo- 
sition between  exploiters  and  exploited,  ever  bitterer  the  class- 
war  between  bourgeoisie  and  proletariat,  which  divides  modem 
society  into  two  hostile  camps,  and  is  the  common  hallmark  of 
all  industrial  countries. 

The  gulf  between  the  propertied  and  the  propertyless  is  further 
widened  through  the  crises,  founded  in  the  essence  of  the  cap- 
italistic method  of  production,  which  constantly  become  more 
comprehensive  and  more  devastating,  which  elevate  general  inse- 
curity to  the  normal  condition  of  society,  and  which  prove  that 
the  powers  of  production  of  contemporary  society  have  grown 
beyond  measure,  and  that  private  ownei-ship  of  the  means  of 
production  has  become  incompatible  with  their  application  to 
their  objects  and  their  full  development. 

Private  ownership  of  the  means  of  production,  which  was 
formerly  the  means  of  securing  to  the  producer  the  ownership 
of  his  product,  has  to-day  become  the  means  of  expropriating 
peasants,  manual  workers,  and  small  traders,  and  enabling  the 
non-workers — capitalists    and    large    landowners — to    own    the 


32         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

product  of  the  workers.  Only  the  transformation  of  capitalistic 
private  ownership  of  the  means  of  production — the  soil,  mines, 
raw  materials,  tools,  machines,  and  means  of  transport — into 
social  ownership  and  the  transformation  of  production  of  goods 
for  sale  into  Socialistic  production  managed  for  and  through 
society,  can  bring  it  about,  that  the  great  industry  and  the  steadily 
growing  productive  capacity  of  social  labor  shall  for  the  hitherto 
exploited  classes  be  changed  from  a  source  of  misery  and  op- 
pression to  a  source  of  the  highest  welfare  and  of  all-round 
harmonious  perfection. 

This  social  transformation  means  the  emancipation  not  only 
of  the  proletanat,  but  of  the  whole  human  race  which  suffers 
under  the  conditions  of  to-day.  But  it  can  only  be  the  work  of 
the  working-class,  because  all  the  other  classes,  in  spite  of  mutu- 
ally conflicting  interests,  take  their  stand  on  the  basis  of  private 
ownership  of  the  means  of  production,  and  have  as  their  common 
object  the  preservation  of  the  principles  of  contemporary  society. 

The  battle  of  the  working-class  against  capitalistic  exploitation 
is  necessarily  a  political  battle.  The  working-class  cannot  carry 
on  its  economic  battles  or  develop  its  economic  organization 
without  political  rights.  It  cannot  effect  the  passing  of  the 
means  of  production  into  the  ownership  of  the  community  with- 
out acquiring  political  power. 

To  shape  this  battle  of  the  working-class  into  a  conscious 
and  united  effort,  and  to  show  it  its  naturally  necessary  end,  is  the 
object  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party. 

The  interests  of  the  working-class  are  the  same  in  all  lands 
with  capitalistic  methods  of  production.  With  the  expansion  of 
world-transport  and  production  for  the  world-market  the  state 
of  the  workers  in  any  one  country  becomes  constantly  more 
dependent  on  the  state  of  the  workers  in  other  countries.  The 
emancipation  of  the  working-class  is  thus  a  task  in  which  the 
workers  of  all  civilized  countries  are  concerned  in  a  like  degree. 
Conscious  of  this,  the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany  feels 
and  declares  itself  one  with  the  class-conscious  workers  of  all 
other  lands. 

The  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany  fights  thus  not  for 
new  class-privileges  and  exceptional  rights,  but  for  the  abolition 
of  class-domination  and  of  tlie  classes  themselves,  and  for  the 
equal  rights  and  equal  obligations  of  all,  without  distinction  of 
sex  and  parentage.     Setting  out  from  these  views,  it  combats  in 


GERMANY  33 

contemporary  society  not  merely  the  exploitation  and  oppression 
of  the  wage-workers,  but  every  kind  of  exploitation  and  oppres- 
sion, whether  directed  against  a  class,  a  party,  a  sex,  or  a  race. 

Immediate  Demands 

Setting  out  from  these  principles  the  Social  Democratic  Party 
of  Germany  demands  immediately — 

1.  Universal  equal  direct  suffrage  and  franchise,  with  direct 
ballot,  for  all  members  of  the  empire  over  twenty  years  of  age, 
without  distinction  of  sex,  for  all  elections  and  acts  of  voting. 
Proportional  representation;  and  until  this  is  introduced,  re- 
division  of  the  constituencies  by  law  according  to  the  numbers 
of  population.  A  new  legislature  every  two  years.  Fixing  of 
elections  and  acts  of  voting  for  a  legal  holiday.  Indemnity  for 
the  elected  representatives.  Removal  of  every  curtailment  of 
political  rights  except  in  ease  of  tutelage. 

2.  Direct  legislation  by  the  people  by  means  of  the  initiative 
and  referendum.  Self-determination  and  self-government  of  the 
people  in  empire,  state,  province,  and  commune.  Authorities 
to  be  elected  by  the  people;  to  be  responsible  and  bound.  Taxes 
to  be  voted  annually. 

3.  Education  of  all  to  be  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Armed 
nation  instead  of  standing  army.  Decision  of  war  and  peace 
by  the  representatives  of  the  people.  Settlement  of  all  inter- 
national disputes  by  the  method  of  arbitration. 

4.  Abolition  of  all  laws  which  curtail  or  suppress  the  free 
expression  of  opinion  and  the  right  of  association  and  assembly. 

5.  Abolition  of  all  laws  which  are  prejudicial  to  women  in 
their  relations  to  men  in  public  or  private  law. 

6.  Declaration  that  religion  is  a  private  matter.  Abolition  of 
all  contributions  from  public  funds  to  ecclesiastical  and  religious 
objects.  Ecclesiastical  and  religious  communities  are  to  be 
treated  as  private  associations,  which  manage  their  affairs  quite 
independently. 

7.  Secularization  of  education.  Compulsory  attendance  of 
public  primary  schools.  No  charges  to  be  made  for  instruction, 
school  requisites,  and  mamtenance,  in  the  public  primary  schools; 
nor  in  the  higher  educational  institutions  for  those  students, 
male  and  female,  who  in  virtue  of  their  capacities  are  considered 
fit  for  further  traming. 


34         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

8.  No  charge  to  be  made  for  the  administration  of  the  law, 
or  for  legal  assistance.  Judgment  by  popularly  elected  judges. 
Appeal  in  criminal  cases.  Indemnification  of  innocent  persons 
prosecuted,  arrested,  or  condemned.  Abolition  of  the  death 
penalty. 

9.  No  charges  to  be  made  for  medical  attendance,  including 
midwifery  and  medicine.  No  charges  to  be  made  for  death 
certificates. 

10.  Graduated  taxes  on  income  and  property,  to  meet  all 
public  expenses  as  far  as  these  are  to  be  covered  by  taxation. 
Obligatory  self -assessment.  A  tax  on  inheritance,  graduated  ac- 
cording to  the  size  of  the  inheritance  and  the  degree  of  kinship. 
Abolition  of  all  indirect  taxes,  customs,  and  other  politico- 
economic  measures  which  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  whole 
community  to  the  interests  of  a  favored  minority. 

For  the  protection  of  the  working-class  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  of  Germany  demands  immediately — 

1.  An  effective  national  and  international  legislation  for  the 
protection  of  workmen  on  the  following  basis: 

(a)  Fixing  of  a  normal  working-day  with  a  maximum  of  eight 
hours. 

(6)  Prohibition  of  industrial  work  for  children  under  fourteen 
years. 

(c)  Prohibition  of  night-work,  except  for  such  branches  of 
industry  as,  in  accordance  with  their  nature,  require  night-work, 
for  technical  reasons,  or  reasons  of  public  welfare. 

(d)  An  uninterrupted  rest  of  at  least  thirty-six  hours  in  every 
week  for  every  worker. 

(e)  Prohibition  of  the  truck  system. 

2.  Inspection  of  all  industrial  businesses,  investigation  and 
regulation  of  labor  relations  in  town  and  country  by  an  imperial 
department  of  labor,  district  labor  departments,  and  chambers 
of  labor.     Thorough  industrial  hygiene. 

3.  Legal  equalization  of  agricultural  laborers  and  domestic 
servants  with  industrial  workers;  removal  of  the  special  regula- 
tions affecting  sei'vants. 

4.  Assurance  of  the  right  of  combination. 

5.  Workmen's  insurance  to  be  taken  over  bodily  by  the  Empire ; 
and  the  workers  to  have  an  influential  share  in  its  administration. 

6.  Separation  of  the  churches  and  the  State. 
(a)  Suppression  of  the  grant  for  public  worship. 


GERMANY  35 

(&)  Philosophic  or  religious  associations  to  be  civil  persons 
at  law. 

7.  Revision  of  sections  in  the  Civil  Code  concerning  marriage 
and  the  paternal  authority. 

(a)  Civil  equality  of  the  sexes,  and  of  children,  whether  natural 
or  legitimate. 

(&)  Revision  of  the  divorce  laws,  maintaining  the  husband's 
liability  to  support  the  wife  or  the  children. 

(c)  Inquiry  into  paternity  to  be  legalized. 

(d)  Protective  measures  in  favor  of  children  materially  or 
morally  abandoned. 

m,    THE   REICHSTAG   ELECTIONS   OF    1912 

In  view  of  the  momentous  victory  gained  by  the  So- 
cialists in  the  Eeiehstag  election  of  1912,  their  address  to 
the  voters  issued  just  prior  to  that  election  is  of  excep- 
tional interest: 

1.   ELECTION   ADDRESS    (WAHLRUF)    OF  THE   GERMAN    SOCIAL 
DEMOCRATS   FOR  THE  REICHSTAG  ELECTIONS  OF   1912 

On  the  12th  of  January,  1912,  the  general  election  for  the 
Reichstag  takes  place.  .  .  .  This  election  will  determine  whether, 
in  the  succeeding  years,  the  policy  of  oppression  and  plundering 
shall  be  carried  still  farther,  or  whether  the  German  people  shall 
finally  achieve  their  rights. 

In  the  Reichstag  elections  of  1907  the  voters  were  deceived  by 
the  Government  and  the  so-called  national  parties.  .  .  .  The 
Reichstag  of  the  "National"  bloc  from  Heydebrand  down  to 
Weimar  and  Naumann  has  made  nugatory  the  laws  pevtaininu  to 
the  rights  of  coalition ;  has  restricted  the  use  of  the  non-Germanic 
languages  in  public  meetings;  has  virtually  robbed  the  youth  of 
the  right  of  coalition,  and  has  favored  every  measure  for  the 
increase  of  the  army,  navy,  and  colonial  exploitation. 

The  result  of  their  reactionism  is  an  enormous  increase 
of  the  burdens  of  taxation.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  in  1906 
over  200,000,000  marks  increase  was  voted,  in  stamp  tax,  tobacco 
tax,  etc.,  in  spite  of  the  sacred  promise  of  the  Government, 
through  its  official  organ,  that  no  new  taxes  were  being  con- 


36         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

templated,  the  Government  has,  through  its  "  financial  reforms," 
increased  our  burden  over  five  hundred  millions. 

Liberals  and  Consei-vatives  were  unanimous  in  declai'ing  that 
four-fifths  of  this  enormous  sum  should  be  raised  through  an 
increase  in  indirect  taxes,  the  greater  part  of  which  is  collected 
from  laborers,  clerks,  shopkeepers,  artisans,  and  fanners.  Inas- 
much as  the  parties  to  the  Biilow  bloc  could  not  agree  upon 
the  distribution  of  the  property  tax  and  the  excise  tax,  the  bloc 
was  dissolved  and  a  new  coalition  appeared — an  alliance  between 
the  holy  ones  and  the  knights  (Block  der  Ritter  und  der 
Heiligen),  This  new  bloc  rescued  the  distiller  from  the  obliga- 
tions of  an  excise  tax,  defeated  the  inhentance  tax,  which  would 
have  fallen  upon  the  wealthy,  and  placed  u2Don  the  shoulders  of 
the  working-people  a  tax  of  hundreds  of  millions,  which  is  paid 
through  the  consumption  of  beer,  whisky,  tobacco,  cigars,  coffee, 
tea — yea,  even  of  matches.  This  Conservative-Clerical  bloc  fur- 
ther showed  its  contempt  for  the  working-people  in  the  way  it 
amended  the  state  insurance  laws.  It  robbed  the  workingman 
of  his  rights  and  denied  to  mothers  and  their  babes  necessary 
protection  and  adequate  care. 

Since  that  date  every  by-election  for  the  Reichstag,  as  well 
as  for  the  provincial  legislatures  and  municipal  councils,  has 
shown  remarkable  gains  in  the  Social  Democratic  vote.  The 
reactionai'ies  were  consequently  frightened,  and  now  they  resort 
to  the  usual  election  trick  of  diverting  the  attention  of  the  voters 
from  internal  affairs  to  international  conditions,  and  appeal  to 
them  under  the  guise  of  nationalism. 

The  IMorocco  incident  gave  welcome  opportunity  for  this  ruse. 
At  home  and  abroad  the  capitalistic  war  interests  and  the  nation- 
alistic jingoes  stirred  the  animosities  of  the  peoples.  They  drove 
their  dangerous  play  so  far  that  even  the  Chancellor  found  him- 
self forced  to  reprimand  his  junker  colleagues  for  using  their 
patriotism  for  partisan  purposes.  But  the  attempt  to  bolster 
up  the  interests  of  the  reactionary  parties  with  our  international 
complications  continues  in  spite  of  this. 

Voters,  be  on  your  guard !  Remember  that  on  election  day 
you  have  in  j'our  hand  the  power  to  choose  between  peace  or 
war. 

The  outcome  of  this  election  is  no  less  important  in  its  bearing 
upon  internal  affairs. 

Count  Biilow  declared,  before  the  election  of  1907,  "  the  fewer 


GERMANY  37 

the  Social  Democrats,  the  gi-eater  the  social  reforms."  The 
opposite  is  true.  The  last  few  years  conclusively  demonstrate 
this.  The  socio-political  mills  have  rattled,  but  they  have  pro- 
duced very  little  flour. 

In  order  to  capture  their  votes  for  the  "  national "  candidates, 
the  state  employees  and  officials  were  promised  an  increase  in 
their  pay.  To  the  high-salaried  officials  the  new  Reichstag  doled 
out  the  increase  with  spades,  to  the  poorly  paid  humble  em- 
ployees with  spoons.  And  this  increase  in  pay  was  coun- 
terbalanced by  an  increase  in  taxes  and  the  rising  cost  of 
living. 

To  the  people  the  Government  refused  to  give  any  aid,  in  spite 
of  their  repeated  requests  for  some  relief  against  the  constantly 
increasing  prices  of  the  necessities  of  life.  And,  while  the 
Chancellor  profoundly  maintained  that  the  press  exaggerated  the 
actual  conditions  of  the  rise  in  prices,  the  so-called  saviors  of  the 
middle  class — the  Center,  the  Conservatives,  the  anti-Semites  and 
their  following — rejected  every  proposal  of  the  Social  Democrats 
for  relieving  the  situation,  and  actually  laid  the  blame  for  the 
rise  in  prices  upon  their  own  middle-class  tradesmen  and  manu- 
facturers. 

New  taxes,  high  cost  of  living,  denial  of  justice,  increasing 
danger  of  war — that  is  what  the  Reichstag  of  1907,  which  was 
ushered  in  with  such  high-sounding  "  national "  tom-toms,  has 
brought  you.  And  the  day  of  reckoning  is  at  hand.  Voters  of 
Gennany,  elect  a  different  majority!  The  stronger  you  make  the 
Social  Democratic  representation  in  the  Reichstag,  the  firmer  you 
anchor  the  world's  peace  and  your  country's  welfare ! 

The  Social  Democracy  seeks  the  conquest  of  political  power, 
which  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  property  classes,  and  is  mis- 
used by  them  to  the  detriment  of  the  masses.  They  denounce 
us  as  "  revolutionists."  Foolish  phraseology !  The  bourgeois- 
capitalistic  society  is  no  more  eternal  than  have  been  the  earlier 
forms  of  the  state  and  preceding  social  orders.  The  present 
order  will  be  replaced  by  a  higher  order,  the  Socialistic  order, 
for  which  the  Social  Democracy  is  constantly  striving.  Then 
the  solidarity  of  all  peoples  will  be  accomplished  and  life  will 
be  made  more  humane  for  all.  The  pathway  to  this  new  social 
order  is  being  paved  by  our  capitalistic  development,  which  con- 
tains all  the  germs  of  the  New  Order  within  itself. 

For  us  the  duty  is  prescribed  to  use  every  means  at  hand  for 


38         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  amelioration  of  existing  evils,  and  to  create  conditions  that 
will  raise  the  standard  of  living  of  the  masses. 
Therefore  we  demand : 

1.  The  democratizing  of  the  community  in  all  of  its  activities. 
An  open  pathway  to  opportunity.  A  chance  for  everyone  to 
develop  his  aptitudes.  Special  privileges  to  none.  The  right 
person  in  the  right  place. 

2.  Universal,  direct,  equal,  secret  ballot  for  all  persons  twenty 
years  of  age  without  distinction  of  sex,  and  for  all  representative 
legislative  bodies.  Referendum  for  setting  aside  the  present 
unjust  election  district  apportionment  and  its  attendant  electoral 
abuses. 

3.  A  parliamentary  government.  Responsible  ministry.  Es- 
tablishment of  a  department  for  the  control  of  foreign  affairs. 
Giving  the  people's  representatives  in  the  Reichstag  the  power 
to  declare  war  or  maintain  peace.  Consent  of  the  Reichstag  to 
all  state  appropriations. 

4.  Organization  of  the  national  defense  along  democratic  lines. 
Militia  service  for  all  able-bodied  men.  Reducing  service  in  the 
standing  army  to  the  lowest  terms  consistent  with  safety.  Train- 
ing youth  in  the  use  of  arms.  Abolition  of  the  privilege  of  one- 
year  volunteer  service.  Abolition  of  all  unnecessary  expense  for 
uniforms  in  army  and  navy. 

5.  Abolition  of  "  class-justice "  and  of  administrative  injus- 
tice. Reform  of  the  penal  code,  along  lines  of  modern  culture 
and  jurisprudence.  Abolition  of  all  privileges  pertaining  to  the 
administration  of  justice. 

6.  Security  to  all  workingmen,  employees,  and  officials  in  their 
right  to  combine,  to  meet,  and  to  organize. 

7.  Establishment  of  a  national  department  of  labor,  officials 
of  this  department  to  be  elected  by  the  interests  represented  upon 
the  basis  of  universal  and  equal  suffrage.  Extension  of  factoi-y 
inspection  by  the  participation  of  workingmen  and  working- 
women  in  the  same.  Legalized  universal  eight-hour  day,  shorten- 
ing the  hours  of  labor  in  industries  that  are  detrimental  to 
health. 

8.  Reform  of  industrial  insurance,  exemption  of  farm  laborers 
and  domestic  servants  from  contributing  to  insurance  funds. 
Direct  election  of  representatives  in  the  administration  of  the 
insurance  funds;  enlarging  the  representation  of  labor  on  the 
board  of  directors;   increasing  the  amounts  paid  workingmen; 


GERMANY  39 

lowering  age  for  old-age  pensions  from  70  to  65  years;  aid  to 
expectant  mothers;  and  free  medical  attendance. 

9.  Complete  religious  freedom.  Separation  of  church  and 
state,  and  of  school  and  church.  No  support  of  any  kind,  from 
public  funds,  for  religious  purposes. 

10.  Universal,  free  schools  as  the  basis  of  all  education.  Free 
text-books.     Freedom  for  art  and  science. 

11.  Diminution  and  ultimate  abolition  of  all  indirect  taxes,  and 
abolition  of  all  taxes  on  the  necessities  of  life.  Abolition  of 
duties  on  foodstuffs.  Limiting  the  restrictions  upon  the  importa- 
tion of  cattle,  fowl,  and  meat  to  the  necessary  sanitary  measures. 
Reduction  in  the  tariff,  especially  in  those  schedules  which  en- 
courage the  development  of  syndicates  and  pools,  thereby  enabling 
pi'oducts  of  German  manufacture  to  be  sold  cheaper  abroad  than 
at  home. 

12.  The  support  of  all  measures  that  tend  to  develop  commerce 
and  trade.  Abolition  of  tax  on  railway  tickets.  A  stamp  tax 
on  bills  of  lading. 

13.  A  gTaduated  income,  property,  and  inheritance  tax;  inas- 
much as  this  is  the  most  effective  way  of  dampening  the  ardor 
of  the  rich  for  a  constantly  increasing  army  and  navy. 

14.  Internal  improvements  and  colonization;  the  transforma- 
tion of  great  estates  into  communal  holdings,  thereby  making 
possible  a  greater  food  supi^ly  and  a  corresponding  lowering  of 
prices.  The  establishment  of  public  farms  and  agricultural 
schools.  The  reclamation  of  swamp-lands,  moors,  and  dunes. 
The  cessation  of  foreign  colonization  now  done  for  the  purpose 
of  exploiting  foreign  peoples  for  the  sake  of  gain. 

Voters  of  Germany!  New  naval  and  military  appropriations 
await  you;  these  will  increase  the  burdens  of  your  taxes  by 
hundreds  of  millions.  As  on  former  occasions,  so  now,  the  ruling 
class  will  attempt  to  roll  these  heavy  burdens  upon  the  shoulders 
of  the  humble,  and  thereby  increase  the  burden  of  existence  of 
the  family. 

Therefore,  let  the  women,  upon  whom  the  burden  of  the  house- 
hold primarily  rests,  and  who  are  to-day  without  political  rights, 
take  active  part  in  this  work  of  emancipation  and  join  them- 
selves with  determination  to  our  cause,  which  is  also  their 
cause. 

Voters  of  Germany!  If  you  are  in  accord  with  these  prin- 
ciples, then  give  your  votes  on  the  12th  of  January  to  the  Social 


40         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Democratic  Party.     Help   prepare  the   foundations  for  a   new 
and  better  state  whose  motto  shall  be: 

Death  to  Want  and  Idleness!     Work,  Bread,  and  Justice  for 
all! 

Let  your  battle-cry  on  election  day  resound:  Long  live  the 
Social  Democracy! 

Executive  Committee  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Representatives  in  the  Reichstag. 
Berlin,  December  5,  1911. 


2.  support  of  progressives  on  the  second  ballot 

The  general  election  being  over,  the  executive  board 
of  the  party  issued  the  following  public  statement,  ostensi- 
bly designed  to  govern  the  action  of  Socialist  voters  in 
casting  their  second  ballots  in  the  by-elections  (second 
ballotings)  which  were  soon  to  follow: 

Comrades : 

The  12th  of  January  has  fulfilled  our  hopes.  The  working- 
class  of  Germany  has  had  a  thorough  reckoning  with  the  parties 
of  the  Conservative  and  Catholic  Alliance.  Our  party  has  been 
wonderfully  successful.  We  have  won  65  seats  in  the  general 
election,  received  about  4,250,000  votes;  we  will  participate  in 
121  by-elections. 

Let  us  finish  the  work  that  this  general  election  has  so  glori- 
ously begun.  We  can  win  countless  numbers  by  drawing  upon 
our  last  reserve  forces  for  the  second  ballots. 

In  many  districts  our  vote  was  so  small  that  our  candidates 
do  not  enter  into  the  by-elections.  We  must  therefore  decide 
whether  or  not  we  may  support  one  of  the  candidates  of  the 
other  parties. 

According  to  the  decision  of  the  Party  Congress  of  Jena,  1911, 
our  comrades  may  support  only  such  bourgeois  candidates  as 
will  pledge  themselves  either  in  writing  or  before  witnesses: 

1.  To  the  support  of  the  existing  suffrage  rights  to  the 
Reichstag. 

2.  To  oppose  any  infringement  upon  the  right  of  free  assem- 
blage and  free  organization. 


GERMANY  41 

3.  To  oppose  any  attempt  to  increase  penal  laws  for  political 
offenses. 

4.  To  oppose  exception  laws  (Ausnahmegesetze)  in  any  form. 

5.  To  oppose  the  increase  of  existing  import  tariffs  or  the 
levying  of  new  tariffs  on  articles  necessary  for  the  consumption 
of  the  masses. 

6.  To  oppose  the  increase  of  existing  or  the  levying  of  new 
indirect  taxes  upon  articles  necessary  to  the  masses  for  their 
consumption. 

Should  in  any  one  district  both  candidates  pledge  themselves 
to  fulfill  these  conditions,  the  Liberal  candidate  is  to  enjoy  the 
preference  over  the  Conservative.  In  every  other  case  our  sup- 
porters are  absolutely  to  refrain  from  voting. 

According  to  these  instructions,  with  due  regard  to  the  per- 
sonality and  record  of  the  candidate  in  question,  the  Socialist 
vote  is  to  be  decided. 

Now,  let  us  get  to  work.    Let  our  watchword  be: 

Down  with  the  Tax-Robbery  of  the  Fusionists ! 

Down  with  the  Opponents  of  Free  Assemblage. 

Down  with  the  Foes  of  Popular  Elections  to  the  Reichstag. 

On  with  the  Battle.    The  last  Barricade  must  be  overthrown. 

We  must  do  all  in  our  power  to  drive  the  nobility,  the  powers 
of  the  church  from  their  strongholds  in  our  government.  We 
must  finally  and  for  all  time  overcome  the  foes  of  the  progress 
of  the  working-class,  the  opponents  of  the  harmonious  develop- 
ment of  the  German  Empire ! 

Yours  for  solidarity, 

The  Executive  Board. 

After  the  by-elections  were  over  (they  had  yielded  to 
the  Socialists  46  additional  seats),  in  addition  to  issuing 
the  above  public  statement,  it  became  known  that  a  con- 
fidential circular  of  very  different  purport  had  been  sent 
by  the  board  to  party  representatives  in  certain  weak 
districts,  designed  to  render  ineffective  in  those  districts 
certain  of  the  directions  conveyed  in  the  public  statement. 
This  confidential  circular  read  as  follows: 


42         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

We  have  entered  into  a  conference  with  the  Progressives  con- 
cerning" mutual  support  in  the  by-elections.  With  tlie  close  of 
the  general  election,  the  Progressives  found  themselves  in  an 
unfortunate  situation,  from  their  point  of  view,  and  there  was 
great  danger  that  they  would  unite  with  the  parties  of  the  Right. 
By  so  doing  they  would  not  only  have  decreased  our  parlia- 
mentary representation  but  would  have  rendered  futile  our  at- 
tempt to  shatter  the  Conservative  and  Catholic  alliance.  Under 
the  circumstances  it  seemed  to  us  inadvisable  to  refuse  to  con- 
sult with  them.  At  the  same  time  we  emphatically  refused  to 
sacrifice  any  district  where  we  had  even  a  remote  chance  of  elect- 
ing our  candidate  by  our  own  strength,  or  where  there  was 
any  chance  of  holding  what  we  had  gained  in  pi'evious  elections. 
We  insisted,  further,  that  absolute  reciprocity  characterize  the 
whole  agreement.  The  Progressives  have  i^ledged  us  their  support 
in  cei'tain  districts. 

We,  on  the  other  hand,  besides  promising  the  usual  support 
in  such  districts  where  we  do  not  participate  in  the  by-elections, 
according  to  the  mandates  of  the  Jena  Congress,  made  this  con- 
cession :  that  we  would  subdue  our  agitation  in  districts  in  which 
we  could  under  no  circumstances  elect  our  candidate  should  the 
Progressives  imite  with  the  parties  of  the  Right. 

The  central  committee  of  the  Progressive  People's  Party  will 
publicly  call  upon  its  constituents  under  no  circumstances  to  vote 
in  favor  of  a  Conservative,  a  National  Party  candidate,  a  candi- 
date of  the  Center  or  a  member  of  the  Wirtschaftliche 
Vereinigung  (a  small  group  of  agrarian  reactionaries).  It  will 
proclaim  that  political  necessity  demands  the  overthrow  of  the 
blue  and  black  bloc.  The  Pi-ogressive  People's  Party  will  further, 
in  a  confidential  circular  to  the  local  committees,  call  upon  them 
to  support  our  candidate  in  the  first-mentioned  districts.  We, 
on  the  other  hand,  have  promised  to  hold  no  meetings,  to  dis- 
tribute no  leaflets,  to  hand  out  no  ballots  in  the  above-mentioned 
16  districts  before  the  election,  not  to  try  to  get  the  voters  on 
election  day  to  the  ballot-box.  On  the  other  hand,  we  may  dis- 
tribute ballots  on  election  day  in  front  of  the  election  booths. 
We  are  convinced  that  this  agreement  serves  the  best  interests  of 
the  party  and  of  the  general  public,  and  request  you,  therefore, 
to  inform  your  district  and  do  all  in  your  power  to  enforce  this 
agreement  under  all  circumstances. 


GERMANY  43 

This  secret  agreement  occasioned  widespread  dissatis- 
faction within  the  party,  and  much  bitter  criticism.  The 
matter  was  carried  before  the  Congress  of  the  party  in 
1913,  where  Scheidemann,  defending  the  executive  board, 
said: 

Unless  we  are  willing  to  be  used  as  willing  tools  of  the  Con- 
sei'vatives,  the  subdued  campaign  carried  on  in  the  16  districts 
which  you  so  severely  criticise  was  an  absolute  necessity.  In 
these  districts  a  compact  bourgeois  majority  stood  opposed  to 
us.  .   .   . 


rv.    KAUTSKY   AND   BERNSTEIN   ON    THE   ELECTIONS 

Karl  Kautsky,  summarizing  the  results  of  the  election 
in  The  New  Review  some  months  later,  wrote: 

Apparently  the  election  of  110  Social  Democratic  deputies  has 
altered  nothing.  The  Government  and  the  majority  of  the 
Reichstag  are  just  as  reactionary  as  before,  social  reform  lags 
as  it  formerly  did,  and  the  rivalry  in  armaments  goes  merrily 
forward.  But  those  who  expected  that  the  elections  could  and 
would  make  any  change  in  these  respects  were  pinning  their 
faith  to  unrealizable  illusions.  No  bourgeois  majority,  no  matter 
what  its  composition  may  be,  will  ever  conduct  an  energetic 
struggle  against  the  Government  in  behalf  of  a  genuine  parlia- 
mentary regime,  against  miUtarism  and  the  increase  of  the  naval 
forces,  and  for  radical  social  reforms.  Such  a  struggle  can  to-day 
be  expected  of  a  Social  Democratic  majority  only.  And  it  was 
obvious  in  advance  that  the  majority  of  1912  would  not  be  Social 
Democratic. 

The  advantage  for  which  we  are  fighting  in  an  electoral  is, 
above  all,  a  moral  one.  Our  most  important  duty  does  not  consist 
merely  in  enlightening  and  organizing  the  proletariat,  but  also 
in  inspiring  it  with  the  consciousness  of  its  own  power.  If 
there  are  still  many  workers  who  assume  a  hesitating,  apathetic, 
or  even  hostile  attitude  toward  Socialism,  this  is  not  because 
they  disapprove  of  our  aim,  but  because  they  doubt  our  power 
to  realize  it.     To  prove  that  we  are  a  mighty  foi'ce  becomes  even 


44         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

more  important  than  to  prove  that  we  are  in  the  right.  TVe 
succeeded  in  doing  this  most  brilliantly  in  the  last  Reichstag 
elections.  Over  4,250,000  votes  and  110  seats  in  the  Reichstag; 
a  third  of  all  the  votes  east,  and  more  than  a  fourth  of  all  the 
Reichstag  seats,  Social  Democratic — that  speaks  so  clearly  and 
plainly  for  itself  that  even  the  most  apathetic  understands  it 
and  even  the  most  timid  is  encouraged.  It  plainly  means  that 
the  German  Social  Democracy  has  ceased  to  be  a  mere  propa- 
ganda party,  that  it  has  entered  upon  the  practical  struggle  for 
power.  .    .    . 

But  the  election  districting  favored  the  agrarian  wing  and 
procured  for  it  more  seats  than  the  number  of  its  votes  war- 
ranted. It  depended  upon  the  attitude  of  the  Social  Democracy 
in  the  secondary  elections  whether  or  not  the  agi'arian  wing  was 
again  to  win  for  itself  a  majority  in  the  Reichstag.  .   .    . 

"We  succeeded  in  depriving  them  of  this  majoi'ity.  .  .  .  Con- 
servatives and  Center  combined  do  not  form  a  majority  this 
time. 

Naturally  it  would  have  been  a  delusion  to  believe  that  a  ma- 
jority of  combined  Liberals  and  Social  Democrats  would  usher 
in  an  era  of  democracy  and  social  reform.  The  Liberals  not  only 
lack  the  necessary  strength  and  courage,  but  above  all  the  desire 
for  it.  That  the  latter  did  not  gain  a  majority  sie-nifies  a 
negative,  not  a  positive  advantage.  .  .  .  It  is  indeed  to  be  ex- 
pected that  the  Government  will  succeed  in  bringing  the  National 
Liberals  and  the  "  Black-Blue  Bloc  "  into  one  camp.  But  it  can 
hardly  accomplish  that  without  creating  rebellion  among  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  supporters  of  the  National  Liberals  as 
well  as  of  the  Center.  .    .    . 

So  long  as  a  Social  Democratic  majority  is  not  attainable,  we 
are  obliged  to  limit  ourselves  to  preventing  the  Government  from 
obtaining  a  safe  majority,  to  depriving  it  of  the  power  necessary 
for  violent  measures  against  the  working-class;  and  we  must 
strive  to  place  the  bourgeois  parties  in  the  situations  in  which 
they  found  themselves  before  the  election,  either  to  sen-e  the 
purpose  of  the  proletariat  or  to  lose  their  proletarian  follow- 
ing. .  .   . 

The  high  cost  of  living  continues  to  rise.  Class  antagonisms 
are  becoming  ever  more  acute,  the  mass  of  the  population  is 
becoming  more  and  more  embittered  against  existing  conditions. 
And  we  are  making  gigantic  strides  toward  the  time  when  we 


GERMANY  45 

shall  have  half  of  the  votes  cast,  and  shortly  after  that  half  of 
the  seats  in  the  Reichstag. 

Kautsky  being  the  editor  of  the  official  party  weekly, 
Die  Neue  Zeit,  may  be  presumed  to  have  expressed  in  the 
above  article  the  view  of  the  majority  in  the  German 
Social  Democratic  Party.  The  view  of  the  moderate  wing 
of  the  party  has  been  expressed  as  follows — in  the  Sozial- 
istische  Monatshefte — in  an  article  by  Eduard  Bernstein: 

Impressive  indeed  is  the  demonstration  which  the  January 
elections  have  given  of  the  spread  of  Socialism  in  Germany.  .  .  , 
The  whole  of  the  increase  in  the  votes  polled  for  all  parties, 
with  47,000  votes  beyond,  flowed  into  the  party  of  the  working- 
class.  This  is  the  more  significant,  inasmuch  as  according  to  the 
census  of  employment  only  some  60  per  cent  of  the  new  voters 
can  be  counted  as  working-class  voters.  .  .  .  The  indeterminate 
voters  may  be  regarded  as  of  steadily  decreasing  importance  in 
the  accumulation  of  Socialist  votes,  but  they  still  play  a  very 
important  part  in  the  distribution  of  seats.  .  .  .  The  fight  for 
parliamentai-y  seats  is  in  a  high  degree  a  fight  for  the  indetermi- 
nate voters.  And  if  these  voters  must  not  be  reckoned  as  party 
gains,  they  do,  none  the  less,  give  the  party  a  sort  of  vote  of 
confidence,  for  to  an  extent  the  non-party  elector  in  the  polling 
booth  votes  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  not  under  pres- 
sure from  a  superior,  he  votes  for  the  party  in  which  he  has 
the  most  trust. 

The  Reichstag  elections  just  concluded,  and  the  position  created 
by  them  have  paved  the  way  for  a  segregation  of  groups  into 
two  main  parties,  comparable  with  the  division  of  the  French 
party  groups  into  opposing  camps.  ... 

The  line  of  demarcation,  which  has  now  brought  together  on 
one  side  the  Liberal  groups  and  the  Social  Democrats,  and  on  the 
other  side  the  Center  (Catholic)  and  the  Conservatives,  with  the 
smaller  groups  of  social  reactionaries  associated  with  them,  leaves 
still  many  illogical  features.  But  the  division  it  makes  corre- 
sponds to  a  logical  divergence  of  basic  principles.  What  has 
determined  the  present  line  of  demarcation  is  the  attitude  of 
the  parties  to  the  principle  of  established  authorities  in  govern- 
ment and  society,  to  clericalism  in  the  state  and  the  school,  to 


46         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

agrarian  feudalism,  to  the  reactionary  economic  demands  of  the 
small  traders  and  other  forms  of  corporative  legislation,  to  the 
three-class  franchise,  the  bureaucratic  system,  and  the  right  of 
association  among  the  working-class. 

Attempts  will  be  made  from  many  quarters  to  bring  into 
existence  a  working  majority  of  National  Liberals,  Center,  and 
Conservatives.  The  Government  is  closely  interested  in  this 
project.  ...  If  the  bulk  of  the  National  Liberals  refuse  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  Consei^vatives  and  Clericals,  a  working 
agreement  between  the  parties  of  the  Left  in  the  Reichstag  in 
opposition  to  those  of  the  Right  will  become  inevitable.  .   .    . 

The  general  feeling  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  is  certainly 
in  favor  of  that  being  done.  It  is  no  easy  matter,  and  demands 
the  suppression  of  many  natural  antipathies.  But  the  strongly 
developed  political  sense  of  the  German  Social  Democracy  has 
often  before  conquered  such  aversions,  so  long  as  it  has  been 
clear  that  no  fundamental  prmciple  of  the  party  would  be  com- 
promised or  abandoned.  This  condition  must  be  obsen'ed  in  the 
present  instance  also.  Without  it  the  agreement  would  be  futile 
and  unworkable,  as  the  party  would  be  lamed  by  internal  strife. 
But  such  abandonment  of  its  principles  is  no  more  involved  in 
the  proposed  agreement  with  the  Left  parties  in  the  Reichstag 
than  it  was  in  the  many  agreements  which  have  been  made  in 
the  course  of  election  fights.  The  agreement  will  be  arrived  at 
for  certain  definite  purposes,  reserving  in  all  else  the  complete 
independence  of  the  agi'eeing  pai'ties.  No  sacrifice  of  convictions 
will  be  offered  or  demanded.   .    .    . 

Vorwaerts  and  other  party  organs  have  mentioned  some  of  the 
questions  which  come  into  consideration — the  extension  of  the 
rights  of  the  Reichstag,  especially  the  right  of  interpellation ;  the 
reform  of  parliamentary  procedure;  the  removal  of  the  inequali- 
ties of  the  electoral  districts;  the  establishing  of  the  right  of 
association ;  opposition  to  all  new  or  increased  indirect  taxation ; 
reduction  of  the  food  taxes.  This  is  not  suggested  as  even  a 
skeleton  program,  but  as  an  indication  of  the  class  of  measure 
to  be  fought  for.  .   .   . 

In  the  course  of  time  the  completion  of  the  division  of  the 
Reichstag  into  two  main  parties  would  be  of  immense  assistance 
to  the  development  of  parliamentarianism — it  is,  indeed,  indis- 
pensable to  it.  for  without  great  party  coalitions  no  real  system 
of  parliamentary  government  is  attainable.  .  .   . 


GERMANY  47 

V.   THE  SOCIALISTS  IN   THE  REICHSTAG 
(Article  by  George  Ledebour  in  Die  Neue  Zeit) 

"The  first  session  of  the  newly-elected  Reichstag  closed 
on  May  22,  1912,  with  a  stormy  discussion.  The  hopeful, 
living  idealism  of  the  Socialist  movement  measured  its 
thought  with  the  aged,  decrepit,  but  still  powerful  reac- 
tionary might  of  a  capitalist  society.  .    .    . 

"Those  who  are  disappointed  because  our  group  of  110 
Social  Democrats,  as  the  largest  party  in  the  Reichstag, 
could  not  control  the  policy  of  the  Government,  must 
have  peculiar  views  concerning  the  activity  of  a  party 
which  can  function  only  as  a  party  of  the  minority — 110 
against  287.  .  .  .  That  is  the  proposition  that  makes  it 
impossible  for  our  party  to  win  even  the  smallest  victory 
for  its  Socialist  ideals.  For  in  these  ideals  it  stands  un- 
alterably opposed  to  all  other  parties. 

"But  they,  too,  have  been  sorely  disappointed  who 
hoped  for  an  aggressive,  progressive  fusion  of  Liberal  and 
Socialist  forces,  which  would  enforce  radical  constitu- 
tional reforms,  putting  aside,  for  the  time  being,  all  funda- 
mental differences  which  divided  them.  We  soon  discov- 
ered that  the  Liberal  Party  was  bound  to  the  other  reac- 
tionary parties  with  ties  that  were  far  stronger  than  its 
radical  sympathies  for  the  Socialist  movement.  Between 
Social  Democrats  and  Liberals  there  were  possible  only 
temporary  agreements  on  this  question.  The  election  by 
the  combined  Left  of  Scheidemann  as  vice-president  proved 
prophetic  for  the  course  of  the  whole  session.  The  election 
failed  to  get  the  ratification  of  the  Reichstag  because  the 
National  Liberals  at  the  last  moment  remembered  their 
duty  to  the  State,  to  the  bureaucracy  and  the  reactionary 
parties. 


48         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"The  increased  influence  of  the  Social  Democracy  be- 
came evident  in  a  more  negative  form.  We  succeeded  in 
nipping  in  the  bud  a  number  of  reactionary  plans.  The 
grouping  of  parties  in  the  present  Reichstag  makes  it 
extremely  difficult  for  the  avowed  reactionaries,  the  Con- 
servatives, the  Free-Conservatives,  and  the  anti-Semites, 
to  gain  a  majority  for  their  purposes.  In  the  previous 
Reichstag  they  could  accomplish  this  either  with  the  two 
Liberal  parties  (the  Biilow  bloc)  or  with  the  Center 
(the  Bethmann-Hollweg  bloc).  Both  these  possibilities 
are  out  of  the  question  at  present  because  of  the  increased 
strength  of  the  Social  Democracy.  They  must  secure  a 
combination  which  includes  not  only  the  Center  but  also 
at  least  the  National  Liberals,  in  order  to  carry  out  reac- 
tionary measures.  .  .  .  The  Center  and  its  opponents, 
the  National  Liberals,  in  order  not  to  compromise 
themselves  unnecessarily  before  their  constituents,  are 
driving  each  other  into  more  radical  positions.  .  .  .  The 
deciding  influence  of  the  Social  Democracy  became  evident 
on  other  occasions.  .  ,  .  Together  with  the  Center  and  the 
Polish  representatives,  the  Socialist  Party  succeeded  in 
repealing  the  act  granting  subsidies  to  officials  in  districts 
where  there  is  a  large  Polish  population,  who  are  active  in 
the  spread  of  the  German  language  and  German  views 
( Ostmarkenzulage  fiir  Reichsbeamte).  This  fruit  of  the 
anti-Polish  agitation  of  the  Hakatist  Society  was  passed 
in  the  last  session  owing  to  the  cowardly  desertion  of  the 
Progressives.  Our  colonial  policy,  too,  was  strongly  influ- 
enced by  our  Social  Democratic  representation.  It  was 
due  to  our  agitation  that  the  Reichstag,  in  spite  of  the 
vehement  opposition  of  State  Secretary  Solf,  nullified  the 
barbaric  prohibition  of  intermarriage  between  whites  and 
negroes.  .   .   . 

"The  Government,  and  with  it  the  parties  of  the  Right 


GERMANY  49 

and  the  Center,  strove  to  enforce  new  taxes  on  articles  of 
general  consumption.  The  liberal  parties  demanded  the 
introduction  of  direct  taxes.  Finally  a  compromise  was 
effected  which  provides  that  for  the  next  two  years  the 
increased  expenditures  shall  be  covered  by  a  whisky  and 
a  sugar  tax,  but  that,  after  October  1,  1916,  a  new  direct 
tax  shall  be  introduced.  All  capitalist  parties  united  upon 
this  motion.  The  Social  Democracy,  alone,  refused  to  in- 
dorse it.  .  .  .  Another  bill,  which  calls  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  an  inheritance  tax,  received  the  indorsement  of 
the  Social  Democrats  with  the  understanding  that  the 
money  thus  collected  be  used  to  wipe  out  an  already  exist- 
ing indirect  tax.  As  the  National  Liberals,  however,  de- 
clared, when  they  voted  for  the  adoption  of  this  measure 
against  the  parties  of  the  Right  and  the  Center,  that  they 
would  prefer  a  property  tax,  the  realization  of  an  inheri- 
tance tax  at  the  present  time  is  exceedingly  doubtful. 

"Though  in  the  discussion  of  the  military  and  appro- 
priation bills  the  sharp  contrast  between  the  Socialist  and 
the  other  parties  came  out  clearly  enough,  the  discussions 
became  even  more  heated  when  our  representatives  at- 
tacked the  renewed  activity  of  the  spirit  of  absolutism  in 
the  German  Government.  Whenever  the  fundamental 
questions  of  our  national  life  come  to  the  fore,  there  the 
unalterable  enmity  between  the  party  of  the  proletariat 
and  its  capitalist  opponents  makes  itself  poignantly  felt. 
The  Social  Democracy  may,  temporarily,  unite  with  other 
parties  to  insure  the  passage  of  individual  reforms  which 
lie  along  the  lines  of  our  general  movement.  But  the 
stronger  we  become,  the  more  clearly  comes  the  under- 
standing, here  as  well  as  there,  that  in  the  struggle  for 
our  fundamental  ideals  we  stand  alone  and  must  fight 
unaided  for  their  realization." 


50         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 


VI.    THE    SOCIALIST    PROGRAM    IN    THE    PRUSSIAN    ELECTIONS, 
MAY,    1913 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  equal,  direct  adult  suffrage  in 
the  Diet  and  in  municipal  elections. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  legislation  by  one  house  only, 
and  abolition  of  the  House  of  Lords  (Herrenhaus)  with  its 
inherited  and  arbitrary  power  to  rule. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  abolition  of  the  privileges 
of  the  nobility  which  still  exist  and  hinder  the  free  development 
of  the  nation. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  absolute  separation  of  church 
and  state. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  free  education  and  school  sup- 
plies, the  expense  to  be  borne  by  the  nation.  Only  mental  ability 
should  be  considei'ed  in  the  choice  of  pupils  for  higher  schools; 
free  meals  for  needy  school  children ;  abolition  of  the  clerical 
control  of  schools. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  that  all  charitable  institutions 
be  conducted  by  the  nation. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  abolition  of  the  system  of 
SeigTiorities  (Gutshezirke)  which  hinder  all  cultural  development 
on  the  one  hand  and  try  by  everj'  possible  trick  to  dodge  the 
support  of  their  poor.  (A  Gutshezirk  is  an  agricultural  estate 
having  political  autonomy,  controlled  by  the  owner  of  the  estate.) 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  increased  factory  inspection 
and  the  employment  of  workmen  as  factory  inspectors. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  a  more  marked  progression  of 
the  existing  income  tax  for  high  incomes,  a  decrease  in  the  tax 
upon  incomes  xuider  3,000  marks.  Abolition  of  existing  indirect 
state  and  municipal  taxes. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  improvement  of  the  care 
of  public  health  by  the  nationalization  of  the  whole  medical  pro- 
fession, as  well  as  the  drug  and  medicine  industries. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  a  decrease  of  prison  labor  and 
the  employment  of  prisoners  for  state  and  road  improvements. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  increased  wages  and  salaries 
for  laborers,  employees,  and  the  lower  officials  in  national  indus- 
tries (railroads,  forestry,  mines). 

The   Social  Democracy  demands   the   extension  and  improve- 


GERMANY  51 

ment  of  our  railroad  system;  a  decrease  in  the  rates  for  second 
and  third-class  cars,  and  the  eventual  introduction  of  zone  or 
district  rates  {Zonentarif). 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  building  of  streets^  bridges, 
and  water-works  by  the  nation. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  abolition  of  the  existing  excep- 
tion laws  concerning  sei'vants  and  domestics.     [Gesindeordnung] . 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  right  of  national  employ- 
ment and  the  right  of  laborers  to  organize. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  a  liberal  and  modern  revision 
and  reform  of  the  Prussian  mining  laws,  aside  from  its  demand 
for  national  mining  legislation. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  that  all  superfluous  expendi- 
tures be  avoided,  such  as  are  incurred  to-day  for  purposes  of 
representation  by  the  Prussian  nobility. 

The  Social  Democracy  demands  the  employment  of  workmen 
as  associate  judges  (ScJioeffen)  and  jurymen;  the  payment  of 
fees  for  the  performance  of  such  duties. 

VII.  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTY  CONGRESS  OF  1913 

At  this  congress  (1913)  a  new  majority  was  made  up  of 
the  Center  and  the  moderates  against  the  radicals.  Thus 
for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  party  the  radicals 
were  defeated  and  the  moderates  were  victorious.  The 
moderates  not  only  won  by  majorities  of  more  than  two 
to  one  on  the  military  and  taxation  issue,  on  the  general 
strike  issue,  but  also  elected  their  candidates  to  all  im- 
portant party  offices.  The  resolution  and  the  discussion 
on  the  military  question  are  given  in  Mr.  Walling 's  The 
Socialists  and  the  War.  We  present  in  later  chapters  brief 
summaries  and  abstracts  indicating  the  attitude  of  the 
Congress  toward  the  problem  of  the  high  cost  of  living, 
unemployment,  taxation,  and  the  general  strike. 


52        THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Vm.    THE    REPUBLICAN    DEMONSTRATION    IN    THE    REICHSTAG, 
JUNE,   1914 

Less  than  two  months  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
on  the  last  day  of  the  last  Reichstag  session  preceding  the 
great  conflict,  occurred  one  of  the  most  important  events 
in  the  history  of  the  German  Party.  The  Reichstag  ses- 
sions are  closed  by  standing  cheers  for  the  Kaiser.  The 
custom  of  the  Socialist  members  has  been  to  absent  them- 
selves in  a  body.  On  this  occasion  they  decided — though 
only  after  a  long  discussion  and  a  close  vote  (51  to  47)  — 
to  take  a  more  positive  stand.  In  remaining  seated  they 
committed  an  act  which  would  be  a  crime,  lese-majesfe, 
if  done  outside  the  Reichstag.  Our  documents  are  illus- 
trative of  the  discussions  which  this  action  aroused  in  the 
party. 

1.   CHILDISH,   FAR  TOO   CHILDISH 

(Editorial  in  Vorwaerts  [Berlin],  June  5,  1914) 

That  the  Socialists  remained  seated  during  the  cheers  for  the 
Kaiser  may  not  have  pleased  the  Liberals,  but  it  cannot  be  con- 
tested that  it  was  their  good  right  to  act  as  they  did. 

But  what  shall  be  said  of  the  fact  that  there  are  party  com- 
rades .  .  .  who  hardly  differ  in  their  arguments  from  the  Lib- 
eral press?  That  Edmund  Fischer  is  among  these  party  com- 
rades does  not  astonish  us.  ...  He  looks  at  politics  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  trader  who  wishes  to  come  to  terms  with  his 
creditors.  Any  kind  of  settlement  seems  a  gain  to  him.  ...  No 
further  argument  is  necessary  for  this  sort  of  politics.  .    .    . 

It  is  more  regrrettable  that  Comrade  Wolfgang  Heine  also 
speaks  against  the  demonstration  in  the  Reichstag.  His  principal 
argniment  is  one  of  civic  law.  He  does  not  deny  that  the  Gov- 
ernment in  the  Empire  and  in  Prussia  carries  on  a  spiteful  policy 
against  us  and  treats  us  as  if  we  stood  outside  of  the  law.  He 
says: 

"But  it  is  against  the  fundamentals  of  a  modern  parlia- 
mentarist  state  to  hold  the  emperor  personally  responsible  for 


GERMANY  53 

the  policy  of  the  Government.  ...  If  we  make  the  emperor 
responsible  for  all  politics,  that  is  an  acknowledgment  of  the 
thing  we  oppose.  .  .  .  The  battle-cry  '  for  or  against  the  em- 
peror '  .  .  .  has  always  been  used  against  us  with  good  success 
by  the  reactionaries.  It  is  our  task  to  keep  the  person  of  the 
monarch  out  of  all  political  struggles.  The  Socialist  Reichstag 
group,  by  its  recent  behavior,  has  drawn  his  person  into  a 
struggle  of  this  kind  and  has  given  its  opponents  the  right  to 
do  the  same." 

Since  when  has  it  been  Socialistic  policy  to  take  fiction  for 
reality?  ...  Is  monarchical  power  lessened  when  ignored?  or 
[rather]   when  opposed? 

Of  what  civic  law  does  Heine  speak?  Of  one  explained  to 
suit  his  wishes,  not  of  a  real  one.  For  the  real  civic  laws  give 
the  monarch  in  Germany  and  Prussia  a  power  which  exists  in 
no  other  state,  excepting  Russia.  And  this  power  to-day  stands 
at  the  disposal  of  the  opponents  of  the  working-class.  Not  be- 
cause our  opponents  cleverly  identify  Government  with  the  per- 
son of  the  monarch,  but  because  the  monarchy  has  become  the 
means  of  their  class  rule.  And  should  we  leave  the  basis  of  the 
German  constitutional  misery  untouched  and  pass  it  by,  pre- 
tending to  be  deaf  and  blind,  merely  because  Heine  fears  the 
inciting  of  the  monarchists  could  be  harmful  to  us  in  some  po- 
litically backward  regions? 

The  principle  of  keeping  the  person  of  the  monarch  out  of 
all  political  discussions  is  understandable  for  countries  like  Eng- 
land, with  purely  parliamentary  governments,  but  it  is  a  danger 
for  the  political  development  of  semi-absolutist  countries  like 
Germany.  It  is  bad  enough  that  the  Liberal  press  fails  to  under- 
stand this,  but  it  is  beyond  comprehension  how  a  Socialist  like 
Heine  can  blow  the  same  horn  and  talk  of  the  lack  of  respect 
of  the  Socialist  group  towards  the  Reichstag.  No,  if  we  have 
to  talk  of  lack  of  respect — though  a  fighting  party  like  ours 
cannot  give  or  obtain  much  respect — it  should  be  of  the  want  of 
respect  shown  to  the  convictions  of  the  lai'gest  party  of  the 
German  people.  We  consider  it  a  presumption  and  an  intolera- 
ble coercion  to  try  to  foi'ce  us  to  participate  in  a  demonstration 
which  is  against  our  convictions.  The  angry  howls  of  the  reac- 
tionaries show  us  how  right  we  were  in  our  action  and  how 
important  Byzantinism  is  to  them  as  a  support  of  their  rule. 
The   conduct  of   our  group   during  the   cheers  for  the   Kaiser 


54         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

would  not  be  so  important  had  it  not  caused  all  this  uproar. 
LTnder  these  conditions  it  may  become  the  means  of  carrying  our 
convictions  regarding  the  development  of  the  constitution  to  the 
furthest  circles,  increasing  the  interest  in  our  fight  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  democratic  constitution.  Let  the  Liberal  press  con- 
tinue to  do  the  work  of  its  opponents,  that  will  not  keep  us  from 
continuing  our  work  of  enlightenment  with  increased  intensity. 

Let  our  Liberals  wail  aloud  in  their  political  nursei'y,  which 
they  never  seem  able  to  outgrow,  we  are  big  and  strong  enough 
to  stand  this.  The  result  of  the  demonstration  does  credit  to 
those  who  advised  it. 

2.   A  QUESTION   OF   HOMAGE 

(Editorial  in  the  Muenchener  Post  [moderate  Socialist];  quoted 
in  Vorwaerts,  June  6,  1914) 

It  is  said  that  the  Socialist  Party  offended  the  monarchical 
feeling  of  the  other  members  of  Parliament,  remaining  seated 
when  the  rest  of  the  members  arose  to  show  their  respect  to  the 
emperor.  We  permit  ourselves  to  remark  (apai't  from  the  con- 
sideration of  the  feelings  of  the  111  comrades)  that  we  do  not 
believe  in  the  genuineness  of  these  monarchical  sentiments  which 
only  exist  as  long  as  they  coincide  with  the  business  interests  of 
the  ruling  classes.  We  also  do  not  believe  in  them  because  his- 
torical experience  proves  that  these  inherited  sentiments  leave  no 
trace  behind  when  the  political  system  changes. 

More  important  is  the  objection  that  we  in  particular — from 
our  own  point  of  view — iiave  no  cause  to  demonstrate  against 
the  person  of  the  monarch.  Of  course  the  refusal  to  give  homage 
is  naturally  not  meant  against  "  the  person."  But  the  bearer  of 
the  Crown  (considered  impersonally)  is  not  immaterial  under  the 
present  German  political  system.  It  would  of  course  be  different 
had  we  the  parliamentary  system;  then  it  would  indeed  be 
ridiculous  and  obtrusive  to  strike,  by  such  action,  the  entirely 
irresponsible  representative  of  a  country.  But  in  Germany  the 
monarch  selects  his  government,  no  politics  are  carried  on  without 
him,  and  against  his  wish  no  law  can  be  passed,  no  administrative 
measure  concluded.  The  bearer  of  the  Crown  is,  under  present 
conditions,  actually  responsible  for  the  entire  politics  of  the 
countiy.  He  is  responsible  for  the  fact  that  a  third  of  the 
German  population  is  treated  as  having  no  rights.     This  is  our 


GERMANY  55 

position:  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a  large  party  should  par- 
ticipate in  an  act  of  homage  so  long  as  the  Crown  really  bears 
the  responsibility  for  a  policy  of  oppression  and  persecution  of 
this  party.  Only  when  the  German  monarchs  decide  to  elect 
governments  which  will  respect  the  equality  of  all  subjects  of 
the  state — only  when  they  withdraw  and  remain  neutral  towards 
all  parties — that  is,  reign  in  a  really  parliamentary  way — will 
anti-monarchical  demonstrations  be  discontinued. 

3.   KAISERISM 

(From  Wolfgang  Heine's  reply  to  his  critics,  as  published  in 
Vorwaerts,  July  2,  1914) 

The  ballot  in  its  bearing  upon  the  decision  in  the  Socialist 
Reichstag  gi'oup  has  already  been  discussed  upon  several  occa- 
sions. Fifty  voted  for  and  47  against  remaini.ng  seated  [during 
the  cheers  for  the  Kaiser].  Later  on  2  more  positive  and  8  more 
negative  votes  were  added,  making  the  final  total  52  for  and  55 
against  the  group,  at  the  time  having  an  enrollment  of  110 
members.  Even  if  all  three  of  the  uncast  votes  had  been  con- 
sidered as  being  in  favor  of  remaining  seated,  contrary  to  all 
parliamentary  practice,  this  faction  would  still  have  been  in  the 
minority. 

From  the  accentuation  of  the  republican  character  of  the  party, 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  Leipzig  Volkszeitung,  no  actual 
benefit  will  result.  The  republic  is,  indeed,  an  ideal  state  form, 
the  only  one,  in  fact,  which  may  rationally  be  established,  and 
thousands  of  things  which  we  endure  in  Germanj'^  because  of  the 
monarchical  type  of  government  are  not  even  encountered  in  the 
republic.  But  we  must  express  rational  ideas  in  a  rational  way, 
not  with  manifestations  utterly  inconsistent  with  rational  thought. 

Besides,  the  chance  of  establishing  a  republic  in  the  German 
Empire  at  present  or  in  the  near  future  is  so  beyond  the  bounds 
of  possibility  as  to  render  absurd  any  effort  to  assign  it  as  the 
goal  of  our  present  policy.  There  are  no  longer  any  German 
Social  Democrats  who  still  believe  that  the  task  confronting  us 
to-day  is  the  forcible  overthrow  of  our  present  form  of  govern- 
ment; and  yet  this  would  necessarily  be  a  presupposition  in  con- 


56         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

nection  with  the  formation  of  the  German  republic.  No,  the 
party  has  different  goals  and  tasks  before  it,  tasks  more  near 
at  hand  and  more  practically  conceivable  in  view  of  prevelant 
economic  conditions  and  our  present  political  power.  Work  in 
behalf  of  these  aims  is  now  most  important. 

(See — for  the  position  of  the  German  Socialists  on  other  ques- 
tions— chapters  on  "  The  High  Cost  of  Living,"  "  Unemploy- 
ment," "  Taxation,"  "  The  General  Strike,"  and  "  Government 
Ownership.") 


CHAPTER  III 
FRANCE 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 

By  the  elections  of  1914  the  French  Socialist  Party — 
or,  as  it  is  officially  named,  the  French  Section  of  the 
Workingmen 's  International — secured  one-sixth  of  the 
total  vote  of  the  country  and  one-sixth  of  the  members  of 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies  (101  members).  By  this  it  be- 
came the  second  most  important  Socialist  movement  in 
the  world,  being  exceeded  only  by  that  of  Germany.  Nor 
can  its  influence  be  gauged  entirely  by  its  votes,  for  it 
has  given  rise  to  semi-Socialistic  groups,  such  as  the  Inde- 
pendent Socialists,  represented  by  the  present  Premier 
Viviani.  It  has  also  given  the  country  several  ministers 
in  former  cabinets,  such  as  Briand  and  Millerand,  and 
finally  it  has  tinged  with  its  views  on  present-day  politics 
the  governing  party  in  the  country,  the  so-called  Socialistic 
Radicals. 

The  following  (from  the  Appeal  to  Reason)  gives  an 
idea  of  the  growth  of  the  Socialist  movement: 

* '  There  was  some  Socialist  organization  in  France  before 
1870,  but  the  suppression  of  the  Commune  in  1871  broke 
it  up  and  led  to  the  death  or  exile  of  the  leaders.  In  1877 
the  paper  L'Egalite  was  founded  to  advocate  the  prin- 
ciples of  Karl  Marx  and  its  program  was  adopted  in  1879 
at  a  trade-union  congress  at  Marseilles  which  adopted  the 
name  of  'Socialist  Labor.'  The  party  was  unsuccessful 
at  the  election  of  1881,  and  a  few  years  later  it  was  split 
up  into  five  divisions.    At  the  election  of  1893,  40  Socialist 


58         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

deputies  were  elected  by  a  popular  vote  of  nearly  half  a 
million.  At  the  general  election  of  1906,  54  Socialists  were 
elected  by  a  vote  of  877,999,  In  1910  the  party  grew  to 
76  and  the  poll  to  1,125,877,  The  party  has  since  been 
reduced  to  71,  but  the  diminution  is  only  apparent,  for 
there  are  also,  in  the  French  Chamber,  small  groups  of 
'Independent  Socialists'  and  'Republican  Socialists,'  as 
well  as  over  200  Eadical  Socialists  who  sympathize  more 
or  less  with  the  ultimate  aims  of  Socialism.  In  reality  the 
France  of  1914  is  more  Socialistic  even  than  Germany, 
although  its  forces  are  not  concentrated  into  a  great  cen- 
tralized machine.  It  shades  off  on  one  side  into  syndical- 
ism and  anarchism,  and  on  the  other  side  into  radicalism. 
At  the  municipal  elections  of  1912.  the  number  of  com- 
munes captured  by  the  Socialists  was  282,  while  5,530  So- 
cialists were  elected." 

n.    ELECTORAL   TACTICS,    1914 
1.   RESOLUTION   OF  THE   ELECTIONS  OF   1914  * 

Precisely  because  it  is  a  party  of  incessant  combat,  the  Social- 
ist Party  takes  present  developments  and  events  into  account. 
To-day  as  ever  it  is  able  to  distinguish  among  the  capitalist  par- 
ties those  which  are  most  threatening  to  the  working-class  and 
to  Socialism.  It  knows  who  have  been  the  accomplices  of  Radical- 
ism in  the  Moroccan  venture,  who  have  been  the  defaulters  in 
the  struggle  against  the  three  years'  law. 

But  above  all  it  abhors  and  denounces  nationalism,  imperial- 
ism, and  militarism,  which  by  their  reactionary  conceptions  and 
cut-and-dried  policy  disorganize  the  defensive  forces  of  the  coun- 
try, dissipate  the  spirit  of  sacrifice  and  the  citizens'  desire  for 
independence,  insult  both  the  people  and  the  army  by  putting 
them  in  opposition  to  one  another,  burden  production,  unbal- 
ance the  budgets,  fatally  increase  taxes,  dry  up  the  resources 
of  social  reform,  and  deflect  to  sterile  and  profitless  expenditure 

*  This  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted  by  the  Congress. 


FRANCE  59 

the  thousands  of  millions  needed  for  the  works  of  civilization 
that  have  been  abandoned. 

It  detests  and  denounces,  above  all,  this  reactionary  national- 
ism, which  is  already  a  peril,  and  which,  if  it  gets  the  mastery, 
will  create  war,  will  crush  the  working-class,  and  exile  and  mas- 
sacre its  militants. 

It  knows  also  the  danger  which  menaces  it  in  Briandism,  the 
strike-breaker,  father  of  the  three  years'  law,  double-faced  ac- 
complice of  the  most  retrograde  militarism,  parody  of  political 
organization  which  combmes  in  one  fusion  ticket  all  the  powei-s 
of  reaction  conspiring  against  democracy  and  the  proletariat. 
The  Socialist  Party  knows  that  to-day,  as  yesterday,  it  stands 
alone  in  an  uncompromising  struggle  for  the  guaranty  of  French 
independence  and  international  peace  by  means  of  the  organiza- 
tion of  "an  aiTued  nation"  [militia]. 

In  fighting  the  three  years'  law  it  is  fighting  not  only  an  absurd 
and  disastrous  law,  but  it  is  fighting  all  the  political  policy  of 
ignorance,  of  reaction,  of  brutality,  of  which  it  is  the  effect  and 
the  symbol. 

Responding  to  the  appeal  of  the  International  at  Basle,  in 
the  effort  begun  at  Berne,  it  wishes  to  go  to  the  very  root  of 
European  antagonisms  in  contributing  its  share  to  the  common 
task  of  the  proletariat  of  all  countries  and  in  working  for  that 
Franco-German  "  rapprochement  "  which  will  permit  of  the  defi- 
nite alliance  of  France,  England,  and  Germany,  a  necessary 
condition  for  the  peace  of  the  world. 

The  Socialist  Party  pledges  itself  to  electoral  reform  and  the 
passage  of  proportional  representation,  and  will  give  its  efforts 
to  this  end  all  the  more  as  it  is  a  preparation  for  the  constitu- 
tional revision  and  because  it  lessens  the  power  of  the  reactionary 
Senate  which  has  been  and  is  so  hostile  to  the  workers. 

It  is  in  this  spirit,  with  the  strength  of  all  its  political  and 
social  claims,  that  the  Socialist  Party  goes  into  the  battle. 

On  the  first  ballot  it  will  have  in  each  department  its  candidate 
as  bearer  of  its  propaganda,  of  its  entire  doctrine,  of  its  complete 
program. 

And  on  the  second  ballot,  continuing  the  first,  it  will  contribute 
all  its  strength  to  laying  low  the  militarist  i-eaction.  Recognizing 
no  allegiance  except  to  the  cause  of  the  proletariat  and  to  So- 
cialism, but  not  seisarating  itself  from  the  republic,  from  anti- 
clericalism,  and  from  peace,  wherever  it  has  no  direct  chance  of 


GO         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

victory,  it  will  g:ive  its  co-operation  freely  to  the  candidates  of 
the  two  other  parties  in  proportion  to  the  vigor  and  thoroughness 
of  their  fight  against  the  three  years'  law,  against  war,  against 
jingoism,  against  the  military  and  clerical  coalition. 

It  is  to  its  responsible  [branch]  Federations  that  it  refers  with 
confidence  the  task  of  best  determining  the  Socialist  and  the 
republican  interest. 


2.   DISCUSSION   OF  THE   PARTY  CONGRESS 

(January  25-29,  1913) 

The  representative  of  the  Federation  of  Drome  intro- 
duced a  resolution  providing  for  independent  action  in  the 
first  election,  and  that,  in  the  second  election.  Socialists 
could  support,  if  necessary,  those  radicals  who  pledged 
themselves  to  vote  against  the  three-years'  service  law,  and 
who  were  in  favor  of  lay  schools  and  tax  reform. 

Compere-Morel  declared  that  the  Socialists  must  pursue 
independent  action  and  refuse  any  fusion  either  with  reac- 
tionaries or  radicals.  He  favored  a  direct  program  of  the 
re-establishment  of  the  two-years'  law,  the  adoption  of  the 
income  and  property  tax,  the  protection  of  lay  schools,  and 
the  revision  of  the  constitution,  together  with  the  abolition 
of  the  Senate.  As  regards  the  second  election,  there  were 
two  possibilities  of  action.  It  was  possible,  he  declared, 
to  follow  the  resolution  of  Chalons,  which  permitted  each 
federation  to  make  an  independent  decision  concerning 
its  action  during  the  second  election,  or  to  allow  the 
national  council  to  decide  the  matter.  He  favored  inde- 
pendent action  of  each  federation,  as  it  would  permit 
elasticity  and  adaptabilit3\  He  attacked  the  proposal  of 
Herve,  who  had  advocated  a  fusion  with  the  radicals  in 
order  to  obtain  a  victory  on  the  question  of  militarism. 
Compere-]\Iorel  said  that  the  autonomy  of  the  local  federa- 
tions should  be  limited  by  a  declaration  by  the  general 


FRANCE  61 

body  announcing  the  dangers  of  combinations  with  other 
parties. 

Vaillant  also  opposed  fusion.  He  proposed  that  the  ad- 
ministrative commission  should  issue  a  proclamation  before 
the  elections  which  would  appeal  to  the  people  themselves, 
and  would  show  that  the  party  was  not  only  the  party 
of  the  workers  but  the  promoter  of  all  progress.  The 
second  election  does  not  differ  greatly  from  the  first,  he 
declared,  and  the  Socialist  propaganda  should  also  be  used 
in  the  latter.  The  national  council  should  have  the  con- 
trol over  complicated  cases. 

Herve  made  the  point  that  militarism  was  the  great 
issue,  and  that  effectually  to  oppose  this  it  was  necessary 
that  there  should  be  a  coalition  of  the  parties  of  the  Left. 
Herve  said  that  he  did  not  propose  fusion  but  merely  a 
hloc,  in  order  that  those  parties  who  were  united  on  this 
issue  might  act  in  a  united  manner  and  bring  pressure  to 
bear  on  the  government  that  otherwise  would  be  lacking. 
He  read  the  resolution  of  the  Paris  Congress  of  1900,  which 
permitted  co-operation  with  bourgeois  parties  in  excep- 
tional cases,  and  said  that  such  an  exceptional  case  was 
then  present.  The  Radical  Left  and  the  Socialists  were 
really  united  on  three  demands :  1,  opposition  to  the  return 
to  the  three  years'  military  service;  2,  tax  reform;  3,  lay 
schools  and  an  anti-clerical  policy.  Herve  closed  by  saying 
that  the  Radical  Party  could  not  govern  alone,  and  that 
if  a  Socialist  did  not  support  it,  it  would  be  compelled  to 
seek  help  from  the  conservative  and  reactionary  Right  and 
would  then  continue  to  compromise  the  Republic. 

Albert  Thomas  opposed  Compere-Morel's  idea  that  gen- 
eral principles  only  should  be  advanced  at  the  first  election 
and  that  in  the  second  election  propaganda  should  be 
restricted  to  certain  immediate  demands.  Thomas  believed 
that,  to  have  efficient  propaganda,  one  must  advance  cer- 


62         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

tain  actual  problems,  such  as  the  military  situation  in  the 
first  election.  If  the  situation  concerning  militarism  was 
as  extraordinary  as  Herve  claimed,  then  he  too  would  be- 
lieve in  fusion ;  but  no  such  situation  existed. 

Jaures  declared  that  the  discussion  showed  that  the  ques- 
tion of  fusion  was  non-existent.  Once  before  they  had 
allied  themselves  with  a  fraction  of  the  bourgeoisie  in  order 
to  gain  the  ends  of  secularization,  which  was  consistent 
with  revolutionary  tradition.  Yet  the  government  (Bri- 
and's)  that  resulted  from  it  was  weak  in  its  unity  and  the 
overthrow  of  Briand  was  greeted  with  such  joy  by  the 
Socialists  that  his  successors  were  actually  popular  for 
a  short  time.  Now  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  social  war,  he 
declared,  with  such  economic  problems  at  stake  that  na 
revolutionary  tradition  can  make  united  action  possible. 

Jaures  then  took  up  the  question  of  electoral  reform  and 
declared  that,  though  this  was  still  important,  neverthe- 
less the  war  in  the  Balkans,  which  caused  the  growth  in 
both  nationalism  and  militarism,  had  pushed  this  issue 
back  in  relative  importance.  Electoral  reform  was  neces- 
sary, but  the  way  of  attainment  was  not  to  be  found 
through  a  coalition  of  parties  differing  from  the  Socialists 
on  basic  general  principles. 

Jaures  said  there  was  really  only  one  election :  the  first. 
If  the  Socialist  propaganda  was  carried  on  clearly  and 
powerfully  in  this  election,  an  impression  would  be  made 
upon  those  who  did  not  vote  for  the  Socialist  candidate 
at  the  first  election.  The  second  election,  he  declared,  was 
only  a  continuation  of  the  first.  Herve  said  that  the  So- 
cialists of  France  had  theory  on  one  side,  while  he  pro- 
posed action  on  the  other.  Jaures  declared  that  theory 
and  action  were  not  separated  and  that  neither  was  possi- 
ble without  the  other.  He  pointed  to  the  splendid  record 
of  the  party,  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  only  party  which 


FRANCE  63 

had  the  courage  to  oppose  the  colonial  policy  of  France, 
and  was  the  first  to  recognize  the  reactionary  effect  of  the 
Moroccan  adventure  upon  the  domestic  and  foreign  politics 
of  the  country.  Jaures  declared  that  the  power  of  inter- 
national Socialism  was  the  reason  for  the  strength  of  its 
fight  against  militarism. 
Jaures  concluded: 

Many  resigned  themselves  to  the  three  years'  service  law  be- 
cause they  believed  that  the  increased  term  -was  the  only  pro- 
tection against  invasion.  But  the  Socialists  would  say  to  the 
people :  "  Your  willingness  for  sacrifice  has  been  misused ;  those 
in  power  could  not  find  a  new  international  pi'ocedure,  and 
indeed  they  did  not  wish  to,  because  they  use  the  army  as  a 
weapon  against  domestic  enemies."     (Stormy  applause.) 

The  deficit  is  so  terrible  that  the  bourgeois  politicians  are 
afraid  to  handle  it.  If  it  is  necessary  to  raise  a  billion  [francs] 
each  year,  the  tax  reform  which  has  been  promised  for  30  years 
will  probably  be  carried  through,  not  to  aid  the  farmer,  not 
for  social  reform  nor  to  better  the  educational  system,  but  to 
cover  the  immense  debt  caused  by  militarism.  If  we  show  all 
this  to  the  people,  they  will  realize  the  effect  of  the  three  years' 
system  and  will  understand  that  it  will  only  increase  the  struggle 
of  the  nations.  They  will  realize  that  Socialism  alone,  which 
unites  all  nations,  is  capable  of  guaranteeing  unarmed  peace  and 
civilization.  And  when  we  have  shown  the  people  this  solution 
"we  shall  in  our  struggle  untangle  all  questions  such  as  electoral 
reform,  the  revision  of  the  constitution,  and  protection  from  the 
Senate.  If  all  this  is  done  in  a  first  election,  and  if  we  have 
candidates  with  this  program  all  over  France,  I  am  not  anxious 
about  the  way  in  which  we  give  our  support  and  second  election 
to  other  parties.  The  division  of  seats  will  be  accomplished 
easily  under  the  stimulus  of  the  first  election.  How  can  you 
waver  in  your  choice  if  it  comes  to  that  between  a  militaristic 
Clerical  and  a  Radical  who  stands  for  the  two  years'  sei'vice 
law?  Recruiting  work  for  Socialism  is  only  possible  when  we 
do  our  republican  duty.  We  should  declare,  although  not  setting 
up  an  exclusive  compulsory  clause :  first,  all  fusions  are  pro- 
hibited which  would  bring  Socialist  votes  to  a  militaristic  reac- 
tionary; second,  the  Socialists  should  support  those  Republicans 


G4         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

■who  are  opposed  to  the  three  years'  service  and  who  favor  the 
lay  school  system.  A  central  committee  should  decide  excep- 
tional cases,  so  that  the  party  might  not  be  hindered  in  the  re- 
forms which  it  advocates. 


3.   ELECTION   MANIFESTO  OF   THE   SOCIALIST   PARTY 

We  are  not  only  a  party  of  social  transformation.  We  wish 
to  give  to  the  world  of  labor  greater  possibilities  of  carrying  on 
the  struggle,  thus  preparing  it  for  the  great  work  of  social  reno- 
vation which  is  incumbent  upon  it.  We  want  to  obtain,  to  seize, 
the  maximum  of  political  and  social  reforms  obtainable  under 
the  present  social  system : 

Solid  organization  of  national  defense  by  means  of  an  imme- 
diate return  to  the  two  years'  law,  and  the  progressive  substitu- 
tion of  a  militia  for  the  barracks  army. 

Pacific  external  policy,  extending  the  present  narrow  system  of 
alliance  by  a  Franco-German  rapprochement. 

Development  of  public  instruction  by  all  possible  resources. 

Organization  of  the  democracy  by  means  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation and  the  revision  of  the  constitution. 

Fiscal  justice  by  the  taxation  of  incomes  and  of  capital. 

A  complete  system  of  social  insurance  against  old  age,  acci- 
dents, sickness,  and  unemplojTnent. 

Freedom  to  organize  for  all,  including  officials. 

in.   THE  ELECTIONS  OF   1914 
1.   THE  RESULTS 

At  the  first  ballot  (April  26)  the  Socialists  elected  40 
members  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  instead  of  29  at  the 
former  first  ballot.  That  is,  in  40  out  of  602  constituencies, 
the  Socialists  had  a  majority  over  all  other  parties  to- 
gether. 

At  the  second  ballot,  the  Socialists,  supported  by  the 
unified  Radicals  and  independent  voters,  secured  61  more 
seats.  But  the  Socialists  gave  the  Radicals  almost  exactly 
an  equivalent  vote.    So  that  the  total  number  of  seats  won 


FRANCE  65 

(101)  is  almost  exactly  the  number  to  which  the  Socialists 
would  be  entitled  under  proportional  representation.  For 
the  vote  obtained,  1,400,000,  is  one-sixth  of  the  total  vote 
(8,329,000),  just  as  the  seats  won  are  one-sixth  of  the  total 
number  of  seats. 

The  growth  of  the  vote  and  of  the  number  of  Socialist 
members  of  the  Chamber  is  shown  in  the  following  table: 

Year  Votes  Members  of  Chamber 

1906 878,000  54 

1910 1,110,000  76 

1914 1,400,000  101 

The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  seats  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  held  by  the  various  parties  since 
1902: 

Parties  1902     1906     1910     1914 

Monarchists  and  Nationalists 121  100  86  68 

Progressists  and  Republicans  of  the 

Left   178  141  149  146 

Radicals  and  Socialistic  Radicals 242  230  260  208 

Independent  Socialists 12  20  32  29 

Socialists 37  54  76  101 

This  table  shows  the  growth  of  the  parties  to  a  degree 
tinged  with  Socialism.  By  adding  together  the  first  two 
party  groups,  we  note  the  steady  decrease  of  the  con- 
servative members  of  the  Chamber  from  299,  to  241,  to 
235,  and  finally  to  214.  At  the  same  time,  if  we  add  to 
the  Socialists  the  Independents,  who  claim  to  be  Socialists, 
we  see  a  steady  and  corresponding  increase  of  the 
extreme  Radicals  from  49  to  74,  to  108,  and  finally  to  130. 
(Figures  taken  from  Le  Radical,  official  organ  of  the 
Radicals.) 

In  the  previous  Chamber,  that  of  1910,  the  Socialists 
had  lost  9  members  during  the  session,  mostly  through 


66         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

desertions.  These  and  other  former  Socialist  deserters 
were  either  defeated,  like  Zevaes  and  Allemane,  or  lost  a 
large  number  of  votes,  like  Briand  and  Millerand. 

The  Socialist  vote  rose  more  rapidly  in  certain  agricul- 
tural sections  than  in  most  industrial  centers.  In  9  agri- 
cultural departments  (out  of  a  total  of  87  departments) 
the  Socialist  vote  increased  by  191,000  votes — or  two-thirds 
of  the  total  Socialist  increase  in  the  nation.  The  per- 
centage increase  is  still  more  disproportionate,  as  the  popu- 
lation in  these  provinces  is  scanty.  As  will  be  seen  from 
the  following  figures,  these  provinces  now  lead  the  country 
in  their  Socialism:  Allier  and  Haute-Vienne,  both  being 
agricultural : 

Of  every  1,000  registered  electors  123  voted  Socialist,  as 
against  98  in  1910,  642  for  the  various  other  parties  [677  in 
1910],  while  235  did  not  go  to  the  polls  [225  in  1910].  In  32 
departments  the  Socialist  vote  is  less  than  5  per  cent  [in  1910 
there  were  48],  also  in  32  departments  the  Socialist  vote  exceeds 
10  per  cent  [25  in  1910].  The  heaviest  Socialist  vote  was  cast 
in  the  following  departments:  Hante-Vienne.  37.3  per  cent; 
Allier,  33.5  per  cent  [where  we  lost  two  seats] ;  Ardennes,  30.3 
per  cent;  Nord,  29.1  per  cent;  Seine,  25  per  cent,  and  Pas-de- 
Calais,  23.2  per  cent.  In  the  South  the  party  has  done  well  in 
purely  agricultural  districts,  viz. :  Var,  28.2  per  cent ;  Gard.  22.5 
per  cent ;  Herault,  19.7  per  cent ;  also  in  the  central  department : 
Cher,  25.7  per  cent ;  Nievre,  Yonne,  etc.,  where  there  are  great 
numbers  of  small  farmers  working  their  farms  on  sharing  terms 
with  the  landlords  [metayer  system]. 

These  are  percentages  of  the  total  vote  registered,  not 
of  the  total  vote  cast.  Partly  on  account  of  the  agitation 
of  certain  labor  union  leaders  and  other  syndicalists  ab- 
stentions were  larger  than  ever,  having  risen  according  to 
the  Berlin  Vorwaerts  from  225  per  thousand  in  1910  to 
235  per  thousand  in  1914  (nearly  twice  the  Socialist  vote). 
It  was  to  this  cause  that  Vorivaerts  attributes  the  defeat 


FRANCE  67 

of  the  well-known  conservative  Socialist  Rouanet.     In  his 
district  8,000  of  the  27,000  voters  failed  to  vote. 

Though  the  Socialists  elected  40  members  by  a  majority 
of  those  voting,  they  nowhere  had  a  majority  of  the  voters, 
according  to  Vorwaerts — a  fact  it  accounts  for  as  follows: 

This  is  explained,  in  the  first  place,  by  the  composition  of  the 
population,  the  numerous  groups  of  middling  and  small  property 
owners.  Even  if  the  peasants  are  at  all  accessible  to  our  propa- 
ganda, at  the  very  best  they  offer  greater  difficulties  than  an 
industrial  population.  In  the  second  place  one  must  not  under- 
value the  importance  of  those  other  parties  which  in  regard  to 
freedom  and  democracy  are  decidedly  radical,  and  still  live  up 
to  the  traditions  of  the  Revolution. 

The  middle-class  problems  that  confront  the  French  So- 
cialist Party  are  also  indicated  by  the  occupations  of  its 
members  in  the  Chamber.  In  sharp  contrast  with  the  So- 
cialist group  in  the  German  Reichstag,  only  a  little  more 
than  half  are  wage-earners — against  nearly  three-fourths 
in  Germany.    They  are  divided  as  follows: 

55  Wage-earners.  4  Merchants. 

6  Farmers.  9  Professors,  etc. 

5  Teachers.  6  Lawyers. 

6  Doctors  and  Apothecaries.  1  Engineer. 
10  Journalists. 

2.   AFTER   THE  VICTORY 

(Editorial  by  Jean  Jaures  in  L'Humanite.    Reprinted  in  the 
Vorwaerts,  May  17,  1914) 

The  victory  is  the  outcome  of  the  new  industrial  advance  of 
France  and  its  economic  development,  which  is  taking  place 
intensively  and  rapidly  all  over  the  country.  In  this  manner  we 
have  conquered  the  five  new  election  districts  which  were  created 
through  the  duplication  of  the  old,  where  the  population  had 
increased  on  account  of  the  gi'owth  of  industry.  Another  cause 
of  the  growth  of  Socialism  is  the  awakening  of  the  republican 


68         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

democracy,  which  was  deeply  injured  by  the  reactionary  and 
dubious  policies  of  the  bourgeois  politicians.  The  Socialists  were 
the  first  to  fis:ht  these  politicians. 

The  electoral  successes  of  our  party,  even  those  in  the  second 
election,  were  not  the  results  of  an  artificial  combination  [with 
other  parties].  It  is  true  that  the  failure  of  the  most  advanced 
Radicals  was  in  our  favor,  but  in  a  nv;mber  of  election  districts 
our  votes  helped  the  Radicals  to  election.  The  trend  towards  the 
Left,  which  showed  itself  all  over  the  republican  country,  would 
not  have  been  so  noticeable  had  the  Socialists  not  made  their 
stren^h  felt  in  420  election  districts. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  number  of  our  seats  tallies  exactly  with 
the  number  of  our  votes.  The  102  Socialist  deputies  represent 
a  sixth  of  the  House,  just  as  the  1.400,000  Socialist  votes  repre- 
sent a  sixth  of  the  voters  who  had  gone  to  the  polls.  "We  are 
now  sure  that  we  have  to  work  only  to  strengthen  and  develop 
our  organization  in  order  to  be  certain  of  the  victories  already 
realized,  and  to  prepare  in  large  measures  for  new  conquests. 
The  "  libertarian "  philosophy  still  exists  in  a  few  minds,  but 
the  sentiment  that  could  be  called  negative  anarchism  is  about 
to  disappear.  The  best-known  adherents  of  abstention  from 
voting,  its  apostles  in  fact,  have  participated  in  the  election 
struggle,  publicly  and  officially.  They  declared  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  make  use  of  the  ballot  on  account  of  the  military  reaction. 
The  syndicalists  greeted  the  victories  of  the  Socialists  as  a  "  vic- 
tory of  civilization."  The  proletariat,  encouraged,  by  the  vic- 
tories already  gained,  believes  that  the  gates  of  the  future  are 
open.  It  knows  that  we  almost  obtained  a  victory  in  50  addi- 
tional election  districts,  and  it  is  beginning  now  to  count  on  the 
possibility  of  capturing  the  Government  and  of  placing  the  po- 
litical power  at  the  service  of  the  working-class.  As  soon  as  the 
Socialists  have  broken  the  barriers  of  the  Senate,  which  even 
to-day  only  retards  the  movement,  instead  of  bringing  it  to  a 
standstill,  we  will  become  the  guiding  power  of  the  republic. 

The  proletariat  knows  this  well,  and  this  alone  is  an  event  in 
our  democracy  of  the  greatest  political  and  moral  importance. 
What  increases  its  importance  is  the  fact  that  the  peasants  of 
France  are  beginning  to  come  into  the  Socialist  Party.  They 
are  passionate  democrats  and  resist  violently  all  clerical  interfer- 
ence; they  further  detest  the  armament  policies  and  are  indignant 
about  the  difficulties  with  which  the  militarv  reaction  burdens 


FRANCE  69 

them.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  becoming  more  and  more 
convinced  that  national  independence,  which  they  have  much  at 
heart,  finds  its  best  guarantee  in  the  organization  of  the  armed 
nation.  They  further  have  to  fight  capitalism  in  the  form  of 
middlemen.  As  their  narrow  individualism  is  beginning  to  be  un- 
dermined by  the  practice  of  the  co-operative  system,  they  are 
entirely  prepared  to  enter  into  the  democratic  and  republican  So- 
cialist Party,  and  the  day  will  come  when  they  will  join  the 
masses  of  industrial  workers  under  the  flag  of  the  social  republic. 
Of  course  this  will  not  come  about  without  long  and  patient 
effort.  We  are  not  blind  to  the  difficulties  of  the  future  nor  to 
those  of  the  present.  In  the  beginning  of  July  we  will  have  a 
parliamentary  situation  of  extreme  complications  to  contend  with. 
We  will  have  to  realize  the  fiscal,  social,  and  military  reforms 
which  are  contained  in  the  latest  decision  of  universal  suffrage — 
in  a  very  immature  and  embryonic  state.  At  the  same  time  we 
shall  have  to  avoid  any  sign  of  confusion,  any  modification  of 
the  distinctive  characteristics  of  our  party.  This  task  does  not 
overtax  the  strength  of  French  Socialism,  for  it  has  reached  a 
sufficient  stage  of  organization.  But  it  will  frequently  be  very 
difficult.  More  than  once  we  shall  have  to  pass  through  phases 
where  the  true  motives  of  our  actions  will  first  not  be  evident.  It 
will  be  necessary  that  our  comrades  from  the  International  Bureau 
put  their  faith  in  us.  But  the  movement  is  strong,  the  party 
healthy  and  as  far  removed  from  any  kind  of  verbal  radicalism 
as  it  is  from  compromise.  It  would  be  too  early  at  present  to 
draw  up  our  plan  of  action.  This  plan  will  be  discussed  by 
our  members  of  Parliament  as  soon  as  the  Chamber  assembles. 
But  we  hope  to  be  able  to  render  good  service  to  social  progress 
as  well  as  to  world  peace,  in  which  the  German-French  "  rap- 
prochement "  is  an  essential  condition. 

(See  also  chapters  on  "Agriculture,"  "Unemployment,"  "The 
High  Cost  of  Living,"  "The  Drink  Question,"  "The  Labor 
Unions,"  "Militarism,"  "Municipal  Socialism.") 


CHAPTER  IV 
BELGIUM 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

It  is  impossible  to  show  accurately  the  recent  growth  of 
the  Belgian  Socialist  Party  either  in  membership  or  in 
the  number  of  votes  obtained.  The  votes  may  be  gauged 
roughly,  however,  by  the  number  of  seats  obtained  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies: 

In  1900 33  Socialist  deputies 

"  1902 34  "  " 

"  1904 28  "  " 

"  1906 30  "  " 

"  1908 34  "  " 

"  1910 35  "  " 

"  1912 39  "  " 

"  1914 40  "  " 

In  1900  the  Chamber  had  a  total  of  166  members  j  it 
now  has  186. 

The  increase  of  the  Socialist  vote  cannot  be  shown  be- 
cause of  amalgamation  with  the  Liberals  in  a  number  of 
districts  in  1912.  The  election  of  1914,  however,  indicated 
a  gain  of  nearly  10  per  cent  for  the  combined  opposition, 
while  the  Catholics  lost  5  per  cent.  As  the  Socialists  main- 
tained their  candidates  in  the  latter  election,  their  vote 
could  be  reckoned  separately  and  was  considerably  more 
than  half  of  the  opposition.  It  was  also  calculated  that 
the  majority  of  the  voters  had  become  oppositional,  al- 
though only  half  of  the  country  had  an  election  in  this  year. 
Owing,  however,  to  the  inequality  of  election  districts,  each 

70 


BELGIUM  71 

Catholic  had  less  than  14,000  votes  and  each  opposition 
candidate  more  than  16,000.  The  Catholics  preserved  their 
control  of  the  Chamber — though  losing  their  majority. 
(The  votes  referred  to  are  still  plural  votes — as  explained 
below  under  the  caption  General  Strike.) 

It  is  impossible  to  give  the  party  membership,  because 
members  of  Socialist  trade-unions  and  co-operative  are 
reckoned  together  with  members  of  purely  political  organ- 
izations. In  1913,  for  example,  there  were  270,000  members 
of  the  three  kinds  of  organizations,  but  less  than  16,000 
or  5.6  per  cent  of  these  were  members  of  political  groups. 
While  having  some  advantages,  this  system  also  has  its  dis- 
advantages and  is  now  being  remodeled.  While  the  close 
relation  between  Socialist  unions  and  the  Socialist  Party 
is  to  be  maintained,  the  latter  is  to  have  a  more  or  less 
separate  organization,  more  similar  than  at  present  to  other 
countries  (see  below). 

If  we  judge  the  growth  of  Socialism  by  that  of  the  So- 
cialist unions,  this  growth  has  been  especially  rapid  of  late. 
The  following  statement  concerning  this  development  was 
made  by  the  Belgian  leader,  Vandervelde  (in  The  Metro- 
politan Magazine)  : 

The  great  bulk  of  the  union  men  who  recognize  the  class 
struggle  are  affiliated  with  the  Union  Commission,  whose  rapidly 
increasing  strength  is  shown  by  the  following  figures : 

Members 

In  1905 34,000 

In  1910 69,000 

In  1911 77,000 

In  1912 116,000 

In  1913 131,000 

If  one  takes  into  account  the  whole  number  of  industrial 
workers  of  the  country — 1,200,000  men,  women,  and  children,  of 
whom  it  might  be  possible  to  organize  800,000 — the  percentage 


72         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

of  organized  working-people  with  Socialistic  tendencies  is  still 
too  small. 

The  sudden  increase  of  membersliip  in  1912  was  due  to 
preparation  for  the  general  strike  for  equal  suffrage  in 
1913,  and  the  increase  in  the  latter  year  within  a  few 
months  after  the  strike  is  another  evidence  of  its  popu- 
larity and  success  among  the  working-classes.  From  1908 
to  1911,  when  the  union  movement  was  chiefly  economic,  its 
growth  had  been  very  slow. 

II.   THE   ELECTION    OP    1914 

(From  Vorwaerts) 

"The  elections  of  1912,  as  is  known,  were  'fusion  elec- 
tions.' The  Liberals  and  Socialists  together  were  to  take 
political  clericalism  by  storm.  The  result  is  remembered: 
the  desertion  of  the  moderate  and  floating  elements  of 
Liberalism  to  the  clerical  government;  IM.  de  Broqueville 
returned  to  Parliament  with  16  majority  instead  of  6  as 
previously.  These  experiences  have  brought  this  advantage 
that  they  allowed  principles  and  interests  to  come  into  clear 
expression  again  in  an  election — in  which,  for  Socialists  at 
least,  it  is  a  question  not  only  of  a  political  program,  but 
equally  of  the  visibility  of  principles  and  ideals.  A  number 
of  election  meetings  in  which  Liberals  and  Socialists  came 
into  serious  conflict  and  even  to  blows,  allowed  the  opposi- 
tion between  the  two  parties  to  be  seen  in  all  its  acuteness, 
and  the  speeches  on  both  sides,  robbed  of  their  fusion 
glamour,  appeared  before  the  voters  in  the  guise  of  pure 
class  conflict. 

"The  abandonment  of  the  fusion  policy,  of  course,  has 
in  no  way  lessened  the  intensity  of  the  electoral  struggle 
against  clericalism  and  the  clerical  majority — certainly  not 
in  the  Socialist,  and  scarcely  in  the  Liberal  camp. 


BELGIUM  73 

"Though  the  election  covered  only  one-half  the  country, 
the  Government's  majority  fell  from  16  to  12.  The  So- 
cialists gained  1  and  the  Liberal  opposition,  3  votes.  The 
gain  in  opposition  votes  has  already  been  referred  to. 

"The  election  means  a  condemnation  of  the  tax-policy 
of  the  scandalous  and  ruinous  waste  of  the  majority,  its 
costly  militarism,  and  above  all,  of  the  very  school  law  upon 
which  the  majority  based  its  hopes  of  success  and  of  in- 
creased strength. 

"In  their  calculation  of  success,  the  clericals  also  relied 
confidently  upon  the  issue  of  the  general  strike.  The 
clerical  organs  claimed  incessantly  that  the  general  strike 
was  the  cause  of  the  economic  crisis!  But  this  plot  also 
failed. 

' '  The  election  has  borne  out  absolutely  the  view  of  those 
who  opposed  the  Liberal-Socialist  fusion  policy  at  the  time 
of  its  enforcement,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  damage 
both  of  the  allies,  without  accomplishing  its  purpose — the 
overthrow  of  the  clerical  majority.  This  time  there  was 
common  action  of  the  two  parties  in  two  instances  only. 
At  the  same  time  both  parties  gained  votes  in  nearly  every 
constituency. ' ' 

The  manifesto  of  the  Labor  Party  (the  Socialist  Party) 
after  the  elections  thus  commented  on  the  election  re- 
sults : 

The  head  of  the  Cabinet  himself  [de  Broqueville]  said :  "  There 
is  but  one  normal,  regular  way  to  bring  about  any  change  in 
the  very  practical  situation  that  confronts  us:  the  body  of 
electors  must  speak  .  .  .  and  then,  if  the  electoral  body  declares 
itself,  there  will  be  an  exact  indication  for  every  loyal  person 
to  follow." 

Well,  the  electors  have  given  that  indication  this  20th  of  May 
in  a  striking  manner. 

The  figures  of  the  election  show  that  if  the  results  of  1912 
and  1914  are  added  togethei-,  the  three  opposition  parties  which 


74         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

had  an  equal  suffrage  for  their  platform  obtained  1,327,887  votes 
against  1,321,848  votes  for  the  government  candidates. 

It  is  not  only  the  actual  majority  ( f  the  country,  it  is  the  legal 
majority,  the  majority  of  plural  votes  which  condemns  the  plural- 
ity system.  .  .  . 

ni.   REORGANIZATION   OF   THE  PARTY 

REPORT    OP   THE   COMMISSION    ON   REORGANIZATION    BEFORE   THE 
PARTY   CONGRESS   OP  1914 

[It  will  be  seen  from  these  extracts  that  it  is  proposed  to 
take  the  party  from  the  control  of  the  labor  unions  and 
to  give  it  a  more  or  less  independent  political  organization, 
more  like  most  other  Socialist  parties]  : 

The  project  proposes  two  kinds  of  organizations  which  can  be 
affiliated  with  the  Labor  Party,  and  defines  their  functions  as  fol- 
lows: (a)  political  organizations,  (b)  economic  organizations. 

The  purpose  of  this  change  is  to  brmg  about  the  creation  of 
organizations  specifically  devoted  to  political  propaganda,  the 
need  of  which  is  being  more  and  more  felt.  (See  Introductory  to 
"Belgium"  above.) 

By  specific  political  propaganda  we  mean  the  systematic  dis- 
tribution of  Socialist  publications,  propaganda  through  the  press, 
the  sale  of  pamphlets,  the  organization  of  political  meetings  and 
lectures.  .   .   . 

Members  who  are  especially  interested  in  political  questions 
ought  to  have  an  oi'ganization  where  they  can  discuss  and  develop 
their  general  knowledge  along  that  line.  Up  to  the  present,  with 
only  few  exceptions  practically,  the  political  propaganda  has 
been  carried  on  either  by  a  central  committee  composed  of  dele- 
gates from  all  the  various  gi-oups  of  the  party  and  having  its 
headquarters  in  the  commune,  or  by  a  single  one  of  these  groups, 
a  labor  union,  a  co-operative  society,  or  a  mutual  benefit  asso- 
ciation. 

We  certainly  ought  to  confess  that,  although  this  situation  was 
satisfactory  and  gave  good  results  until  recent  years,  this  is  no 
longer  the  case,  and  at  present  we  must  perfect  our  organizations 
if  we  wish  to  maintain  and  improve  the  positions  gained.  While, 
on  the  one  side,  the  need  for  a  permanent  form  of  action  is 


BELGIUM  75 

becoming  greater  and  greater  from  the  political  standpoint,  our 
economic  organizations  are  more  and  more  absorbed  in  their 
own  affairs  and  cannot  guarantee  a  sufficient  political  propaganda 
except  to  the  detriment  of  their  own  activities.  ... 

[The  commission,  while  demanding  a  certain  degree  of 
separation  between  party  and  unions,  nevertheless  recom- 
mended that  the  unions  be  permitted  to  continue  to  act 
''within  the  party,"  which  gave  rise  to  the  following  dis- 
cussion] : 

Comrade  Vandersmissen,  representing  the  commission  appointed 
last  year,  has  the  floor.  He  declares :  "  Our  pr-esent  party  statutes 
are,  for  the  most  part,  over  twenty  years  old;  the  trade-unions 
are  losing  their  local  character  more  and  more.  They  are  begin- 
ning to  extend  over  large  industrial  centers.  They  are  no  longer 
in  a  position  to  carry  on  political  propaganda.  The  same  thing 
can  be  said  of  the  co-operative  associations.  The  concentration 
of  co-operatives  is  advancing.  It  is  impossible  to  develop  political 
activity  in  communal  territories  without  a  special  [political] 
organization.  Political  action  is  necessary.  The  financial  re- 
sources of  the  party  must  be  increased.  More  and  more  is  de- 
manded of  the  national  council  of  the  party.  We  can  no  longer 
depend  on  extraordinary  and  voluntary  contributions."  As  to 
representation  at  the  yearly  congi-ess,  Vandersmissen  demands 
that  not  groups,  but  federations,  should  have  the  right  of  repre- 
sentation. 

Brouckere  speaks  at  length  on  the  method  of  organization  in 
Germany,  England,  France,  and  Italy.  He  speaks  against  the 
proposed  system  of  party  cards.  This  would  lead  to  a  sort  of 
plural  vote.  It  would  keep  out  the  non-union  men.  Those  who 
cannot  be  organized  in  trade-unions  must  be  allowed  to  pay  their 
dues  to  one  of  the  political  groups. 

Brouckere  proposes  the  following  resolution : 

The  Congress  authorizes  the  general  council  of  the  party  to 
lay  before  the  next  congress  an  outline  of  the  statutes  in  a  form 
that  will  embody  proposals  made  at  this  congress.  Comrade 
Vandersmissen  accepts  this  proposal. 

(See  also  "  The  General  Strike"  and  "  Education.") 


CHAPTER  V 
ITALY 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

The  greatest  turning-point  in  the  history  of  the  Italian 
Socialist  Party  occurred  in  1912  when  four  of  its  members 
in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies — including  its  most  noted 
orator,  Bissolati,  and  the  editor  of  L'Asino,  Podrecca — 
were  expelled  from  the  party  because  of  their  compromis- 
ing attitude  on  the  war  in  Tripoli  (see  below).  Sixteen  of 
the  39  Socialists  in  the  Chamber  then  formed  a  new  Re- 
formist Party — which  has  grown  both  in  membership  and 
in  representatives  in  the  Chamber,  but  less  rapidly  than  the 
regular  or  revolutionary  party. 

The  growth  of  the  party  before  the  split — on  account  of 
internal  friction  and  the  struggle  with  the  Syndicalists — 
had  become  somewhat  discouraging.    It  was  as  follows : 

1900 19,000  members 

1902 37,000 

1904 45,000 

1908 40,000 

1910 30.000 

1912 25,000 

Immediately  after  the  split  an  improvement  began, 
though  it  must  be  attributed  in  part  to  the  enthusiasm 
aroused  by  the  first  election  under  an  approximately  equal 
manhood  suffrage. 

From  the  official  report  in  1914  it  appeared  that  since 
July,  1912,  when  the  Reformist  Socialists  (group  Bissolati) 

76 


ITALY  77 

were  compelled  to  leave  the  party,  the  membership  had 
steadily  increased  from  28,689  (July,  1912)  to  30,936  (De- 
cember, 1912),  37,000  (December,  1913),  and  stood  at  over 
49,000.  In  1913  the  percentage  of  the  total  vote  going  to 
the  regular  party  rose  from  10  to  approximately  21  per 
cent,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  new  party  received  over 
4  per  cent  of  the  total  vote. 

The  increase  of  the  vote  of  the  whole  party  is  as  follows : 

Year  Votes  Deputies 

1892 26,000       6 

1900 175,000  32 

1904...*. 320,000  27 

1909 339,000  40 

1913 1,160,000  72  (out  of  508) 

The  large  number  of  deputies  elected  in  1900  was  due 
partly  to  a  fusion  with  the  Radicals.  In  1913  the  vote  and 
representation  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  were  divided 
between  two  Socialist  parties,  the  increased  vote  being 
partly  due  to  the  extended  suffrage. 

The  attitude  of  the  party  toward  the  war  may  be  under- 
stood from  the  following  declaration : 

II.    DECLARATION    OF   THE    SOCIALIST   PARTY    UPON    THE   WAR 
IN    TRIPOLI 

Workers !  At  this  moment  the  Socialist  Party  reminds  you  that 
the  colonial  war,  which  was  prepared  with  unparalleled  astute- 
ness by  a  band  of  pirates  of  high  finance,  has  had  for  champions 
all  the  Italian  bourgeoisie,  from  the  Clerical  to  the  Democrat, 
driven  by  nationalist  madness.  We  ask  that  those  who  desired 
this  terrible  war  should  suffer  its  consequences  now.  The  workers 
who  have  already  paid  for  the  foreigia  insanity  a  far  too  heavy 
tribute  in  victims  and  in  blood  should  prepare  at  once  to  ask 
for  an  account  at  the  time  of  the  electoral  fight  from  those  who 
are  responsible  for  the  horrors  of  war.  The  Socialist  Party, 
faithful  to  the  ideal   of  the  international   proletariat,  calls  on 


78         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  laboring  class  of  Italy  to  fulfill  their  sacred  task  and  demand 
a  rendering  of  accounts. 


m.    THE   SPLIT   IN    THE   PARTY 

Although  the  attitude  of  the  majority  of  the  party  to- 
ward the  war  was  an  uncompromising  one,  nevertheless 
there  was  an  important  minority  that  wished  to  temporize 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  inopportune,  while  the  country 
was  at  war,  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  majority.  This 
division  of  opinion  became  serious. 

At  the  Party  Congress  in  July,  1912,  a  motion  to  expel 
the  four  opportunist  deputies,  Bissolati,  Bonomi,  Cabrini, 
and  Podrecca,  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  12,556  against  9,883, 
with  2,072  abstaining. 

The  Socialist  Party  proper,  in  order  to  make  their  gen- 
eral attitude  clear,  adopted  the  following  statement,  pro- 
posed by  Lerda: 

The  Congress,  after  discussion  as  to  the  proper  program  and 
tactics  for  the  party  in  the  political  elections : 

First  of  all,  reaffirms  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  class 
struggle  as  the  theoretical  basis  and  practical  guide  for  all  So- 
cialist action ;  and 

Considers  that  the  Socialist  Party  cannot  but  be,  on  account 
of  its  essentially  revolutionary  character,  a  party  of  agitation 
and  education,  never  a  government  party,  and  proclaims  that  for 
the  logical  continuity  and  fighting  efficiency  of  the  party  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  the  system  of  local  autonomy 
by  intrusting  to  the  executive  committee  [la  Direzione]  elected 
by  the  Congress  the  interpretation  and  the  execution  of  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Congress;  and 

Declares  it  to  be  incompatible  with  the  principles,  the  methods, 
and  the  ultimate  aims  of  Socialism,  that  those  persons  should 
remain  in  the  party  who  accept  Socialist  pai'ticipation  in  power, 
or  who  share  the  conception  of  the  new  Social  Democracy  [that 
looks  to  the  collaboration  of  classes  in  political-economic  matters] 
and  have  approved  the  oresent  military-colonial  undertaking;  and 


ITALY  79 

Declares  that  all  support  to  the  schemes  of  the  Government  is 
opposed  to  the  fundamental  theories  of  Socialism  and  to  the 
interests  of  the  proletariat,  and  claims  for  the  party  the  right 
to  exact  from  all  its  members,  including  deputies,  a  strict  observ- 
ance of  the  decisions  of  the  Congress;  and 

Reaffirming  the  anti-monarchical  character  of  the  party,  lays 
it  down  that,  in  the  coming  political  elections,  the  method  of  no 
compromise  [il  metodo  intransigente]  must  be  followed,  as  the 
logical  and  necessary  corollary  from  the  theory  and  practice  of 
the  class  struggle,  which  does  not  permit  solidarity  of  interest 
between  the  ruling  class  and  the  servant  class;  and,  in  conse- 
quence, decides  to  have  in  the  coming  elections  in  every  electoral 
district  its  own  candidacies,  of  persons  who  have  been  regularly 
inscribed  in  the  party  for  at  least  five  years,  giving  permission 
to  the  executive  committee  to  authorize  the  sections  to  take  part 
in  ballotings  for  candidates  of  other  parties;  and 

Resolves  to  shape  the  electoral  propaganda  according  to  purely 
Socialist  principles,  but  pledges  its  own  candidates  to  strive  in 
Parliament  for  that  program  of  reforms  which  the  proletariat 
in  its  economic  organizations  desires  and  claims. 

The  expelled  deputies  and  their  adherents  formed  a  new 
party,  the  Socialist  Reformist  Party,  whose  principles  were 
formulated  by  Bonomi,  at  a  congress  held  in  December, 
1913,  as  follows: 

Reforms  should  be  formulated  in  relation  to  the  economic  and 
political  forces  of  the  working-classes  and  of  the  forces  opposed 
to  them.  The  party  adheres  to  the  proletarian  International, 
and  assumes  the  task  of  educating  the  people  in  the  feeling 
of  solidarity,  but  not  without  taking  into  account,  for  the  sake 
of  the  defense  of  the  national  whole,  the  actual  conditions  of 
international  life,  with  the  hope  that  the  success  of  the  working- 
class  movements  in  the  greater  states  of  the  world  will  make 
possible  a  general,  simultaneous  disarmament.  We  have  no 
prejudice  against  the  democratic  parties;  whether  we  are  to  keep 
clear  of  those  parties  or  to  adopt  a  policy  of  alliance  will  depend 
on  whether  or  not  the  respective  programs  are  similar.  An 
accord  in  a  common  opposition,  or  in  suppoi't  of  an  accepted 
measure  of  the  Government,  shall  be  made  or  revoked  according 
to  circumstances;  and  it  is  understood  that  in  the  laboring-class 


80         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

those  categories  are  also  included  which  do  not  come  under  the 
head  of  wage-earners  but  approximate  to  the  type  of  the  little 
working-class  proprietors. 


IV.    THE   ELECTIONS   OF    1913 
1.  ELECTORAL  TACTICS 

In  1913  the  elections  were  held  under  the  enlarged  fran- 
chise, and  many  questions  of  how  best  to  approach  the  new 
voters  were  discussed  and  settled. 

a.  Tlie  Action  of  the  Executive  Committee 

At  a  meeting  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  party,  July  16, 
the  following  electoral  platform  was  adopted : 

The  executive  committee  of  the  Italian  Socialist  Party,  having 
considered  the  coming  electoral  struggle, 

Confirms  and  reasserts  the  tactics  and  the  policy  of  no  com- 
promise whatever  adopted  by  the  Congress  at  Reggio  Emilia,  and 
by  the  former  meetings  of  the  executive  committee,  and 

Decides  to  use  the  period  of  electioneering  first  of  all  to  lay 
befoi-e  the  millions  of  proletarians  called  on  to  vote,  for  the  first 
time,  the  whole  Socialist  program  in  its  methods  and  in  its  aims, 
explaining  the  value  and  the  part  of  parliamentary  action  in  the 
whole  work  of  the  Socialist  Party,  in  order  not  to  deceive  the 
masses  nor  to  let  them  be  deceived ;  and 

Holds  that  the  coming  parliamentary  Socialist  action,  to  which 
we  ask  popular  adherence,  must  set  forth,  besides  a  resolute  and 
continual  affirmation  of  Socialist  principles, 

(1)  A  firm  and  systematic  opposition  to  the  policy  of  colonial 
A-entures  and  military  budgets; 

(2)  A  customs  policy  frankly  free  trade,  especially  in  view  of 
the  renewal  of  the  commercial  treaties,  and  in  strict  opposition 
to  industrial  and  agrarian  protectionism; 

(3)  Social  legislation  that  shall  not  consist  only  in  partial  and 
ephemeral  reforms,  but  shall  resolutely  deal  with  the  more  serious 
problems  of  the  industrial  and  agricultural  life  of  the  pro- 
letariat ; 

(4)  A  policy  of  taxation  and  expropriation  that  shall  serve 
to  fill  the  deficit  caused  by  the  war,  throwing  the  whole  burden 


ITALY  8] 

on  the  capitalistic  classes,  and  that  shall  permit  the  destination  of 
a  thousand  millions  of  lire  to  provide  means  for  the  social 
projects  we  demand ;  and 

(5)  An  educational  policy  that  shall  give  to  the  new  genera- 
tions of  the  proletariat  the  means  and  methods  of  obtaining  a 
large,  modern  culture,  releasing  it  from  illiteracy. 

b.  The  Second  Ballot 
(From  Vorwaerts'  Report  after  the  First  Ballot  had  been  taken) 

"The  Socialist  Party  called  upon  its  members  to  sup- 
port those  candidates  who  took  a  stand  against  the  Tripoli 
war  and  pledged  themselves  in  writing  to  stand  against  the 
increase  of  military  burdens.  The  resolution  of  the  party 
executive  mentioned  these  candidates  by  name.  Among 
them  are  three  Republicans.  The  Socialists  also  supported 
the  Reformist  Socialists,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Ferri, 
who  could  not  be  considered.  Finally  the  party  executive 
demanded  the  support  of  the  Liberal  Pinchia,  who  wrote  a 
book  against  the  war,  and  of  Prince  Caetani,  who  voted 
against  annexation.  By  a  bare  majority  the  executive 
also  favored  the  support  of  the  former  Socialist,  Labriola, 
in  Naples. 

"The  Reformist  Socialists  supported  the  Socialists  in 
every  instance;  the  Republicans  abstained  from  voting 
where  there  was  a  Socialist  candidate;  the  Radicals,  no- 
where supported  by  the  Socialists,  everywhere  gave  the 
Socialists  their  support." 

2.   ELECTORAL  MANIFESTO   OF  THE   SOCIALIST  PARTY 

Electors  of  Italy! 

The  events  of  the  last  two  years  have  demonstrated  that  it  is 
vain  to  hope  from  the  Government  parties  a  relief  from  the 
evils  of  our  present  social  life. 

While,  in  face  of  the  development  of  capitalistic  civilization. 
Socialistic  aspirations  towards  the  regime  of  justice  and  equality 


82         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

have  become  the  onlj'  hope  of  all  the  exploited  laborers  in  our 
country,  war,  the  execrable  war  of  conquest,  before  which  all  bow 
down,  has  upset,  by  the  insatiable  exigencies  of  militarism,  the 
proposals  of  better  things  and  of  civil  progi-ess  that  you  pro- 
claimed five  years  ago.  War  has  devastated  all  our  national  life; 
in  politics  it  has  given  the  predominance  to  the  regime  of  the 
sword,  to  the  omnipotence  of  the  police,  to  the  encroachment  of 
the  church ;  in  economics  it  has  increased  the  high  cost  of  food, 
the  low  rate  of  wages,  chronic  lack  of  employment,  the  difficulty 
of  business;  everywhere  it  has  sown  sorrow,  tears,  and  sacrifice. 

The  Government  statement  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Chamber 
may  extol  the  fiscal  absorption  of  the  finances  of  the  state  as  an 
index  of  national  prosperity,  but  it  ought  to  acknowledge  the 
neglect  of  public  hygiene,  the  increase  of  juvenile  delinquency, 
the  persistence  of  illiteracy,  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  peasants 
of  southern  Italy,  and  the  fact  that  social  conflicts  become  sharper 
and  more  widely  extended. 

The  enlargement  of  the  suffrage  has  multiplied  your  strength 
and  you  have  greater  power  at  your  disposition  to  defend  your 
rights,  your  liberties,  your  lives  and  those  of  your  families. 
Make  use  of  such  power  to  refuse  your  vote  to  all  those  parties 
and  to  all  those  candidates  who  move  in  the  orbit  of  the  state 
and  its  institutions;  keep  it  for  our  party,  which  alone  has 
declared  a  wish  to  fight  against  war,  against  mihtarism,  against 
the  reaction,  whether  lay  or  ecclesiastical,  of  the  present  political 
regime. 

Fellow  workmen! 

Parliaments  are  the  instruments  par  excellence  of  bourgeois 
dominion :  we  send  to  them  our  political  representatives,  not  for 
the  purpose  of  co-operating  with  the  class  that  lives  by  exploiting 
labor  and  accumulating  capital,  but  in  order  to  maintain  in  the 
face  of  the  nation  the  interests  and  the  aspirations  of  the  pro- 
letarian class.  For  this  reason  our  candidates  do  not  present  to 
you  a  program  of  illusory,  homeopathic  reforms — the  constitu- 
tional opposition  promises  30  centesimi  [6  cents]  pension  to  old 
and  crippled  laborers — but  they  assert  the  necessity  of  a  systematic 
continuous  legislative  struggle  against  armaments,  against  pro- 
tectionism, against  the  parasitical  classes  of  the  state  and  of  the 
church,  for  expropriation  by  taxation,  for  a  greater  conquest  of 
proletarian  rights,  for  universal  suffrage  of  men  and  women.  .  .  . 


ITALY  83 

3.   THE   SITUATION   BEFORE  THE   ELECTIONS  OF  1913 

(From  The  New  Statesman) 

"The  number  of  parliamentary  electors  has  been  in- 
creased from  3,247,000  to  8,635,000.  The  third  reading 
[of  the  bill  to  increase  the  number  of  electors]  was  carried 
by  284  to  62  in  a  Chamber  of  508  deputies, 

* '  The  Clericals  were  generally  regarded  as  likely  to  profit 
by  it,  and  it  has  been  widely  suggested  that  it  was  part  of 
the  price  which  the  Government  had  to  pay  for  clerical 
support  in  the  Tripoli  war ;  but  though  the  increase  of  the 
electorate  may  be  an  electoral  advantage  for  the  moment, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Vatican  regards  it  with  real 
favor. 

"To  understand  the  situation  one  should  remember  that 
the  unification  of  Italy  was  the  work  of  the  Liberal  bour- 
geoisie of  the  towns.  In  the  country  districts  the  peasantry 
could  not  be  trusted  with  a  vote.  It  was  therefore  a  po- 
litical necessity  in  the  early  days  of  Italian  unity  to  restrict 
the  suffrage,  and  this  was  effected  to  some  extent  by  a 
number  of  small  property  qualifications,  but  far  more 
drastically  by  a  really  strict  educational  test. 

"As  an  educational  test  is  often  recommended  by  poli- 
ticians of  a  certain  school,  it  may  be  well  to  note  its  results 
in  Italy,  where  ...  it  was  introduced  not  to  strengthen 
but  to  preclude  reaction.  With  equal  electoral  districts 
based  on  population,  the  restricted  suffrage  produced 
startling  differences  in  the  number  of  electors  in  the  vari- 
ous constituencies.  In  prosperous  urban  or  semi-urban 
districts  in  the  North  the  number  of  electors  may  have  been 
three  or  four  times  as  great  as  in  the  rural  constituencies 
in  the  center  and  South,  and  the  difference  between  town 
and  country  was  further  aggravated  by  the  Papal  injunc- 


84         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

tion  to  Catholics  not  to  vote,  which  was  far  more  effective 
in  rural  districts.  In  the  great  mass  of  constituencies  the 
independent  electors  were  far  too  few  to  defeat  the  gov- 
ernment candidate,  backed  by  the  disciplined  army  of  low- 
paid  government  officials,  carefully  trained  by  the  Prefect, 
upon  whom  they  depended  for  a  career.  .   .   . 

"This  explains  the  absence  of  strong  political  parties 
based  on  ideals  and  principles,  and  the  degradation  of  po- 
litical life.  The  fate  of  governments  did  not  depend  on 
outside  public  opinion,  but  on  their  power  to  control  the 
elected  deputies,  upon  whom  the  arts  of  political  corrup- 
tion had  to  be  freely  exercised.  There  was  another  serious 
result,  in  that  every  government  has  in  the  end  to  pay  some 
attention  to  public  opinion,  and  as  the  only  public  opinion 
which  could  make  itself  heard  was  that  of  the  North,  suc- 
cessive governments  have  been  compelled  to  have  regard  in 
their  fiscal  legislation  mainly  to  the  interests  of  the  North, 
always  the  richest  portion  of  Italy  and  the  least  in  want  of 
government  assistance.  This  is  the  explanation  of  the  high 
import  duties  to  protect  the  industries  and  such  agricul- 
tural produce  as  is  peculiar  to  the  North,  e.g.,  the  grain  of 
the  Lombard  Venetian  plain  and  the  beet-sugar  of  the 
Emilia;  and  the  southern  agriculturist  is  only  just  begin- 
ning to  understand  why  he  has  to  pay  such  high  prices 
for  his  agricultural  machinery,  and  why  he  is  unable  to 
buy  the  cheap  sugar  which  would  enable  him  to  utilize 
the  fruit  crops  on  which  he  mainly  depends. 

' '  The  political  problem  of  Italy  is  to  combine  in  the  same 
principles  of  administration  the  wealthy  progressive  North 
and  the  destitute  and  stagnant  South.  .   .   . 

"In  considering  the  electoral  prospects  of  the  various 
parties,  not  always  clearly  defined,  we  find  that  the  last 
Chamber  consisted  of  19  Republicans,  37  Socialists,  54 
Radicals,  and  420  so-called  Constitutionalists.    The  Repub- 


ITALY  85 

licans  and  Socialists  may  be  regarded  as  in  permanent 
opposition  to  the  Government.  They  appeal  mainly  to  the 
lower  middle-class  and  the  literate  artisans  of  the  town. 
The  Republicans  are  a  dying  group  with  a  creed  sadly 
lacking  in  actuality,  and  they  are  not  likely  to  increase 
their  numbers.  The  Socialists  have  a  future,  and  may  in 
time  convert  the  new  electorate;  but  while  they  alone  of 
all  parties  have  a  program  they  are  very  divided  as  to  the 
methods  of  attaining  it,  and  their  very  uncertain  attitude 
towards  the  war  will  not  help  them.  The  Radicals  are 
usually  in  opposition  to  the  Government,  but  support  it 
when  its  measures  are  opposed  by  the  more  conservative 
groups  of  Constitutionalists.  They  have  no  real  program, 
and  are  difficult  to  distinguish  from  the  more  advanced 
Constitutionalists,  except  in  that  they  are  more  markedly 
tinged  with  anti-clericalism.  The  Constitutionalists  com- 
prise a  number  of  heterogeneous  elements,  some  few  Con- 
servatives usually  in  opposition  to  the  Government,  soixie 
thirty  Clericals,  and  forty  more  who,  though  not  Clericals 
in  name,  are  quite  aware  that  they  owe  their  election  mainly 
to  clerical  support.  The  remainder  can  usually  be  relied 
on  to  support  the  Government.  The  system  of  government 
is  that  of  parliamentary  bargaining,  in  which  Giolitti,  the 
outstanding  personality  in  Italian  politics,  is  an  adept. 

"The  Clericals  prefer  to  call  themselves  Catholics,  but 
that  terminology  conveys  the  wholly  fallacious  impression 
that  they  alone  are  practicing  Catholics.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  term  Clerical  does  not  mean  that  they  are  in 
favor  of  the  restoration  of  the  temporal  power,  and  outside 
Rome,  where  the  conditions  are  peculiar,  there  are  very 
few  Clericals  who  desire  it.  They  have  ideals  and  enthusi- 
asm, but  no  program.  As  a  rule  they  support  Giolitti,  and 
in  many  cases  will  obtain  government  support  at  the  polls. 

"The  Government  boast  that  they  have  no  program,  but 


86         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

rely  upon  their  record,  and  they  have  some  grounds  for 
doing  so.  The  war  was  immensely  popular,  and  having 
regard  only  to  national  considerations  it  at  last  welded  the 
country  into  a  nation  and  made  the  extension  of  the  suf- 
frage a  safe  policy.  Apart  from  the  administration  of  the 
war  the  Government  can  point  to  a  long  list  of  democratic 
and  social  measures,  the  extension  of  the  suffrage,  the 
introduction  of  a  more  humane  penal  code,  the  abolition  of 
the  hateful  domicilio  coat  to,  the  state  purchase  of  the  rail- 
ways, the  unification,  under  Government  control,  of  the 
maritime  services,  the  transfer  to  the  state  of  life  insur- 
ance, and  a  great  number  of  measures  dealing  with  public 
health,  education,  afforestation,  and  local  government  gen- 
erally. Though  the  credit  may  not  be  wholly  his,  Giolitti 
can  point  out  that  since  he  became  the  virtual  ruler  of 
Italy  some  twelve  years  ago  there  has  been,  in  spite  of  an 
unprecedented  earthquake  and  a  war,  an  extraordinary  in- 
crease of  prosperity.  Flourishing  industries  have  in  the 
interval  been  firmly  established  and  the  value  of  agricul- 
tural land  in  the  North  has  nearly  doubled,  and  though 
the  South  has  not  kept  pace,  it  nevertheless  shows  sub- 
stantial improvements  in  all  directions. ' ' 

4.    THE   RESULTS 

The  elections  were  held  under  the  new  election  law  that 
gave  the  vote  to  the  overwhelming  majority  of  male  adults 
instead  of  restricting  it  to  less  than  one-half,  as  in  the 
elections  of  1909. 

According  to  the  new  electoral  law  of  1912-13,  practically 
all  adult  male  Italians  were  given  the  right  to  vote  at 
parliamentary  elections.  More  specifically,  this  right  of 
suffrage  may  now  be  exercised  by  three  classes  of  citizens : 
(1)   all  literate  male  Italians  who  are  21  years  old;   (2) 


ITALY  87 

illiterates  who  have  reached  the  age  of  30 ;  (3)  all  who  have 
served  in  the  Italian  army  or  navy,  even  though  they  have 
not  attained  the  age  of  21.  Thus  the  number  of  possible 
voters  has  been  increased  from  less  than  3,500,000  to  more 
than  8,500,000— an  addition  of  over  5,000,000  illiterates. 

However,  only  a  little  more  than  half  the  total  vote  was 
cast,  that  is,  less  than  4,500,000.  Besides  the  usual  motives 
for  abstention, — inertia  and  indecision, — a  considerable 
part  of  the  non-voters  were  undoubtedly  wage-earners 
reached  by  the  widespread  Syndicalist  agitation  in  favor 
of  a  Socialist  revolution  by  other  means — by  the  general 
strike  or  insurrection. 

The  Socialist  vote  is  best  measured — both  on  account  of 
the  new  suffrage  and  because  of  the  widespread  abstention 
— by  relative  instead  of  by  absolute  figures.  In  1909  the 
vote  was  339,000.  In  1913  the  combined  vote  of  the  two 
parties  which  had  been  formed  out  of  the  old  was  960,000 
for  the  regular  party  and  200,000  for  the  reformists.  In 
1909  the  Socialists  had  received  only  about  10  per  cent  of 
the  total  vote  cast.  In  1913  they  received  approximately 
25  per  cent. 

In  1909  the  Socialists  elected  40  out  of  508  members  of 
the  Chamber.  In  1913  they  elected  72.  Of  these  51  were 
regulars  (formerly  24)  and  21  were  reformists  (formerly 
16).  In  the  face  of  this  the  increase  of  the  reactionary  or 
Clerical  members  from  20  to  33  has  comparatively  little 
significance,  especially  as  it  was  accompanied  by  a  similar 
increase  of  anti-clerical  members,  counting  the  Socialists. 

The  Socialists,  moreover,  elected  36  members  on  the.  first 
ballot,  i.e.,  without  Radical,  Independent,  or  Reform  So- 
cialist support.  The  Reformist  Socialists  elected  3  on  the 
first  ballot. 


88         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

5.   COMMENTS   ON   THE   SOCIALIST   SUCCESS 

a.  From  Article  hij  Oda  Olberg  (Rome)  in  Die  Neue  Zeit 

' '  The  success  of  our  party  in  this  election  was  a  pleasant 
surprise  after  our  rather  pessimistic  expectations.  Never- 
theless there  are  only  very  few  cases  that  could  be  spoken 
of  as  a  leap  forward. 

"In  the  old  Chamber  of  Deputies  there  were  8  Socialists 
from  the  Piedmont,  in  the  new,  11,  the  vote  having  in- 
creased, in  round  numbers,  from  86,000  to  150,000.  Lom- 
bardy  increased  from  3  to  7  deputies  (65,000  to  160,000)  ; 
Venice,  from  1  deputy  to  4,  2  from  districts  which  were 
once  before  in  our  possession  (30,000  to  88,000  votes)  ; 
Liguria,  from  1  to  2  (19,000  to  36,000  votes)  ;  the  Emilia 
and  the  Romagna,  from  8  to  16  (62,000  to  155,000  votes). 
Upper  Italy,  therefore,  in  increasing  its  representation 
from  20  to  40  deputies,  has  grown  in  strength  in  about  the 
same  proportion  as  the  country  as  a  whole.  In  middle 
Italy,  Tuscany  had  the  largest  increase,  from  2  to  7  depu- 
ties (34,000  to  99,000  votes),  the  Marches  held  their  1 
deputy  (14,000  to  30,000  votes),  while  Latium  lost  its  1 
Socialist  representative  (from  7,500  to  36,000  votes). 
Southern  Italy  and  the  Islands,  where  hitherto  no  Socialist 
had  ever  been  elected,  sent  4  Socialist  deputies  to  the  new 
Chamber.  These  seats  were  won  in  Naples,  in  Gallipoli 
(Apulia),  in  Torre  Annunciata,  the  manufacturing  suburb 
of  Naples,  and  in  Iglesias,  the  center  of  the  lead  industry 
in  Sardinia.  The  vote  in  southern  Italy  shows  an  increase 
from  22,000  to  74,000.  In  the  three  districts  last  men- 
tioned our  party  had  polled  a  large  number  of  votes  in 
past  elections. 

"Our  success  was  doubtless  due  to  the  new  election  pro- 
cedure rather  than  to  any  broadening  of  election  laws. 


ITALY  89 

This  new  system  of  voting,  which  was  looked  upon,  at  first, 
with  such  great  suspicion,  has,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  given  the 
popular  vote  a  secrecy  that  was  hitherto  out  of  the  question, 
"It  is,  however,  far  from  my  purpose  to  deny  that  the 
new  election  laws  have  given  a  wider  and  deeper  signifi- 
cance to  the  Italian  Socialist  movement.  It  has  fired  the 
party  to  an  unprecedented  pitch  of  enthusiasm,  and  in- 
spired thousands  upon  thousands  of  meetings  in  which  the 
Socialist  message  was  carried  out  to  the  most  forsaken 
hamlets  of  the  nation.  But  the  reward  for  this  agitation 
will  come  to  us  only  in  future  years." 

b.  Berlin  Vorwaerts — Correspondence 

"The  disagreeable  surprises  for  the  bourgeoisie  con- 
nected with  this  election  fight  will  not  end  with  the  52 
Socialist  delegates  that  have  been  elected  to  the  new  house. 
Besides  this  number  of  the  official  party,  3  other  Socialists 
were  elected,  namely  Ciccotti,  Altobelli,  and  Vigna  (La- 
briola  does  not  rank  as  Socialist  or  Syndicalist)  ;  also  2 
Syndicalists,  de  Ambris  in  Parma  and  Area  in  Calabria. 
The  number  of  Reformists  has  grown  from  15  to  23,  an 
unpleasant  surprise  for  the  Government,  because  of  elec- 
tion districts  newly  won  by  the  Reformists  in  Sicily  and 
southern  Italy.  Upon  the  whole,  the  Government  realizes 
with  astonishment  that  the  new  voters  consider  matters 
from  different  angles  to  those  from  which  the  old  voters 
did. 

"It  must  be  understood  that  our  party  suffered  losses 
also ;  the  loss  of  the  first  Roman  election  district  was  most 
bitter  and  serious — bitter  in  so  far  as  the  district  was  won 
by  a  Clerical  Nationalist,  after  it  had  been  imagined  for 
years  that  the  Clericals  in  Rome  were  of  no  significance  as 
a  political  power.    Hand  in  hand  with  nationalism  we  see 


90         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  workers  of  the  Vatican  appear  upon  the  horizon.  The 
loss  is  serious  becau>se  a  Clerical  Nationalist  was  also  elected 
in  the  fourth  district  and  the  two  losses  defeated  the 
famous  "bloc,"  the  anti-clerical  administration  of  Rome. 
The  municipal  administration  of  the  capital  will  now  be 
given  to  a  royal  commissioner.  After  seven  years  of  anti- 
clerical rule  in  Rome  one  does  not  care  to  see  the  Clericals 
again  take  hold  of  public  affairs. 

"The  elections  will  further  show  retirements  in  mu- 
nicipal administrations  in  other  large  cities,  especially  in 
Turin  and  Milan,  where  our  party  won  three  out  of  the  six 
mandates.  In  both  towns  the  city  council  has  retired 
already. ' ' 

V.   PARLIAMENTARY   POLICY    (1913-1914) 
1.   RESOLUTION   OP   PARLIAMENTARY   GROUP   AFTER  THE   ELECTION 

The  Socialist  parliamentary  group  at  the  reunion  of  its  mem- 
bers, conscious  of  its  power  and  of  the  duties  that  come  to  it 
from  the  great  affirmation  of  Socialism  made  by  the  proletariat  of 
Italy  in  the  political  elections,  in  spite  of  the  violent  acts  of  the 
Government,  especially  in  the  South,  in  spite  of  the  corrupt 
practices  done  and  tolerated  in  many  election  districts; 

Renews  its  unconditional  adherence  to  the  program  of  imme- 
diate action  which  the  Socialist  Party  proclaimed  during  the 
election,  condemning  unreservedly  the  accursed  Libian  Affair, 
laying  stress  upon  opposition  to  military  expenditures,  denounc- 
ing protectionist  parasitism,  and  urging  its  abolition  as  speedily 
as  possible; 

Declares  itself  firmly  decided  to  set  forth  its  work  of  uncom- 
promising opposition,  and  agitation  of  social  and  political  prob- 
lems in  Parliament  and  in  the  country,  without  suffering  itself 
to  be  deceived  by  the  usual  promises  with  which  the  discourse 
by  the  Crown  will  be  larded  nor  by  the  stratagems  with  which 
Giovanni  Giolitti  will  continue  his  policy  of  dissolving  the  op- 
position ; 

And  finally  asserts  that  this  line  of  conduct,  inspired  by  its 


ITALY  91 

office  of  champion  of  the  class  struggle,  will  never  induce  it  to 
confound  its  own  specific  activity  with  that  of  any  other  par- 
liamentary group  whatever. 


2.  RESOLUTION   UPON  THE  RESIGNATION  OP  THE  GIOLITTI  MINISTRY 

Considering  that  the  political  situation,  created  by  the  Gio- 
littian  coalition  of  all  the  bourgeois  parties  in  the  last  general 
election,  continues  in  the  present  government  which  rests  sub- 
stantially on  the  same  majority,  to  subserve  the  same  interests; 
and  that 

In  face  of  the  financial  consequences  of  the  war,  till  now  con- 
cealed from  the  country,  and  of  the  imposition  of  militarism, 
in-econcilable  with  the  growing  needs  of  civilization,  the  proper 
mission  of  the  Socialist  Party  is  more  than  ever  that  delineated 
by  the  necessities  of  the  defense  of  the  proletariat,  threatened 
to-day  as  it  was  yesterday  by  blood-sucking  taxation  and  by  the 
increase  of  the  internal  public  debts  which  takes  capital  away 
from  productive  investment  and  brings  back  an  economic  crisis, 
lack  of  employment  for  workmen,  and  emigration;  and  that 

The  silence  of  the  Government  upon  the  necessity  of  gradually 
reducing  protectionism,  proves  that  the  present  ministry  is  bound 
ever  to  the  same  plutocratic  coalition ;  and  that 

These  tendencies  are  confirmed  by  the  maintenance  of  the 
financial  provisions  proposed  by  the  preceding  cabinet,  while  the 
masked  threats  to  the  liberty  of  economic  action  of  the  railway 
employees,  and  the  insufficiency  of  the  pledges  of  social  legisla- 
tion, demonstrate  the  opposition  of  the  Government  to  the  most 
urgent  claims  of  the  laboring-classes  as  well  as  its  ill-concealed 
reactionary  spirit; 

The  parliamentary  group  determines  to  persist  energetically  in 
opposition  to  the  Government  and  to  the  majority,  an  opposition 
that  should  never  serve  the  prearranged  views  of  an  insincere 
democracy. 

VI.  PARTY   CONGRESS  OP   1914 

The  Party  Congress  was  held  at  Ancona  in  April;  the 
resolutions  proposed  on  the  subjects  of  protectionism  and 
militarism  were  passed  as  a  matter  of  course,  but  the  policy 


92         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

as  to  Freemasons  and  tactics  in  municipal  elections  was 
discussed  with  spirit  and  revealed  considerable  difference 
of  opinion. 

1.   FREEMASONRY 

Mussolini  recommended  the  expulsion  of  the  Freemasons. 
He  said,  that  "even  if  the  party  lost  many  members 
through  this  action,  this  should  not  be  a  cause  for  worry. 
Socialism  is  only  a  problem  of  mankind  inasmuch  as  the 
proletariat  is  the  largest  part  of  mankind.  The  Socialist 
in  the  freemason  lodge  suffers  a  change,  just  as  an  animal 
changes  its  skin  in  a  cellar."     (Applause.) 

"Under  the  present  mistrust,"  Lerda  declared,  "it  is 
impossible  to  live  in  the  party.  But  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  reality  demands  its  right:  to-day  the  Masons 
are  expelled,  to-morrow  the  university  men,  etc.,  always  in 
the  service  of  an  abstract  idea,  in  the  striving  for  absolute 
purity.  The  intention  may  be  good,  but  the  question  is, 
will  the  results  serve  the  cause  of  the  proletarian  ? ' '  Lerda 
in  closing  his  speech  pointed  out  the  various  functions  of 
the  party  and  explained  that  the  Socialist  conviction  does 
not  depend  on  a  membership  card  of  the  party. 

The  resolution  passed  was : 

The  Congi'ess  invites  comrades  who  are  in  the  Masonic  Order 
to  end  all  relations  with  that  institution ;  and 

Declares  that  it  is  incompatible  for  Socialists  to  enter  and 
remain  in  the  ]\Iasonie  Order,  and  invites  the  section  to  expel 
those  comrades  who  will  not  make  their  future  conduct  conform 
to  the  rules  here  laid  down. 

The  vote  was :  for  expulsion,  27,378 ;  for  making  a  de- 
mand to  withdraw,  2,296 ;  for  the  motion  which  stated  that 
this  question  does  not  concern  the  party,  2,485;  and  for 
the  alliance  of  freemasonry  and  party,  1,819. 


ITALY  93 

2.  AFTERMATH  OP  THE  CONGRESS 

(From  several  Vorivaerts  dispatches) 

* '  The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Italian  Socialist  Party 
has  requested  the  deputies  Raimondo,  Senape,  Lucci,  and 
Sandulli,  who  stood  and  were  elected  as  party  candidates 
in  San  Remo,  Gallipoli,  Naples,  and  Torre  Annunziata 
(near  Naples),  to  resign.  These  deputies  have  refused  to 
comply  with  the  resolutions  of  the  Ancona  Congress.  Rai- 
mondo  and  Senape,  both  being  Freemasons,  have  not  left 
the  order,  whilst  Lucci  and  Sandulli  have  acted  against 
the  resolution  on  independent  tactics  in  the  municipal  elec- 
tions. All  four  have  therefore  been  expelled  from  the 
party,  but  have  retained  their  seats.  The  executive  can- 
not, of  course,  compel  them  to  resign,  but  evidently  wishes 
to  test  the  feeling  in  the  constituencies. 

"The  decision  of  the  party  Congress  of  Ancona,  which 
prohibited  the  conclusion  of  electoral  alliances  in  municipal 
elections  has,  up  to  the  present  (May  16,  1914),  caused  the 
following  branches  either  to  leave  the  party  or  to  announce 
that  they  would  refuse  to  obey  its  decisions :  Naples,  Torre 
Annunziata,  Caserta,  Rivaroco,  Legure,  and  20  branches  in 
Piacenza. 

''Furthermore,  the  following  branches  have  refused  to 
obey  the  decision  of  the  Congress  to  exclude  Freemasons: 
San  Remo,  Voltri,  Ria,  and  Crevari.  In  all  these  places 
the  party  executive  will  proceed  forthwith  to  found  new 
branches. 

"In  explaining  its  reason  for  seceding  from  the  party, 
the  Naples  branch  agreed  in  principle  with  the  non- 
compromise  policy,  but  said  that  conditions  in  Naples  and 
in  southern  Italy  generally  were  so  peculiar  that  it  would 
not  be  possible  to  do  any  satisfactory  work  for  Socialism 


94         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

and  for  the  interest  of  the  working-classes  on  the  basis  of 
the  Ancona  resolution  forbidding  alliances  with  non- 
Socialist  groups  and  persons.  The  resolution  concluded 
with  an  expression  of  hope  that  it  would  be  possible  later 
to  rejoin  the  party. 

"The  Socialist  member  for  Gallipoli  will  also  probably 
leave  the  party  on  account  of  the  vote  of  the  Congress  on 
freemasonry.  This  vote  and  the  measures  to  be  taken  have 
been  before  the  parliamentary  group,  which  has  discussed 
it  at  two  meetings.  It  was  finally  decided  that  the  par- 
liamentary group  had  no  power  of  expulsion,  and  that  only 
the  branch  to  which  a  member  belonged  had  power  to  act 
in  this  matter.  The  members  of  Parliament  who  are  Free- 
masons were  therefore  requested  to  make  this  known  to 
their  branches.  It  is  stated  that  14  of  the  Socialist  parlia- 
mentary group  are  Freemasons,  but  that  12  of  them  would 
leave  the  order  rather  than  the  party." 

(See  also  chapters  on  "Municipal  Socialism,"  "Tar- 
iffs," "The  General  Strike,"  "Militarism.") 


CHAPTER  VI 
RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND 

RUSSIA 

I.   INTRODUCTOKY 

Russia  has  three  distinct  and  flourishing  movements  of 
a  Socialistic  character.  Delegates  from  the  Social  Revolu- 
tionary and  Social  Democratic  parties  are  always  present 
at  the  International  Socialist  Congresses  and  the  sessions 
of  the  International  Socialist  Bureau.  At  international 
meetings  of  the  Socialist  members  of  Parliament  repre- 
sentatives of  a  third  movement,  the  Labor  Party,  were  also 
admitted,  and  this  movement  is  classed  as  Socialist  in  the 
publication  of  the  Bureau.  This  so-called  labor  group, 
however,  is  in  reality  merely  a  more  or  less  Socialistic 
peasants'  party.  But  it  has  been  in  close  league  with  the 
Socialists  and  still  has  immense  prestige  among  the  peas- 
ants in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  number  of  representatives 
of  this  group  was  reduced  from  over  a  hundred  in  the  first 
Duma  to  10  in  the  fourth.  This  reduction,  be  it  said,  was 
due  largely  to  the  change  in  the  election  laws  and  to  police 
oppression,  which  is  more  effective  in  the  country  than  in 
the  towns. 

The  Social  Revolutionary  Party  has  almost  been  driven 
out  of  open  electoral  activity.  The  central  committees  and 
permanent  organization  of  the  peasants'  party — because  of 
the  vulnerability  of  rural  agitation — have  also  been  almost 
annihilated.    The  leading  organized  movement  is  therefore 

95 


96        THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

that  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party, — with  its  vari- 
ous factions  and  affiliated  national  groups. 

II.   THE   ELECTIONS   OF    1912 

The  suffrage  in  Russia  is  unequal,  indirect,  and  com- 
plicated in  many  other  ways.  Nevertheless,  the  elections 
indicate  the  growth  of  the  movement  better  than  the  mem- 
bership of  the  two  Socialist  parties,  both  of  which  have 
usually  been  "illegal" — even  when  not  given  over  to  vio- 
lent resistance  to  governmental  despotism.  Membership  in 
these  parties  is  usually  a  punishable  offense.  But  voting 
for  Socialist  candidates — often  undeclared,  and  only  iden- 
tified by  the  voters  through  personal  knowledge — is  usually 
safe,  in  spite  of  police  supervision  and  interference. 

In  the  face  of  steadily  increasing  electoral  restrictions 
and  police  interference,  however,  the  Dumas  have  become 
more  and  more  oppositional  until  the  last  (fourth)  Duma 
actually  refused  to  approve  the  budget,  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  created.  This  refusal  was  largely  due,  no 
doubt,  to  the  persecution  of  the  capitalist  and  business 
interests  at  the  hands  of  the  reigning  bureaucracy,  sup- 
ported by  the  military,  ecclesiastical,  and  landlord  caste. 
But  it  was  also  due  in  part  to  the  rise  of  the  Socialist  vote 
among  the  middle  classes  of  the  cities  and  towns. 

On  account  of  increasing  governmental  oppression  the 
Socialists  were  unable  to  increase  their  delegation  to  the 
fourth  Duma,  though  they  re-elected  the  14  representatives 
as  in  the  previous  Duma. 

These  results  indicate  that  under  equal  suffrage  the  So- 
cialists, together  with  the  Laborites,  would  again  sweep 
Russia  as  in  1907.  For  under  the  more  favorable,  but 
extremely  undemocratic,  electoral  law  of  the  second  Duma 
(1907)  the  Socialists  secured  101  and  the  Laborites  116 
out  of  a  total  of  504  deputies.    The  Socialists  continue  to 


RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  97 

hold  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  wage-earners,  and 
besides  make  steady  progress  among  the  poorer  profes- 
sional classes  and  other  elements  of  the  lower  middle 
classes  of  the  towns. 

In  six  of  the  largest  purely  Russian  cities,  the  electoral 
law  reserves  six  representatives  to  the  wage-earners.  All 
six  of  those  elected  were  Socialists.  Eight  other  repre- 
sentatives were  elected  with  the  aid  of  the  middle-class 
voters,  and  especially  of  those  of  persecuted  nationalities. 
So  in  Warsaw  the  Polish  and  Jewish  Socialists  elected  their 
common  candidates  with  the  help  of  other  radical  voters 
of  their  nationality,  while  a  full  delegation  of  Socialists, 
as  usual,  was  returned  from  the  Caucasus.  So  also  other 
oppressed  nationalities  such  as  the  Tartars  and  Letts  tend 
to  support  Socialist  candidates  against  the  Government. 

ni.   THE   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATIC   GROUP   IN   THE  FOURTH   DUMA 
1.   TACTICS   AND   COMPOSITION   OF  THE   GROUP 

The  Social  Democratic  group  in  the  fourth  Duma  num- 
bers 13  deputies.  A  representative  of  the  Polish  Socialist 
Party,  not  affiliated  with  the  Russian  Social  Democratic 
Labor  Party,  has  been  admitted  into  the  group  with  the 
right  to  vote  on  all  questions  pertaining  to  Duma  matters. 
Thus  the  group  has  altogether  14  members.  In  many  of 
their  activities  they  are  supported  by  the  so-called  "Labor 
Group,"  representing  mostly  peasants  and  having  10  depu- 
ties in  the  Duma.  The  Social  Democratic  and  the  Labor 
groups  are  looked  upon  in  the  Russian  Parliament  as  the 
extreme  Left,  and  are  treated  as  such  by  the  reactionary 
Right  and  conservative  Center,  the  latter  being  the  party 
in  power. 

The  14  deputies  composing  the  Social  Democratic  group 
are  divided  according  to  their  occupations  as  follows : 


98         THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Workingmen    10 

Joui'iialists    2 

Bookkeeper   1 

Merchant   ]. 

The  Social  Democratic  deputies  consider  that  they  were 
elected  by  the  votes  of  1,300,000  workingmen. 

In  the  first  session  of  the  fourth  Duma  (November,  1912- 
June,  1913)  the  Social  Democratic  group  acted  as  a  unit, 
all  the  13  members  agreeing  on  the  questions  of  tactics  in 
the  Duma,  while  still  differing  as  to  various  party  policies. 
The  difference  of  opinion  mainly  centered  around  the  same 
questions  that  have  split  the  party.  Some  claim  that  the 
party  must  try  to  adjust  itself  to  the  present  conditions 
in  Russia  and  endeavor  to  do  as  much  work  as  possible 
in  the  open,  thereby  being  able  to  reach  larger  numbers 
of  the  laboring  class.  The  old  underground  method  of 
work,  due  to  the  changes  in  the  Russian  political  and 
economic  conditions,  they  claim,  is  but  a  waste  of  energy, 
and  accomplishes  nothing.  The  advocates  of  this  policy 
are  called  by  the  opponents  "liquidators."  Seven  out  of 
13  deputies  uphold  this  policy.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
remaining  six,  comprising  what  is  known  as  the  Lenin  fol- 
lowers in  the  Social  Democratic  group,  consider  the  rest 
traitors  to  the  cause  of  the  revolutionary  Social  Democracy 
in  Russia,  for  they  believe  that  the  only  way  left  for  the 
Russian  Social  Democratic  Party  to  remain  true  is  to  go 
back  to  the  old  method  of  work — the  underground  method. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  session  of  the  Duma 
(fall  of  1913),  these  6  members  demanded  from  the  7 
other  members  that  they  as  a  unit  shall  have  equal  power 
to  decide  questions  of  tactics  in  the  Duma  activities  with 
the  other  group,  though  the  latter  had  a  majority  of  1. 
The  majority  group  refused  this  and  two  separate  Social 
Democratic  groups  in  the  Duma  resulted. 


EUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  99 

This  split  called  forth  protests  from  many  of  the  workers 
in  Russia,  and  resolutions  were  passed  condemning  the 
actions  of  the  groups.  It  led  to  bitter  internal  strife  and 
to  discussions  in  the  party  press.  .   .   . 

Hence  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  German  Socialist 
Party  to  bring  unity  between  these  different  factions. 

The  Social  Democratic  deputies  missed  no  opportunity 
to  speak  on  every  subject  under  consideration.  Their 
knowledge  of  facts  and  their  fearless  manner  of  presenting 
them  from  the  tribune  of  the  Duma  began  to  worry  the 
Government,  particularly  as  their  speeches  were  later 
printed  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  country,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  established  custom  of  printing  stenographic 
reports  of  all  the  sessions  of  the  Duma.  It  often  hap- 
pened that  a  Social  Democratic  deputy  was  stopped  from 
continuing  a  speech  or  excluded  from  several  sessions  of 
the  Duma  for  using  disrespectful  language  or  for  other- 
wise conducting  himself  in  a  manner  unbecoming  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Imperial  Duma.  When  the  Social  Democratic 
deputy  Petrovski,  for  instance,  spoke  in  the  Duma  about 
the  increase  of  accidents  on  the  railroads,  and  placed  the 
crime  at  the  doors  of  the  Government,  he  was  excluded 
from  the  Duma  for  five  days. 

2.  REPUBLICAN   DEMONSTRATION   IN   THE  DUMA   (June,  1914) 

(From  an  account  by  David  Cummings  in  the  New  York  Call, 
July  12,  1914) 

*'  'The  only  reform  we  can  adopt  in  order  to  make  the 
Senate  a  real  defender  of  justice  is  to  abolish  the  monarchy 
and  establish  in  its  stead  a  democratic  republic. ' 

''It  was  in  the  course  of  the  consideration  of  a  bill 
relating  to  the  reformation  of  the  Senate  that  Tcheidze 
made  the  stirring  revolutionary  remark.  In  a  fiery  ad- 
dress he  pointed  out  that  the  Senate,  the  highest  tribunal 


100       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

in  the  country,  is  dominated  by  a  small  clique  of  the  Czar's 
puppets,  which  tramples  on  justice  and  the  rights  of  the 
people.  He  declared  that  the  only  workable  reform  would 
be  the  'establishment  of  a  democratic  republic  which' — he 
never  had  the  opportunity  to  finish  the  sentence,  because 
of  the  howling  and  shouting  of  the  Black  Hundred 
Deputies. 

"The  Duma,  though  black  in  its  makeup,  has  been  of 
great  value  to  the  revolutionary  movement.  It  has,  for  a 
long  time,  been  the  only  place  where  the  few  representa- 
tives of  the  revolutionary  working-class  could  voice  the 
sentiments  of  the  oppressed  people  in  Russia  and  let  the 
civilized  world  know  of  the  real  status  of  affairs  in  the 
Czar's  empire.  It  was  the  only  place  where  free  speech 
prevailed. 

"But  the  Government  evidently  realized  that  the  fre- 
quent disclosures  made  on  the  floor  of  the  Duma  by  the 
few  Socialists,  of  the  oppression  and  persecution,  which 
were  being  sent  out  broadcast  by  the  representatives  of 
the  press,  were  not  a  desirable  thing  for  the  Government. 
And  an  attempt  to  curb  free  speech  followed. 

"It  was  several  days  after  Tcheidze  made  his  revolu- 
tionary address  that  Maklakov,  the  Minister  of  Interna- 
tional Affairs,  appeared  in  the  Duma  and  demanded  that 
Tcheidze  be  prosecuted  for  violating  Section  129  of  the 
code  relating  to  sedition  and  treason.  He  also  demanded 
that  the  Laborite  (or  Peasant  Party)  Deputy  Kerensky 
be  prosecuted  on  a  similar  charge. 

"The  reports  current  are  that  the  Cabinet  approved  of 
the  proposed  plan  to  prosecute  Tcheidze,  but  that  it  was 
opposed  to  prosecuting  Kerensky.  But  Minister  Maklakov 
went  to  the  Duma,  it  is  said,  at  the  behest  of  the  Czar,  who 
wanted  both  prosecuted. 

"This  action  of  the  Government  not  only  aroused  the 


RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  101 

indignation  of  the  Socialist  and  Labor  deputies,  but  also 
of  some  of  the  Conservative  deputies.  It  had  for  a  long 
time  been  the  opinion  that  the  deputies  had  a  right  freely 
to  express  their  views  on  any  subject  under  consideration, 
a  right  provided  for  under  Section  4  of  the  rules  of  the 
Duma. 

"But  to  prevent  the  prosecution  of  Tcheidze,  whom  the 
Government  wanted  punished  immediately,  some  of  the 
deputies  proposed  that  the  Duma  lay  over  the  budget  until 
that  time  when  the  bill  relating  to  free  speech  was  to  be 
taken  up. 

"  'We  will  say  anything  we  wish  to  express,  regardless 
of  the  punishments  that  may  be  inflicted  on  us,'  began 
Kerensky.  'When  we  find  it  necessary  to  point  out  that 
the  existing  conditions  lead  to  a  new  form  of  govern- 
ment  ' 

"At  this  point  Kerensky  was  called  to  order  by  Presi- 
dent Rodzianko,  an  Octobrist,  who  evidently  feared  that 
he,  too,  would  be  persecuted  for  permitting  such  a  speech 
in  the  Duma,  and  requested  Kerensky  not  to  speak  about 
the  form  of  government. 

"  'We  cannot  have  any  respect  for  those  who  sing  praises 
of  the  monarchy  which ' 

"Here  again  Kerensky  was  interrupted  with  a  request 
not  to  refer  to  the  monarchy. 

"  'We  have  a  right,'  continued  Kerensky,  'to  express  the 
opinion  that  against  the  monarchy  we  must  put  forward 
the  ideal  of  a  republic ' 

At  this  point  President  Rodzianko  refused  to  permit 
Kerensky  to  proceed. 

"With  a  great  deal  of  formality  President  Rodzianko 
opened  the  session  the  next  day.  The  gallery  was  packed 
with  government  officials  and  an  army  of  reporters.  Quiet 
reigned  in  the  Duma  as  the  ministers,  led  by  Premier 


UNIVEPvSTTY  OF  CALIFOPJ 
SANTA  BARBARA  COLLEGE  LI 


102       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Goremykin,  entered  and  seated  themselves  in  the  Cabinet 
lodge. 

"President  Rodzianko  took  up  the  proposal  of  the  So- 
cialist and  Labor  group  to  postpone  action  on  the  budget 
until  the  free  speech  measure  had  been  considered. 
Tcheidze  was  called  upon  as  the  first  speaker.  He  pointed 
out  that  the  Socialist  deputies  are  always  persecuted,  and 
declared  that  the  situation  was  becoming  worse  daily. 

"  'Of  late  we  are  prohibited  from  speaking  in  this 
tribunal  about  things  that  were  spoken  of  even  during  the 
darkest  periods  of  the  reaction.  No  longer  may  we  speak 
about  a  democratic  republic.  We  cannot  any  longer  speak 
about  republican  ideas.' 

' '  He  was  called  to  order  by  the  president. 

"  'They  won't  let  us  speak,'  continued  Tcheidze,  'about 
the  republican  flag,  the  republican  form.  .  .  .  Remember, 
sooner  or  later,  we  will  come  to  a  democratic  rep ' 

"Here  again  he  was  called  to  order  by  Rodzianko.  As 
he  attempted  to  continue,  the  president  stopped  him,  amid 
the  shouts  of  the  Black  deputies.  .   .   . 

"But  the  real  dramatic  incident  occurred  when  the  So- 
cialist Tschechenelli  was  asked  for  a  statement. 

"  'What  is  the  use  of  talking  about  free  speech  when 
you  have  no  idea  what  freedom  is ?'  he  began.  ' Slaves  you 
are  and  you  will  remain.  But  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Tauris  Palaea  (the  place  where  the  Duma  has  its  quar- 
ters) stand  the  masses.  They  will  abolish  your  sys- 
tem  ' 

"He  was  interrupted  by  the  president  several  times, 
and  he  left  the  tribunal  for  his  desk.  'Here  I  will  remain,' 
he  exclaimed.  'Throw  me  out  bodily  if  you  want  to.'  It 
was  at  this  point  that  the  soldiery  was  sent  for  to  exclude 
Tschechenelli,  who  left,  exclaiming:  'If  you  practice  force 
I  will  leave  here,  vou  band  of  slaves.' 


RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  103 

* '  During  this  incident  Vice  President  Kohevalov  left  the 
Duma,  slamming  the  door  behind  him. 

"Prince  Gelovanny,  a  Laborite  deputy,  was  next 
called.  'We  know  that  you,  the  reactionary  majority,  will 
conquer  us.  But  we  assert  that  the  people  are  with  us 
and  therefore  I  have  joined  the  obstruction,'  he  said. 

' '  Socialist  Deputy  Kerensky  then  was  called.  '  "We  know 
very  well  that  in  the  struggle  we  are  engaged  in  against 
these  gentlemen  (pointing  to  the  Cabinet  members)  you 
will  be  on  their  side.  But  we  are  certain  that,  though  we 
are  persecuted,  we  are  the  only  true  representatives  of  the 
Russian  people.  As  long  as  the  illegal  government  tram- 
ples on  the  rights  of  the  people  we  will  carry  on  the  fight 
against  the  present  system.  We  know  what  awaits  us,  but 
we  are  willing  to  sacrifice  ourselves  in  order  to  establish 
a  government  that  the  people  will  manage  on  the  principles 
of  universal  suffrage.' 

"He  refused  to  leave  the  Duma  and  the  soldiers  were 
ordered  to  exclude  him.  He  left,  exclaiming:  'Force 
reigns  here,  but  freedom  will  be  the  victor.' 

"With  the  Socialist  Petrovsky  the  same  scene  was  en- 
acted." 

These  events  were  followed,  during  the  next  month 
(July)  by  the  remarkable  general  strike  of  which  an  ac- 
count is  given  in  Mr.  Walling 's  volume  on  The  Socialists 
and  the  War. 


FINLAND 

In  1907  the  Socialist  Party  elected  80  deputies  (9  of 
them  women)  ;  in  1911  the  deputies  were  86  (9  women)  ; 
and  in  1913,  90  Socialists  were  elected,  the  other  four  par- 
ties numbering  29,  28,  28,  and  25.  It  casts  approximately 
40  per  cent  of  the  total  vote. 


104       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

IV.    THE   MOVEMENT   IN   FINLAND 

(From  Die  Neue  Zeit,  Berlin) 

"The  development  of  the  Finnish  Socialist  Party  has 
taken  place  up  to  the  present  in  two  curves.  At  the  found- 
ing of  the  party  in  1899  it  had  9,446  members.  This  num- 
ber sank  in  1901  to  5,894.  Immediately  after  the  revolu- 
tion— 1906 — this  membership  increased  to  85,000.  Then  it 
decreased  again  and  in  1911  the  party  had  48,406  mem- 
bers. The  year  1912  again  brought  an  increase  in  member- 
ship to  51,798  members. 

"Of  a  different  character  from  the  increasing  and  de- 
creasing curve  of  the  membership  are  the  inner  life  and  the 
inner  strength  of  the  party.  For  instance  the  number  of 
organizations  which  have  joined  the  party  has  increased 
from  year  to  year.  This  number  grew  from  64  in  1899  to 
1,552  in  1912.  The  number  of  workingmen's  clubhouses, 
which  the  Finnish  comrades  must  provide  themselves  with, 
since  Finland  has  no  restaurants  with  meeting  or  assem- 
bly rooms,  increased  in  the  same  period  from  14  to  796. 
There  are  more  clubhouses  here  than  there  are  churches. 

"The  libraries  in  the  clubhouses  also  grow  from  year 
to  year.  In  the  year  1899  these  contained  3,312  volumes, 
while  in  1912  this  number  had  increased  to  82,000.  The 
wealth  of  the  organizations  connected  with  the  party 
amounted  in  1899  to  285,098  Finnish  marks.  This  amount 
had  increased  by  1912  to  6,256,886  marks. 

"The  same  development  has  taken  place  in  connection 
with  the  press  and  other  periodical  literature.  The  present 
number  of  papers  is  the  following: 

"In  six  larger  towns — Helsingfors,  Tammerfors,  Abo, 
Wiborg,  Uleaborg,  and  Lachtis — daily  papers  are  issued. 
The  central  organ,  Tyoemies,  in  Helsingfors,  has  a  circula- 
tion of  30,000,  a  large  number  for  Finland,  and,  by  the 


RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  105 

way,  the  largest  in  the  country.  To  these  we  must  add 
4  daily  Finnish  Socialist  papers  in  America,  1  woman's 
paper,  2  comic  journals,  and  2  magazines  which  are  also 
read  in  Finland. 

"The  emigration  from  Finland  to  America  has  been 
going  on  for  decades.  The  small  three  million  nation  of 
'the  country  of  the  thousand  lakes'  has  sent  many  thou- 
sands of  her  sons  and  daughters  over  the  big  pond,  because 
the  fatherland  had  become  too  small  for  them!  (Finland 
is  almost  as  large  as  Prussia.)  The  Finnish  workers  in 
America  form  Socialist  organizations  after  the  type  of  the 
Fatherland. 

''Their  number  is  about  15,000.  They  have  their  own 
party  school  in  Smithville,  Minn.  The  Finns  are  credited 
by  the  American  comrades  with  good  organizations." 

V.   THE  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY   CONVENTION  OF  FINLAND, 

1914 

(From  Vorwaerts) 

"The  chief  question  discussed  at  the  Eighth  Convention 
of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Finland,  held  in  Tammer- 
f ors,  the  Finnish  Manchester,  in  1914,  was :  Shall  the  Social 
Democratic  group  have  the  right  to  elect  one  of  its  own 
members  as  president  of  the  Landtag,  and  if  so,  under  what 
circumstances?  The  Socialist  representatives  last  spring 
participated  in  the  election  of  a  president  of  the  Landtag 
and  elected  a  comrade,  Oskar  Tokoi.  The  action  of  the 
group  was  criticised  within  and  without  the  party  as  op- 
portunistic. 

"In  the  Convention  a  large  majority  of  the  speakers 
expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  the  action  of  the  Landtag 
group,  although  a  number  of  them  pointed  out  the  danger 
of  going  too  far  along  this  line. 


106       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"The  Convention  decided  that,  as  a  rule,  no  member  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  should  be  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  Where,  on  account  of  capitalist  intri^es  or 
capitalist  exploitation,  it  seemed  advisable  to  elect  a  So- 
cialist to  the  presidency,  permission,  however,  was  granted 
to  do  this,  providing  the  comrade  in  question  was  immedi- 
ately freed  from  the  impossible  situation  as  soon  as  the 
necessity  which  furnished  the  motive  for  the  election  had 
disappeared.  A  strong  minority  of  44  out  of  89,  on  the 
other  hand,  demanded  that  a  Social  Democratic  president, 
once  elected,  should  hold  his  seat  till  the  end  of  the 
session. 

"The  Convention  also  adopted  a  sharp  resolution 
against  the  plan  of  the  Russian  Government  to  levy  a 
grain  tax  on  the  Finnish  people,  and  struck  a  blow  at  the 
same  time  against  the  Finnish  landowners  who  were  openly 
or  secretly  supporting  the  new  measure.  The  tax,  it  was 
declared,  would  increase  the  price  of  the  bread  by  one- 
third,  practically  prohibiting  the  importation  of  German 
and  American  grain. 

"The  Party  Convention  was  again  forced  to  protest 
against  renewed  instances  of  capitalist-class  justice.  There 
are  generally  a  number  of  Socialist  editors  and  agitators 
in  jail.  On  this  occasion  the  protest  was  made  against 
Eussia  on  account  of  its  unwarranted  prosecution  of  Fin- 
nish officials.  A  steadily  growing  number  of  Finnish 
magistrates  were  languishing  in  the  jails  of  St.  Petersburg 
for  refusing  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  the  illegal  demands 
of  the  Russian  Government.  Although  the  proletariat  itself 
had  often  suffered  from  the  partisan  spirit  of  these  same 
officials,  it  gladly  tendered  them  its  tribute  in  such  cases 
where  they  had  defended  the  laws  and  the  autonomy  of 
the  country. 

"In  considering  party  matters,  the  question  of  the  rela- 


RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND  107 

tion  of  the  party  to  its  newspapers  was  found  of  particular 
importance.  A  number  of  years  ago  the  question  arose  as 
to  the  advisability  of  bringing  the  largest  Social  Demo- 
cratic newspaper,  Tyomies,  the  central  organ  of  the  party, 
with  a  daily  circulation  of  27,000,  published  in  Helsing- 
fors,  into  closer  contact  with  the  party.  The  workingmen 
owners  of  the  paper  feared  that  the  proposed  changes 
would  rob  the  Tyomies  of  its  proletarian  character,  inas- 
much as  they  considered  the  majority  of  the  party  more 
or  less  revisionistic. 

"At  this  convention  the  executive  board  presented  a 
resolution  recognizing  in  principle  the  right  of  the  party 
to  control  its  chief  organ  and  insisted,  among  other  things, 
that  the  editorial  staff  be  appointed  by  the  executive 
board.  After  a  lively  discussion  this  resolution  was 
adopted  with  a  vote  of  51  to  39." 


CHAPTER  VTI 
HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND 

HOLLAND 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 

The  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  was  founded  in  Hol- 
land in  1894.  Three  years  later  at  the  general  election  it 
polled  13,000  votes  and  elected  3  deputies  in  a  chamber  of 
100.  In  1901  its  vote  grew  to  38,279  and  its  deputies  were 
8.  In  1905  its  popular  vote  was  65,743,  but  its  deputies 
only  7 ;  in  1910  it  had  82,494  votes  and  still  only  7  deputies ; 
but  in  June,  1913,  with  a  popular  vote  increase  to  144,000, 
it  secured  19  seats  in  Parliament.  The  party  has  1  daily 
paper,  14  weeklies,  and  7  other  periodicals. 

n.   THE   PARTY    CONGRESS   OF    1914 
(From  Vorwaerts) 

"The  first  day  of  the  Congress  was  devoted  to  discussion 
of  the  year's  report  made  by  the  executive  committee,  and 
to  the  report  of  the  parliamentary  section.  A  short  dispute 
took  place  between  delegates  Mendels  and  Troelstra,  rela- 
tive to  war  budgets,  Mendels  declaring  that  each  war 
budget  showing  increased  expenditures  must  be  opposed; 
Troelstra,  on  the  other  hand,  declaring  that  under  certain 
conditions  the  party  must  support  a  war  budget  to  prevent 
the  overthrow  of  an  electoral  franchise  cabinet. 

"At  the  afternoon  session  a  resolution  of  the  executive 

108 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  109 

committee  regarding  election  agitation  was  discussed.  The 
Congress  voted  unanimously  in  favor  of  setting  aside  a 
week  day  for  a  demonstration  on  this  subject.  All  work 
was  to  stop,  in  ease  the  Upper  House  opposed  the  revision 
of  the  constitution.  A  proposal  to  co-operate  with  the  Lib- 
erals in  certain  provincial  elections  was  accepted  by  a  large 
majority." 

III.    SOCIALIST   PARTY   PROGRAM 

At  the  eighteenth  Party  Congress  which  took  place  at 
Leyden  in  April,  1913,  the  discussion  and  adoption  of  a 
new  program  aroused  greatest  interest.  The  program  ex- 
plained by  Troelstra  and  van  der  Goes  was  accepted  in  the 
following  form: 

The  development  of  society  has  led  to  a  form  of  capitalistic 
production  in  which  the  mass  of  producers  is  separated  from 
the  means  of  production.  This  enables  owners  to  make  profits 
from  workers,  who  are  driven  by  necessity  to  sell  their  pro- 
ductive powers.  Two  classes,  the  proletariat  and  the  capitalistic 
class,  are  opposed  to  each  other  continually  on  account  of  their 
varying  interests. 

Under  this  system  competition  and  profit  force  a  continual 
improvement  of  the  technique  for  the  reduction  of  wages.  They 
lead  to  accumulation  of  wealth  by  the  capitalistic  class,  and  to 
poverty,  uncertainty  of  existence,  and  dependence,  trjdng,  monot- 
onous and  unhealthy  work  of  men  and  women,  overlong  working- 
hours  and  unemployment,  child  labor,  destruction  of  family  life 
and  the  weakening  of  the  physique  in  the  proletariat.  It  also 
leads  to  continued  pauperism  and  prostitution,  alcoholism,  and 
crime.  The  working-class,  where  it  is  unable  to  check  the  cap- 
italistic hunger  for  profit,  falls  a  prey  to  deterioration  and 
misery,  only  limited  by  the  natural  bounds  of  human  privation 
and  by  the  requirements  of  the  capitalist  interests  themselves. 
The  disproportion  between  the  increasing  productivity  of  the 
workers  and  the  small  consuming  powers  of  the  masses  and  the 
absence  of  social  regulation  of  production  lead  again  and  again 
to  crises  in  industrial  life,  which  still  further  intensify  tendencies 
of  capitalistic  production. 


no       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

This  causes  resistance  among  the  proletariat.  The  workers 
organize  themselves  into  unions  and  into  parties  on  the  political 
field.  They  realize  more  and  more  that  it  is  their  task  to  fight 
capitalism  as  a  system  and  to  try  to  take  over  the  management 
of  society.  In  its  fight  for  political  rights  and  social  reform, 
the  working-class,  as  long  as  it  is  in  the  minority,  comes  up 
against  the  superior  force  of  the  ruling  class,  which,  under  the 
influence  of  the  growing  power  of  the  proletariat,  meets  the 
demands  of  the  latter  reluctantly,  and  only  as  far  as  the  main- 
tenance of  their  domination  and  the  nature  of  the  capitalistic 
system  permit. 

In  the  meanwhile,  capitalistic  development  itself  creates  the 
economic  preliminary  condition  for  a  new  productive  system, 
which  does  not  depend  on  the  suppression  of  one  class  by  the 
other,  but  on  social  ownership  and  administration  of  the  means 
of  production,  the  object  of  which  is  not  the  profit  of  individ- 
uals, but  the  satisfaction  of  the  needs  of  all  classes. 

Competition  and  the  advance  of  science  force  us  towards  pro- 
duction on  a  large  scale,  and,  on  this  account,  decrease  the  im- 
portance of  smaller  industries,  make  the  smaller  manufacturers 
dependent  on  the  large  industrial  undertakings,  or  force  them 
to  become  wage-earners. 

Though  this  process  of  concentration  of  management  does  not 
show  itself  to-day  in  the  same  manner  in  agricultural  under- 
taking as  in  trade,  transportation,  and  industi-y,  one  can  see  the 
gradually  increasing  power  of  capital  in  the  spreading  of  the 
leasing  system,  and  also  in  the  growing  influence  of  industrial 
undertakings  in  agriculture,  and  the  movement  towards  the 
monopolization  of  the  market  by  large  capital.  Wherever  the 
agrarian  small  undertaking  holds  out  against  the  large  enterprise 
or  spreads  itself,  we  can  be  certain  that  those  who  find  their 
existence  by  it  overwork  themselves  and  live  in  privation.  This 
proves  that  the  small  farmer  in  the  future,  with  his  demand  for 
a  higher  standard  of  living,  will  unite  with  the  working-class. 
In  addition  to  this,  an  increasingly  large  part  of  actual  agrarian 
work  has  been  taken  over  into  the  sphere  of  industiy,  through 
the  development  of  the  factory  system. 

The  continued  development  of  large-scale  production  competi- 
tion endangers  profits;  this  again  leads  to  a  further  increase  of 
capitalistic  monopoly  and  to  further  restriction  of  the  sphere  of 
the  competition.     Industry  and  commerce  come  more  and  more 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  111 

under  the  rule  of  banking  capital;  profit  becomes  independent 
of  any  function  in  production  and  exchange.  The  capitalist  loses 
his  importance  as  a  manager  of  an  industrial  enterprise  and 
becomes  nothing  but  a  parasite.  The  management  is  aiTanged  on 
such  a  footing  that  it  is  ripe  to  be  taken  over  by  society.  With 
this  stage,  the  foundation  is  laid  for  the  Socialistic  system  of 
production  and  for  production  for  the  general  good.  In  the 
meantime,  numerous  industries  are  already  bemg  conducted  by 
public  instead  of  private  administrative  bodies  and  the  co-opera- 
tive system  also  limits  the  sphere  of  private  life. 

With  the  increasing  possibility  of  Socialism  there  develops  a 
growing  desire  for  it,  along  Avith  the  power  to  realize  it.  The 
immense  increase  of  wealth  and  luxuries  of  the  capitalists  in- 
duces the  worker  to  demand  more  of  life's  comforts,  while  the 
increase  of  rents,  a  consequence  of  overpopulation  in  large 
towns,  and  the  increased  cost  of  living,  lower  his  condition.  The 
divisions  inside  of  the  capitalist  class  become  less  evident  the 
more  the  pressure  of  the  workers  for  new  rights  and  reforms 
increases,  and  the  more  dangerous  he  becomes  to  society  and  the 
capitalist  system.  This  is  proved  by  the  formation  of  employers' 
unions  opposing  the  trade-unions  of  workers,  just  as  in  the 
political  field.  The  magnates  of  capital,  at  the  head  of  giant 
trusts,  who  make  entire  society  tributary  by  their  control  of  raw 
m»terial,  transportation,  and  the  means  of  production,  understand 
how  to  make  use  of  administrations  and  legislation.  They  drive 
governments  to  imperialism  and  colonial  politics,  and  in  connec- 
tion with  these  to  increased  military  burdens  and  increasing  dis- 
cord in  international  relations. 

At  the  same  time,  the  power  of  the  workers  against  capital  is 
increasing.  A  growing  numerical  preponderance  of  the  pro- 
letariat follows  industrial  concentration.  A  new  element  develop- 
ing in  its  ranks  is  the  "  new  middle-class,"  technical  experts,  and 
employees  of  large  industries,  who,  in  regard  to  uncertainty  of 
existence  and  dependence  on  the  capitalists,  resemble  the  workers. 
With  it  come  groups  whose  interests,  though  not  directly  opposed 
to  those  of  capitalism,  have  no  share  in  its  management.  .  .  . 
The  proletariat  receives  in  and  through  the  class  struggle  an 
experience,  a  scientific  and  political  education,  a  social  and  ethical 
improvement,  and  an  expansion  and  strengthening  of  its  organ- 
ization, that  will  not  only  fit  it  to  break  the  resistance  of  the 
ruling  class  but  which  wall  also  fit  it  for  the  task  of  filling  their 


112       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

place.  It  is  invincible  in  this  aspiration  because  it  has  to  fulfill 
its  historical  task  of  freeing  society  from  a  system  which  has 
become  economically  obsolete  and  which  is  ethically  condemned. 

The  proletariat  can  break  the  resistance  offered  by  the  capital- 
istic class  to  the  taking  over  of  the  management  of  industries 
from  private  to  collective  ownership  only  through  the  conquest 
of  political  power.  For  this  i^urpose  the  workers,  who  have  come 
to  a  consciousness  of  their  task  in  the  class  struggle,  have  organ- 
ized all  over  the  world. 

The  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  in  the  Netherlands  has  as 
its  goal  the  organization  of  the  proletariat  of  the  Netherlands 
into  an  independent  political  party  for  the  participation  in  the 
international  struggle  of  the  working-class.  It  aims  at  unity  in 
the  proletarian  class  struggle,  and  supports,  as  far  as  it  can, 
every  economic  and  political  movement  of  the  workers  which 
strives  to  better  conditions  of  living  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
class  consciousness  of  the  workers  is  strengthened  and  their  power 
as  against  that  of  the  ruling  class  is  increased. 


IV.    THE  RESULT   OF   PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS   IN    HOLLAND 

By  F.  M.  Wibaut.     (1913.) 

* '  The  Social  Democratic  Labor  platform  in  the  past  elec- 
tion was  practically  a  demand  for  universal  suffrage.  It 
is  well  known  that  the  Marxian  Socialists  in  1909  de- 
manded that  the  question  of  universal  suffrage  be  made 
our  sole  issue.  At  that  time  we  also  emphasized  other 
demands,  such  as  old-age  pension,  the  ten-hour  day,  etc. 
Our  agitation  in  the  last  years,  though  not  lacking  in 
energy,  was  carried  on  in  such  a  manner  that  no  serious 
differences  arose  between  the  'reform'  and  'Marxian' 
wings  of  the  party.  The  feeling  that  no  reforms  can  be 
won  until  general  suffrage  is  an  accomplished  fact  has 
taken  root  everywhere,  and  the  whole  party  is  unani- 
mously in  favor  of  making  the  struggle  wholly  a  fight  for 
the  right  to  vote. 

"Our  program  included  only  one  other  demand,  namely, 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  113 

that  the  free  old-age  pension  of  at  least  two  gulden  weekly 
for  men  and  women  over  70  years  of  age,  that  has  just 
been  accepted  by  the  Parliament  as  introduced  by  the  Gov- 
ernment in  its  invalid  bill,  be  sustained  should  the  parties 
of  the  Left  demand  the  nullification  of  the  invalid  insur- 
ance bill.  .  .  .  With  this  one  exception,  our  party  declared 
that  the  Government  could  not  be  regarded  as  a  body  fit 
for  effective  legislation  until  at  least  manhood  suffrage  had 
been  made  a  fact  by  constitutional  amendment.  This  sit- 
uation forced  the  parties  of  the  Left  to  promise  their  sup- 
port of  a  universal  suffrage  measure  in  order  to  retain  its 
power.  Our  party  waged  an  energetic  fight  against  in- 
creased tariffs,  but  our  attention  was  concentrated  mainly 
upon  the  one  question  of  universal  suffrage.  .  .  . 

"The  Free  Liberals  accepted  the  phrase  'General  Suf- 
frage,' but  desired  to  offset  its  evil  effects  by  giving  in- 
creased powers  to  the  Senate,  the  upper  Chamber.  To- 
day our  Senate  can  only  adopt  or  reject  bills.  .  .  .  Our 
party  is  opposed  to  the  Senate,  even  in  its  present  re- 
stricted form,  because  of  its  plutocratic  character  and  its 
firm  opposition  to  all  labor  legislation. 

"When,  therefore,  we  were  called  upon  to  decide  what 
should  be  our  participation  in  the  by-elections,  we  de- 
manded from  all  candidates  of  the  Left  the  promise 
that  they  would  unqualifiedly  oppose  any  increase  in 
the  powers  of  the  Senate  in  the  coming  constitutional 
revision.   .    .    . 

"Three  days  before  the  by-elections,  when  they  saw 
that  our  party  insisted  upon  a  definite  personal  acceptance 
of  our,  proposal,  they  all  accepted  except  one  Free  Liberal 
candidate.  .  ,   . 

"Then,  and  only  then,  did  our  executive  board  call 
upon  our  voters  to  support  the  candidates  of  the  Left  who 
had  definitely  promised  to  support  our  measure  in  the 


114       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

coming  session.  Not  one  among  all  the  candidates  of  the 
Eight  favored  extended  suffrage.  In  the  general  election, 
of  course,  we  supported  only  our  94  candidates  against  the 
Left  as  well  as  against  the  Right.  In  the  by-election  we 
supported  the  Left  only  where  it  positively  guaranteed  its 
position  as  the  ruling  party.  There  Avas  nothing  resem- 
bling a  fusion  between  the  Progressives  and  the  Social- 
ists. 

*'The  results  in  the  by-elections  were  as  follows: 

New  Parliament  Old  Parliament 

Catholics    25  26 

Calvinists 11  20 

Christian  Histories    9  13 

—  45  —    59 

Liberal  Union   20  21 

Free  Liberals   10  4 

Progressive  Democrats  7  9 

—  37  —    34 
Social  Democratic  L.  P 18  7 

18  —      7 


100  100 

"Our  party  had  advanced,  as  the  table  shows,  from  7 
to  18  seats.  With  this  great  increase,  we  hold  to-day  the 
number  of  seats  that  approximately  corresponds  to  the  vote 
cast  for  our  party.  .  .  . 

"The  Catholic-Calvinistic  government  was  overthrown. 
.  .  .  The  only  [non-Socialist]  group  .  .  .  that  reported 
a  marked  gain  were  the  Free  Liberals,  the  representatives 
of  large  capital.  .  .  .  The  Progressive  Fusion  will  head  the 
government.  It  will  only  hold  its  place,  however,  if  it 
holds  to  its  election  promises,  and  carries  out  our  demands 
quickly  and  faithfully. 

'  *  Some  time  ago  it  was  maintained  by  our  Marxists  that 
the  party  was  more  influential  in  the  outlying  agrarian 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  115 

districts  than  in  the  larger  cities.  They  feared  that  this 
might  have  an  unfavorable  effect  upon  the  movement  and 
might  cause  it  to  degenerate  into  middle-class  reform  chan- 
nels. In  1909  we  received  the  first  comforting  assurance 
that  this  fear  was  groundless. 

"In  this  election  we  show  an  astounding  increase,  par- 
ticularly in  the  large  cities  and  industrial  centers,  among 
the  people  from  whom  we  may  expect  the  most  enthusiastic 
support  of  our  purely  Socialist  propaganda. 

"The  election  percentage  of  the  Social  Democracy  aver- 
ages as  follows : 

OUT  OP   100  VOTES   CAST 

1901  1905  1909  1913 

1.  In  large  cities  including  more  than 

one  election  district  (Amsterdam, 

Rotterdam,  Haag,  and  Utrecht).  10.9      15.7      21.3       32.8 

2.  In   smaller   cities   which   form   one 

election       district       ( Groningen, 

Haarlem,  Leiden,  Arnhem) 13.4      12.5      13.3       23.1 

3.  In  those  districts  where  a  small  city 

holds  more  than  one-half  of  the 

voters  of  the  district 13.5      13.9       16.8      26.4 

4.  In  industrial  districts  in  the  coun- 

try     17.6      17.9      19.7      22.9 

5.  The    remaining     districts,     usually 

wholly  or  at  least  half-agrarian 
(not  including  the  provinces  Bra- 
bant and  Limburg) 17.4      11.7        9.6      12.4 

"These  figures  prove  that  in  the  large  cities  every  third 
voter  cast  his  ballot  for  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  ticket, 
while  in  1909  only  1  out  of  5,  in  1905  less  than  1  out  of  6, 
in  1900  only  1  out  of  10  were  with  us.  In  the  other  munici- 
pal districts  as  represented  by  groups  2  and  3  of  the  table, 
every  fourth  voter  voted  our  ticket.  In  1909  the  propor- 
tion was  1  out  of  7,  in  1905,  1  out  of  8.    This  shows  that 


116       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

universal  suffrage  will  soon  give  us  the  majority  of  votes 
in  the  large  cities. 

''On  the  other  hand,  we  find  that  in  1901,  65  out  of 
every  100  Socialist  votes  came  from  the  country,  while 
only  35  came  from  city  districts.  In  1913  this  proportion 
was  already  reversed.  Now  53  out  of  every  100  votes  came 
from  municipal  and  only  47  from  country  districts.  This, 
too,  proves  that  our  party  is  growing  chiefly  in  the  sections 
occupied  by  the  modern  proletariat.  .  .   . 

"The  growth  of  our  membership  and  the  great  increase 
in  the  circulation  of  our  party  press  during  the  past  years 
justify  the  most  sanguine  expectations.  This  may  be 
ascribed,  partly,  to  the  systematic,  intensive  distribution 
of  good  leaflets  during  the  past  two  years.  A  great  part 
of  our  success,  however,  we  owe  to  our  growing  deepening 
agitation  for  the  right  to  vote. 

"Our  suffrage  agitation  is  carried  on,  at  all  times,  for 
men  and  women  alike.  The  election  program  of  the  pro- 
gressive parties  of  the  Government  does  not  demand 
woman  suffrage  for  the  coming  constitutional  amendment. 
There  is  little  hope  that  we  will  succeed  this  time  in  doing 
more  than  to  keep  out  of  the  constitution  all  clauses  that 
may  become  a  hindrance  to  the  passage  of  a  women  suffrage 
bill  in  the  future.  .  .  . 

"Besides  the  144,375  Social  Democratic  Labor  votes  cast 
for  our  party,  there  were  other  Socialist  votes.  The  Social 
Democratic  Party,  the  party  of  the  Marxians,  who  left  our 
ranks  at  Deventer,  had  nominated  candidates  in  18  dis- 
tricts. Their  total  vote  was  1,340.  Four  years  ago  they 
polled  542.  At  that  time  there  seemed  a  possibility  of 
their  development  into  a  real  political  party.  Since  then 
the  S.  D.  P.  has  constantly  insisted  that  it  alone  represents 
Marxism  in  Holland,  that  the  proletariat  of  the  large  cities 
would  join  its  ranks.     The  vote  cast  in  its  favor  in  the 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  117 

4  Amsterdam  districts  was  56,  117,  18,  and  147,  as  com- 
pared with  1,837,  7,309,  1,511,  8,204  in  the  same  districts 
in  favor  of  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party." 


V.   THE   GENERAL  POLITICAL   SITUATION  IN   HOLLAND 

(From  Vorwaerts,  December  18,  1913) 

' '  The  Dutch  Social  Democracy  is  living  through  stirring 
times.  The  first  part  of  the  year  1913  was  completely 
taken  up  with  the  enthusiastic  campaign,  culminating  in 
a  glorious  victory  on  June  25,  But  .  .  .  right  after  the 
election  the  party  faced,  for  the  first  time,  the  difficult 
task  of  deciding  for  or  against  participation  in  the  forma- 
tion of  a  ministry.  It  was  only  after  an  extremely  heated 
discussion  that  a  final  decision  was  reached  on  August 
10  .  .  .  [against  such  participation].  Though  the  party 
remained  united,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  any 
movement  should  pass  through  such  a  crisis  unscarred. 
.  .  .  We  need  hardly  say  that  the  capitalist  press  is  unani- 
mous in  denouncing  us  as  traitors  to  the  cause  of  democracy 
and  social  reform.  In  the  meantime  only  2  of  the  5  special 
elections  in  the  districts  that  we  had  captured  in  June 
resulted  in  our  favor.  .  .  .  The  loss  of  3  out  of  18  seats 
has  made  a  deep  impression  within  as  well  as  outside  the 
party.  .  .  .  The  time  was  ripe  for  a  union  of  capitalist 
forces  against  us  in  the  by-elections.  The  suppression  of 
the  Social  Democracy  must  be  accomplished  at  all  cost. 
Our  action  in  the  ministerial  crisis  may,  perhaps,  have 
been  an  added  factor.  .  .  . 

**How  does  our  parliamentary  group  stand  toward  the 
Government?  In  general  the  party  is  following  out  its 
usual  tactics;  it  supports  every  measure  that  is  in  the 
interest  of  the  proletariat  and  opposes  everything  that 


118       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

may  harm  the  labor  movement.  .  .  .  For  the  first  time 
Holland  has  a  Cabinet  that  depends  considerably  upon  our 
support,  whose  program,  as  a  whole,  includes  the  most 
progressive  measures  promised  to  our  party  by  the  Liberals 
before  the  by-elections.  Already  a  bill  providing  for  the 
extension  of  free  old-age  pensions  to  cover  all  aged  people 
has  been  placed  upon  the  order  of  business.  .  .  .  The  self- 
evident  tendency  of  the  last  elections  makes  it  impossible 
for  a  government  to  refuse  to  carry  out  the  reforms  that 
stand  at  the  zenith  of  popular  interest.  .  .  .  Our  parlia- 
mentary tactics  must  now  be  concentrated  upon  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  governmental  program  in  all  of  its  reform 
measures.  But  that  does  not  mean  that  we  sell  out,  body 
and  soul,  to  our  capitalist  rulers.  We  fully  uphold  our 
right,  our  duty,  as  Socialists,  to  criticise  everything  the 
Government,  the  administration,  the  judiciary  may  do. 
The  necessity  of  preserving  this  liberty  was,  in  fact,  one 
of  the  main  arguments  in  favor  of  our  refusal  to  join  the 
Ministry.  This  is  the  more  necessary,  because  the  govern- 
mental program  is  double-faced.  On  the  one  side  it  shows 
the  reform,  while  on  the  other  side  is  revealed,  with  brutal 
frankness,  the  upholding  of  militarism.  That  is  the  dark 
cloud  in  the  beautiful  sky  of  bourgeois  democracy.  The 
Crown  speech  contained  the  following  sentence:  'For  the 
defense  of  Netherland-India,  we  propose  the  building  of  a 
dreadnought,  the  cost  of  which  shall  be  covered  from  In- 
dian funds.' 

' '  This  marks  the  first  invasion  of  imperialism  on  a  larger 
scale  into  Holland.  .  .  .  The  invasion  of  capital  into  the 
Far  East  calls  forth  there  the  same  struggles  that  marked 
colonization  along  the  Atlantic  and  the  North  Sea  a  hun- 
dred or  more  years  ago.  We  know  that  this  means  in- 
creased armaments.  The  mad  rush  for  military  supremacy, 
in  small  countries  like  Holland,  is  fatal  to  all  social  prog- 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  119 

ress.     Into    this    world-pool    our    little    nation    is    being 
drawn.  .   .   . 

' '  It  is  plain  demagogy  ...  to  try  to  prove  that  the  mili- 
tary budget  would  be  entirely  different  if  the  Social  Demo- 
crats had  not  refused  to  elect  members  into  the  Ministry. 
.  .  .  [Certain  comrades]  favored  participation  in  minis- 
terial government,  partly  because  [they]  feared  that  the 
failure  to  form  a  Liberal-Socialist  cabinet  would  mean  a 
cabinet  that  would  support  the  Right  in  the  question  of 
increased  military  expenditure.  ...  In  our  opinion,  ex- 
actly the  reverse  is  true.  The  Liberals  were  so  insistent 
in  their  request  that  we  form  a  ministry  in  conjunction 
with  them  because  they  desired  to  stifle  our  opposition  to 
their  military  plans  at  the  outset.  One  ean  hardly  con- 
ceive of  a  more  beautiful  opportunity  to  make  us  share 
responsibility  for  new,  oppressive  military  appropria- 
tions. ..." 

VI.  THE  MINISTERIAL  CRISIS  IN   HOLLAND  AND  THE  SOCIAL 
DEMOCRACY 

By  J.  Fedder,  Amsterdam 
(From  Vorwaerts,  August  30,  1913) 

'  *  Shortly  after  our  comrades  in  Denmark  had  refused  to 
send  a  number  of  its  members  into  the  Ministry,  the  ques- 
tion of  ministerialism  arose  in  the  party  of  Holland.  .  .  . 
[The]  form  of  ministerialism,  in  which  Social  Democrats 
accept  a  place  in  the  Ministry  as  the  representatives  of 
their  party,  is  of  far  greater  consequence  to  the  movement 
than  is  the  case  of  Briand  or  Millerand,  who  were  called 
upon,  as  individuals,  to  participate  in  the  administra- 
tion. .  .  . 

"Let  us  see  what  happened.  .  .  . 

'  *  The  Vorwaerts  has  already  reported  the  wonderful  sue- 


120       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

cess  of  our  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  in  the  last  elec- 
tion, where  our  vote  increased  from  82,000  in  1909  to 
144,000,  and  our  representation  from  7  to  18  men. 

"Immediately  after  the  by-elections  which  decided  the 
fate  of  the  clerical  majority,  the  Christian  ministry  was 
compelled  to  resign.  After  a  conference  with  the  most 
prominent  political  leaders,  among  them,  for  the  first  time, 
one  of  our  comrades,  Troelstra,  the  Queen  called  upon  the 
Radical  leader.  Dr.  Bos,  to  form  a  ministry  'out  of  the 
whole  Left'  (as  we  read  in  the  communication  of  the 
press).  On  July  12,  Comrade  Troelstra,  as  chairman  of 
our  group,  received  a  communication  in  which  we  were 
officially  offered  the  privilege  of  electing  three  members  to 
a  ministry,  for  whose  activity  Dr.  Bos  presented  the  fol- 
lowing program : 

1.  Constitutional  amendment  providing  general  suffrage  for 
men,  without  altering  the  rights  of  the  Upper  House.  Removal 
of  all  hindrances  to  the  adoption  of  woman  suffrage.  Removal 
of  all  hindrances  to  the  right  of  women  to  hold  office. 

2.  Extension  of  the  Invalid  bill  just  passed,  so  that  its  free 
old-age  pension  may  apply  not  only  to  wage-workers,  but  to  all 
needy  aged  people. 

3.  The  money  necessary  to  defray  these  expenditures  to  be 
raised  by  levying  direct  taxes  (chiefly  income  and  property 
taxes). 

' '  This  program  was  the  exact  expression  of  the  last  elec- 
tion, and  was  a  reiteration  of  the  affirmative  answer  to 
our  demands  given  us  by  the  Liberals  before  the  by- 
election. 

"In  his  answer.  Comrade  Troelstra  wrote  that  the  pro- 
posed program  was,  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  a  'sound 
basis  for  any  ministry  which  would  take  the  reins  at  the 
present  time.' 

"But  he  called  attention  to  one  dark  spot  in  the  letter 
which  offered  to  our  party  the  ministerial  portfolio;  it 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  121 

contained  not  a  word  to  prove  the  absolute  necessity  of 
a  co-ordination  between  Liberals  and  Social  Democrats. 
This,  however,  was  necessary,  because  the  Social  Demo- 
crats would  not  consider  participation  in  the  Ministry 
unless  this  necessity  was  clearly  proved.  Our  action  was 
based  upon  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  International 
Congress  of  1900.  (See  Chapter  I,  Part  I.)  To  us  there 
existed  only  one  question:  was  the  necessity  such  that  it 
would  warrant  our  sending  ministers  to  take  an  active 
part  in  a  capitalist  administration? 

"A  clear  answer  to  this  question  was  the  more  necessary 
— as  Comrade  Troelstra  showed  clearly  and  uncompromis- 
ingly— because  a  Liberal-Socialist  ministry  must  be  much 
more  powerful  to  withstand  clerical  attacks  than  is  neces- 
sary for  one  that  is  formed  of  Liberals  only. 

"The  capitalist  character  of  the  state  had  been  ratified 
by  the  votes  of  more  than  82  per  cent  of  the  nation,  and 
must  therefore  bring  with  it  a  capitalist  government.  This 
was  a  necessity,  which  could  not  be  avoided  at  present,  not 
even  if  three  Socialists  should  enter  the  Ministry. 

"In  every  question  of  fundamental  importance,  as  for 
instance,  our  colonial  policy,  militarism,  judicial  prob- 
lems, the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward  strikes  and 
lockouts  that  are  sure  to  take  place,  in  a  hundred  minor 
questions  of  daily  routine  business,  the  impossibility  of 
harmonious  co-operation  between  Socialists  and  Liberals, 
the  eternal  conflict  of  their  views  in  international  and  po- 
litical problems,  would  become  increasingly  evident.  This 
would  inevitably  injure  the  activity  of  the  Ministry. 

"This  is  the  more  likely  because  the  Clericals  still  hold 
a  majority  in  the  Upper  House,  which  can  be  held  in  check 
only  by  a  strong  Ministry.  Comrade  Troelstra  asked, 
therefore,  the  open  question:  Is  the  co-operation  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Party  with  the  Fusion  of  the  Liberal 


122       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

parties  a  condition  sine  qua  non  if  the  proposed  program 
is  to  be  carried  out? 

"Realizing  our  responsibility  to  the  proletariat  in  the 
struggle  for  universal  suffrage  and  for  a  free  old-age  pen- 
sion, the  Social  Democratic  group,  through  Troelstra,  de- 
clared its  readiness  to  support  a  ministry  that  should  carry 
these  points  as  important  parts  of  its  program.  It  even 
promised  to  support  the  military  budget  during  the  time 
necessary  for  the  passage  of  the  above  bills,  provided  the 
total  of  this  budget  was  not  larger  than  that  of  the  budget 
for  1912-1913. 

' '  There  would  be  no  complete  fusion  of  the  two  parties, 
[but]  for  a  definite  period  of  time,  to  be  determined  be- 
forehand, we  promised  our  support,  because  we  feared  that 
the  Clerical  minority  would  vote  against  the  budget,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  reform  measures,  by 
precipitating  a  new  ministerial  crisis. 

"Dr.  Bos'  answer  to  this  letter  and  the  demands  made 
therein  was  very  unclear.  .  .   . 

"Thereupon  a  conference  of  the  executive  board,  the 
members  of  Parliament,  and  the  editors  of  our  organ,  Het 
Volk,  was  called  July  19,  which  rejected  the  offer  of  three 
portfolios  by  13  votes  against  8.  The  minority  feared  the 
uncertainty  likely  to  result  from  our  refusal  and  pre- 
ferred taking  the  more  certain  path.  The  majority  was 
composed  of  two  groups,  those  who  absolutely  refused  en- 
trance into  the  Ministry  at  the  present  time,  and  those 
who  were  willing  to  consider  it  in  time  of  necessity,  but 
were  of  the  opinion  that  this  necessity  did  not  exist  at  the 
present  time.  ...  On  July  30,  the  Liberal  Fusion  an- 
swered by  refusing  to  undertake  alone  the  formation  of 
a  ministry,  in  spite  of  our  promised  assistance.  .   .   . 

' '  The  chairman  and  vice-chairman  of  our  party,  the  Com- 
rades Vliegen  and  Schaper,  after  visiting  Dr.  Bos,  called 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  123 

a  second  party  conference.  The  following  questions  were 
discussed:  (1)  Does  this  refusal  of  the  Liberals  constitute 
the  necessity  mentioned  in  the  Amsterdam  resolution?  (2*) 
Would  the  participation  of  the  Socialists  in  the  Ministry 
increase  the  possibility  of  carrying  out  the  program  pro- 
posed by  Bos? 

"The  majority  of  the  Conference  now  favored  the  ac- 
ceptance of  cabinet  portfolios.  Two  resolutions  were  pre- 
sented and  an  extraordinary  party  convention  called. 

"The  Convention  met  in  Zwolle  on  the  ninth  and  tenth 
of  August.  After  a  heated  discussion,  the  resolution  pro- 
posed by  the  minority  of  the  party  conference  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  375  against  320.  The  resolution  expressed 
the  following : 

A  party  like  the  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  that  is  in 
its  origin  and  character  unalterably  opposed  to  capitalist  rule,  is 
not  obliged  to  enter  a  capitalist  Ministry. 

The  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  has  done  its  full  duty  in 
the  fight  for  universal  suffrage  and  old-age  pensions  by  its  will- 
ingness to  support  every  cabinet  which  will  strive  to  realize 
these  reforms. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Liberal  Fusion  has  made  the  solution 
of  this  problem  exceedingly  difficult  by  insisting  upon  a  Liberal 
Socialist  jMinistry. 

This  action  of  the  Liberals  does  not  follow  from  a  lack  of 
power,  but  rather  from  a  lack  of  good  will.  The  exceptional 
necessity  that  is  mentioned  in  the  Resolution  of  the  International 
Congress  of  1900  does  not  exist. 

The  participation  of  Socialists  in  a  capitalist  Ministry  would 
not  be  in  the  interests  of  the  proletariat,  therefore,  considering 
the  present  political  situation. 


"Our  participation  in  the  Ministry  would  have  com- 
pletely changed  our  method  of  political  combat,  and  our 
attitude  toward  the  other  parties  for  some  time  to  come. 


124       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

In  this  case  we  would  have  rested  on  our  arms  and  de- 
clared a  temporary  peace  with  progressive  capitalist  par- 
ties. The  issue  at  stake  in  this  case,  as  a  constitutional 
amendment,  necessitates  a  parliamentary  discussion  of  the 
question  in  two  sessions,  as  well  as  a  dissolution  of  both 
Houses  and  a  new  election.  In  consequence  this  co-opera- 
tion of  Socialist  and  Liberal  forces  would  necessarily 
extend  over  a  period  of  years  (at  least  five  or  six).  During 
this  time  all  open  warfare  between  the  party,  as  the  po- 
litical representative  of  the  proletariat,  and  its  capitalist 
opponents,  would  be  practically  at  a  standstill.  Dr.  Bos, 
even  in  his  first  request  for  participation,  spoke  of  the 
necessity  of  a  union  of  forces  in  the  Government,  in  the 
Lower  House,  and  in  the  nation, 

"The  last  years  have  brought  to  Holland  a  notable  in- 
crease in  the  strength  and  militancy  of  its  labor  unions.  A 
union  with  the  Liberals  would,  in  all  probability,  mean  a 
disturbance  in  the  present  harmonious  and  profitable  rela- 
tions between  the  labor  unions  and  the  party. 

"But  even  from  a  purely  political  point  of  view,  the 
party  would  inevitably  be  discredited.  The  speaker  of 
the  majority  pointed  out  that,  as  a  part  of  the  Ministry, 
we  would  be  held  responsible  for  its  activity,  a  fact  that 
would  surely  cost  us  the  sympathy  of  a  large  part  of  the 
general  public,  unless  we  were  in  a  large  majority  in  the 
cabinet.  It  is  more  than  doubtful,  however,  whether  this 
condition  will  ever  be  fulfilled,  whether,  in  this  advanced 
stage  of  the  class  struggle,  we  would  still  be  asked  to 
take  a  portfolio  in  a  ministry.  For,  after  all,  this  request 
to  join  the  Ministry  is  a  sign  of  our  weakness  rather  than 
of  our  strength. 

"These  are  two  dangers  that  should  not  be  taken  too 
lightly,  dangers  that  are  practically  sure  to  result.  Added 
to  these  considerations  is  a  third  which  must  not  be  over- 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  125 

looked.  We  are  risking  the  unity  of  our  movement.  A 
complete  change  of  party  tactics,  such  as  is  here  involved, 
must  needs  arouse  a  storm  of  bitter  recriminations  between 
the  representatives  on  either  side,  would  strike  into  the 
parliamentary  group,  and  would  greatly  impair  the  ef- 
ficiency and  energy  of  our  organization.  And  this  at  a 
time  when  the  Socialist  movement  in  the  Netherlands  is 
just  slowly  beginning  to  unite  its  forces,  at  a  time  when 
the  enemies  of  our  movement,  the  Syndicalists,  who  are 
still  powerful  in  a  number  of  industries,  and  a  small  party 
of  the  Marxians,  would  profit  by  our  quarrels.  .  .  . 

''The  old-age  pension  bill  has  become  more  and  more 
popular  as  a  result  of  15  years  of  Socialist  agitation.  .  .  . 
We  could  not  allow  this  reform,  whose  realization  has  been 
practically  assured  by  the  election,  to  vanish  into  thin 
air.  ,  .  .  Let  us  examine  for  a  moment  the  general  po- 
litical influence  of  the  decision  of  this  Convention. 

''The  Holland  Parliament  is  made  up  of  two  large 
divisions:  on  the  Right,  the  Christians,  composed  of  two 
evangelic-clerical  parties  and  one  Catholic  party  (which 
is  by  far  the  strongest  of  the  three),  who  together  are^ 
known  by  the  collective  name,  'The  Coalition';  on  the 
Left  are  three  closely  united  progressive  parties,  known  as 
'The  Concentration,'  and  the  Social  Democracy.  This 
division  into  two  fields,  the  so-called  antithesis  between 
believers  and  unbelievers,  is  a  heavy  burden  upon  our  in- 
ternal politics,  and  particularly  weakens  the  working- 
class.  Its  ranks  have  been  split  by  the  struggle  between 
these  elements.  The  Clericals  especially  have  enjoyed  the 
implicit  support  of  a  considerable  number  of  workers  who 
under  all  circumstances  will  vote  in  their  favor. 

"The  active  and  independent  campaign  of  the  Social 
Democratic  Labor  Party  for  universal  suffrage  has,  for  the 
first  time,  succeeded  in  shaking  the  allegiance  of  a  large 


126       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

number  of  these  Christian  voters.  This  fortunate  begin- 
ning would  have  been  severely  hampered  by  a  strengthen- 
ing of  this  line  of  religious  opposition.  The  deepening  of 
this  line  of  demarcation  between  believer  and  unbeliever, 
which  would  have  resulted  from  a  fusion  of  our  forces  with 
the  Liberals,  would  have  been  anything  but  favorable  to 
our  influence  upon  this  part  of  the  population, 

' '  Even  from  a  purely  parliamentary  point  of  view,  such 
a  fusion  would .  have  been  unwise.  Dividing  the  Parlia- 
ment into  two  opposing  bodies  would  have  meant  to  sacri- 
fice the  vote  of  those  Clericals  who,  otherwise,  would  have 
voted  in  favor  of  a  general  suffrage  bill.  As  a  constitu- 
tional amendment,  however,  this  bill  required  a  two-thirds 
vote  of  Parliament  in  its  favor,  while  the  combined  forces 
of  the  Liberals  and  the  Socialists  number  only  54  out  of 
100,  making  a  considerable  number  of  Clerical  votes  neces- 
sary to  secure  its  passage. 

"Why  is  the  decision  of  the  party  Convention  of  such 
extraordinary  importance  ? 

"Because,  apparently,  we  have  entered  upon  a  new 
stage  in  Dutch  politics.  The  slow  disintegration  of  the 
once  powerful  Liberals  is  already  so  far  advanced  that, 
even  in  a  particularly  favorable  political  situation,  they 
were  able  to  unite  only  about  80  per  cent  of  the  total  vote 
upon  their  candidates,  and  could  win,  with  our  assistance, 
only  38  seats.  So  it  has  come  about  that  the  Liberals, 
without  our  support,  are  powerless  in  Parliament,  .  .  . 
If,  now,  the  Liberal  Concentration  were  truly  democratic, 
it  would  not  hesitate  for  one  moment  to  pass  those  reform 
measures,  so  necessary  in  our  reactionary  little  country, 
with  the  help  of  the  Social  Democrats.  .   .   . 

"But,  alas,  .  .  .  their  democratic  wing  is  damned  to 
eternal  incompetence,  is  heard  bravely  and  confidently 
only  when  it  is  in  the  opposition.     (In  Holland  one  must 


HOLLAND  AND  SWITZERLAND  127 

be  careful  not  to  identify  the  expressions  'Left'  and 
*  Democracy. '  The  parties  of  the  Eight,  on  the  other  hand, 
include  a  goodly  number  of  democratic  supporters,  uphold- 
ers of  universal  suffrage.  .   .   . ) 

"There  is  only  one  consideration  that  might  lead  [the] 
reactionary  enemies  of  the  working-class  to  push  the  re- 
forms that  we  demand,  reforms  that  they  themselves  have 
bitterly  opposed  up  to  very  recent  times.  That  is  the  pos- 
sibility of  breaking  up  the  power  of  the  proletarian  po- 
litical movement.  Everything  indicates  that  this  was  in 
truth  their  secret  aim — slowly  to  transform  our  own  virile, 
thriving  party  into  a  sort  of  Liberal  Labor  Party,  to  bind 
our  young  movement  to  their  own  aged  decrepit  parties. 
This  ambition  has  suffered  a  pitiful  shipwreck  upon  the 
hard  rocks  of  our  solidarity." 


SWITZERLAND 

The  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Switzerland  was 
founded  in  1888.  In  1910  it  had  only  10  seats  in  a  Par- 
liament of  189  members.  In  1912  this  number  had  been 
increased  to  17,  and  in  1913  to  19.  The  party  has  also  1 
representative  in  the  Upper  House.  The  election  of  1914, 
held  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  was  only  half  con- 
tested and  did  not  show  any  material  change.  In  the  1915 
elections  the  Socialists  retained  their  membership  of  19. 

The  report  of  the  Swiss  Party  for  1913  shows  an  increase 
of  1,852  in  membership,  which,  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
stood  at  33,236,  in  609  branches.  In  1915  it  was  reported 
as  29,585  members. 

At  the  cantonal  elections  of  1914,  a  Socialist  loss  was 
suffered  in  Basel,  where  the  representation  was  cut  down 


128       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

from  47  to  43 — still  about  one-third  of  the  total.  In  Bern 
the  delegation  was  increased  from  15  to  16.  In  Geneva, 
where  proportional  representation  was  applied  for  the 
first  time,  the  Socialists  elected  10  members,  as  against  22 
members  elected  by  their  opponents. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY 

DENMARK 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

In  Denmark  the  Social  Democratic  Party  was  founded 
in  1878;  since  1901  its  membership  in  the  Folkething 
(House  of  Representatives)  has  increased  from  14  to  16, 
to  24,  to  32,  and  at  the  last  general  election  (May,  1913) 
the  Socialists,  with  107,000,  obtained  the  largest  popular 
vote  of  all  the  political  parties.  They  have  33  daily  pa- 
pers, with  a  circulation  of  170,000  copies. 

In  1903  the  party  had  56,000 ;  in  1909,  93,000 ;  in  1910, 
98,000  votes  (29  per  cent  of  the  total  votes),  so  that  the 
rise  has  been  more  rapid  than  ever  in  recent  years. 

The  party  has  been  especially  successful  in  municipal 
elections,  and  has  one-half  of  the  members  of  the  Copen- 
hagen municipal  council. 

As  the  Radicals  secured  31  seats  in  1913,  and  the  Lib- 
erals and  Conservatives  together  held  only  51,  the  com- 
bined opposition  (Socialists  and  Radicals)  had  a  majority. 

Following  the  election  the  Government  introduced  a 
measure  in  the  Lower  House  enfranchising  all  men  and 
women,  but  it  did  not  secure  a  majority  in  the  Second 
Chamber,  which  was  accordingly  dissolved.  The  result  of 
the  elections  which  followed  (in  1914)  was  that  the  new 
Landsthing  contains  38  supporters  of  the  bill  and  28  op- 
ponents ;  the  old  Landsthing  had  33  on  each  side. 

129 


130       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Of  the  elected  members  of  the  new  Upper  House,  4  are 
Socialists,  5  are  Radicals,  20  are  Liberals,  5  are  "Free" 
Conservatives,  and  20  are  Conservatives  unqualified.  The 
king  has  the  power  to  nominate  12  members.  Of  these  9 
are  supporters  of  the  government  bill. 

The  Parliament  met  in  July,  but  the  constitutional 
change  required  for  its  final  adoption  a  second  election  in 
August — which  was  interrupted  by  the  war. 

The  growth  of  the  Socialist  vote,  as  has  been  said,  has 
been  very  rapid— from  56,000  in  1903  to  107,000  in  1913 
(out  of  a  total  of  366,000).  The  vote  of  the  Radical  Party 
has  also  grown  from  41,000  in  1906  to  67,000  in  1913 ;  so 
that  the  two  parties  together  already  have  almost  a 
majority. 

II.    THE   SOCIALISTS   SUPPORT   THE   GOVERNMENT 
(From  The  New  York  Call) 

"The  last  general  election  in  Denmark  resulted  in  a 
majority  for  the  opposition.  The  ministerial  crisis  placed 
squarely  before  the  Socialists  the  question  of  participation 
in  the  Ministry  and  of  parliamentary  collaboration.  Con- 
sultations on  this  subject  were  held  by  the  Radicals  and 
the  Socialist  Party,  the  latter  finally  rejecting  the  pro- 
posals that  they  participate  in  the  formation  of  a  cabinet 
of  the  Left. 

' '  The  Socialists,  however,  engaged  to  support  the  Radical 
government  until  such  time  as  the  reform  program  should 
be  completely  realized.  This  program  includes  the  aboli- 
tion of  electoral  privileges,  universal  suffrage  without  dis- 
tinction of  sex,  and  other  things. 

"They,  therefore,  are  pledged  to  approve  the  budget  now 
presented  by  the  Radicals.  The  Danish  budget  is  very 
modest  compared  with  those  of  the  larger  European  na- 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  131 

tions,  and  only  amounts  to  126,000,000  crowns  (a  crown 
is  27  cents), 

"But  the  present  budget  also  comprises  some  reforms. 
The  military  expenditures  are,  for  the  first  time,  not  in- 
creased. In  fact,  there  is  a  decrease  of  1,000,000.  And 
the  Government  has  included  several  measures  to  satisfy 
the  Socialist  Party,  without  the  support  of  which  it  could 
not  exist. 

"Large  bounties  are  granted  to  agricultural  workers 
wishing  to  purchase  land  in  the  insufficiently  cultivated 
districts.  A  large  part  of  the  Socialist  Party's  support 
comes  from  these  agricultural  workers  and  small  farmers. 
The  working-class  industrial  schools  are  also  subsidized, 
and  the  Government  even  proposes  to  vote  a  subsidy  of 
2,000  crowns  to  a  school  founded  by  the  Socialist  Party. 

"About  4,000,000  crowns  are  to  be  devoted  to  sick  and 
unemployment  relief  funds.  This  sum  will  be  paid  into  the 
treasuries  of  the  labor  unions.  Old-age  pensions  (payable 
at  the  age  of  65)  will  cost  the  Government  6,250,000,  and 
about  250,000  crowns  are  to  be  expended  for  the  relief  of 
those  'temporarily'  in  poverty. 

"To  insurance  against  industrial  accidents  207,000 
crowns  will  be  apportioned  ;  200,000  for  the  relief  of  widows 
and  orphans ;  2,000,000  for  the  combating  of  tuberculosis. 

"Viewed  merely  in  the  light  of  a  reform  party,  the  So- 
cialist Party  of  Denmark  would  seem  to  be  fairly  successful 
in  its  efforts." 

III.    THE    CONSTITUTIONAL    CRISIS 

In  the  fall  of  1913  the  following  constitutional  changes 
were  proposed  by  the  prime  minister  and  formed  the  issue 
of  the  following  election  campaign : 

"Active  and  passive  suffrage  in  Parliament  is  given  to 
women.     The  age  of  suffrage  is  lowered  to  25  instead  of 


132       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

30  as  hitherto.  The  length  of  the  sessions  is  increased  to 
4  years  instead  of  3  years  as  hitherto.  The  privileged  suf- 
frage for  the  first  chamber  is  to  be  abolished  as  well  as  the 
clause  which  allows  the  king  to  name  12  of  the  66  members. 
These  are  now  to  be  elected  by  the  other  54. ' ' 

IV.   GENERAL    SUFFRAGE   IN   DENMARK 
1.    ARTICLE   BY   TH.    STAUNING,    COPENHAGEN 

(From  Vorwaerts,  April  15,  1914) 

"The  Conservative  Party  (Hoeire)  had  become  so  weak 
in  1901  that  it  was  no  longer  able  to  govern.  The  peasant 
party  (Venstre),  which  was  in  the  majority  in  the  Folke- 
thing,  was  asked'to  take  over  the  government.  This  action 
meant  acknowledgment  of  parliamentary  rule  by  the  king 
and  the  fight  for  this  principle  was  won. 

"After  the  attainment  of  this  goal,  it  naturally  followed 
that  the  Socialists  should  start  an  agitation  for  a  revision 
of  the  constitution  and  for  universal  and  equal  suffrage. 
This  demand  was  made  in  common  with  the  government 
party,  but  this  party  was  now  not  very  enthusiastic  for  the 
execution  of  its  program. 

"The  Left,  which  had  grown  out  of  the  party  of  down- 
trodden peasants,  had,  in  the  course  of  time,  undergone 
some  changes.  The  peasants,  which  still  make  up  the 
nucleus  of  its  voters,  have  not  remained  the  despised  and 
downtrodden  class.  Good  organizations  and  the  benefits 
derived  from  co-operation  in  the  service  of  agriculture  (co- 
operative dairies,  slaughter  houses,  and  so  on)  have  con- 
tributed to  establish  a  well-to-do  peasant  class.  The  peas- 
ants who  liad  charge  of  the  government  felt  very  far 
removed  from  the  working-class,  and  their  leading  poli- 
ticians seemed  attracted  to  the  upper  class. 

"The  politics  of  the  new  government  party  were  by  no 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  133 

means  democratic.  On  the  contrary,  this  party  carried 
through  military,  custom's  tariff,  and  [other]  policies  ac- 
cording to  the  best  conservative  models,  whereby  the 
working-class  had  to  bear  the  heaviest  burdens. 

"The  party  was  able  in  1908  to  pass  a  new  communal 
election  law,  which  did  away  with  the  two-class  electoral 
law,  and  gave  general  suffrage  to  all  taxpaying  men  and 
women  of  25  years  of  age,  as  well  as  to  all  married  women 
whose  husbands  were  taxpayers.  On  account  of  the  work 
of  certain  allied  conservative  elements  in  Parliament,  this 
law  did  not  prove  a  thoroughgoing  democratic  reform,  as 
the  upper  classes  in  the  country  had  the  privilege  of  using 
their  influence  in  selecting  the  county  councilors  (an  insti- 
tution which  in  certain  cases  formed  the  superior  court  for 
community  representation) . 

' '  This  policy,  carried  out  in  alliance  with  the  Right  wing, 
had  its  effect.  The  Left  wing  was  badly  beaten  at  the 
elections  by  the  Socialists.  Moreover  a  split  occurred  in 
the  Left,  the  democratic  elements  forming  a  new  party — 
the  Radical  Left.  The  party  of  the  Left,  which,  in  1901, 
had  92  seats  out  of  114,  had  gradually  melted  away,  so 
that  at  the  election  in  1910,  57  seats,  just  half  of  all  the 
seats  of  the  Folkething,  could  be  claimed  by  it.  In  the 
following  years  the  Left,  on  account  of  a  number  of  very 
costly  military  laws,  favored  a  very  undemocratic  policy 
which  called  forth  a  storm  of  indignation. 

' '  The  party  decided  on  a  special  move  shortly  before  the 
new  elections  to  the  Folkething,  calculated  to  help  them 
over  all  difficulties  and  re-establish  them  completely.  In 
October,  1912,  the  Government  submitted  to  Parliament  a 
bill  for  the  change  of  the  constitution,  corresponding  with 
the  program  of  the  Left,  which  called  for  general  and  equal 
suffrage  and  abolished  privileged  election  rights.  The 
party  asked  all  other  democratic  parties  to  support  this 


134       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

bill.  As  a  co-operation  of  all  democratic  parties  was  neces- 
sary to  carry  it  through,  and  as  the  Socialists  realized  that 
they  could  not  gain  their  other  demands,  they,  as  well  as 
the  Radical  Left,  gave  their  support.  The  Conservatives, 
of  course,  fought  this  bill  .  .  .  [but]  at  the  elections  to  the 
Folkething,  May  20,  1913  ...  the  Left,  the  Radicals,  and 
the  Socialists,  each  with  their  own  candidates,  supported 
[it.]  Election  results  showed  that  the  Left  had  retained 
[but]  44  seats,  while  the  Socialists  rose  to  32  and  those  of 
the  Radical  Left  to  31.  The  Conservatives  found  that  their 
numbers  had  been  reduced  from  14  to  7  seats.  .   .   . 

''The  losses  suffered  by  the  party  of  the  Left  induced  it 
to  withdraw  from  the  Government,  but  it  promised  to  assist 
further  with  the  suffrage  bill.  The  leader  of  the  Socialists, 
as  the  largest  element  in  the  Folkething,  was  called  before 
the  king  and  he  was  offered  the  formation  of  the  govern- 
ment— perhaps  in  connection  with  the  Radical  Left  wing. 
This  petition  he  refused,  explaining  that  a  party  of  the 
Left  could  be  formed  which  would  have  the  necessary  ma- 
jority in  the  Folkething.  The  Left  would  not  hear  of  this. 
The  Radical  Left  then  declared  itself  ready,  after  con- 
sultations with  the  Socialists,  to  form  the  government  and 
to  make  the  revision  of  the  constitution  its  most  important 
task. 

"In  September,  1913,  the  new  government  submitted  the 
bill,  which  the  Left  had  drawn  up,  and  which  had  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Folkething  before  the  last  election.  This 
bill  was  again  accepted  by  the  Folkething  and  the  discus- 
sions with  the  Landsthing  [the  Upper  House]  began.  The 
strength  of  the  Conservatives  in  the  Landsthing  had  been 
reduced  to  34  members.  The  so-called  constitutional  par- 
ties, the  3  democratic  parties,  had  32  representatives. 

"It  was  rumored  that  the  Landsthing  would  be  dissolved 
in  order  to  bring  about  a  'constitutional  majority,'  when 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  135 

Estrup,  who  had  carried  through  the  privileged  election 
law  of  1866,  died,  and  a  Liberal  was  elected  in  his  place. 
As  the  Conservatives  appoint  the  president,  and  as  he  has 
no  vote,  33  votes  of  the  constitutional  parties  opposed  32 
Conservative  votes. 

''Under  the  pressure  of  this  situation,  the  preparations 
in  this  matter  have  been  completed  and  the  members  of 
the  three  constitutional  parties  will  recommend  to  Parlia- 
ment a  bill  which  will  give  to  Denmark  one  of  the  freest 
constitutions  in  the  world. 

*  *  The  contents  of  the  bill  are  as  follows : 

"The  bi-cameral  system  will  be  retained,  but  both 
Houses  will  be  elected  by  general  suffrage. 

"The  age  of  voters  for  the  Folkething  is  25  years 
(formerly  30).  Women  and  servants,  who  have  hitherto 
been  excluded,  get  the  vote.  The  election  to  the  Folke- 
thing takes  place  in  120  individual  districts,  and,  besides 
this,  all  participating  parties  get  a  share  of  the  supplemen- 
tary seats  (20),  according  to  the  votes  cast  in  their  favor. 
In  this  way  each  party  will  get  a  fair  deal. 

"The  same  general  and  equal  suffrage  will  be  carried 
through  for  the  elections  to  the  Landsthing.  The  age  of 
the  voters  has  to  be  35  years,  but  the  present  voters  of  30 
to  35  retain  their  Election  rights.  The  women  and  servants 
also  get  the  suffrage  for  the  Landsthing.  The  manner  of 
election  is  the  same  as  formerly,  through  electors. 

"Neither  a  tax  qualification  nor  any  kind  of  privilege 
exists  at  the  elections.  In  contrast  to  the  present  suffrage, 
this  means  a  mighty  advance.  The  political  power  of  the 
privileged  class,  which  they  have  had  on  account  of  money 
and  property,  disappears.  Three-fourths  of  a  million  citi- 
zens, men  and  women  between  25  and  30  get  the  vote,  and 
the  representation  of  the  election  districts  in  the  towns  and 
in  the  country  is  equally  divided.     If  everything  goes  as 


13C       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

calculated,  the  new  constitution  will  be  carried  through  in 
a  very  short  time.  By  its  means  the  working-class  of  Den- 
mark faces  a  better  future. ' ' 


2.   THE   EFFECT  OF  THE   WAR  ON   THE   SUFFRAGE 

(Correspondence  of  Vorwaerts,  Copenhagen,  October  1,  1914) 

"After  a  victorious  election  for  the  Landsthing  (Sen- 
ate), the  constitutional  reform  which  brings  to  all  men  and 
women  universal,  equal,  and  direct  suffrage,  which  had  ab- 
sorbed the  strength  of  all  political  parties  throughout  the 
year,  was  brought  to  a  conclusion.  Our  party  and  the 
radical  Left  (progressives)  had  obtained  a  majority  in 
the  election  of  the  Folkething  (Parliament),  by  means  of 
which,  in  spite  of  our  refusal  to  take  part  in  the  govern- 
ment, the  way  had  become  free  for  election  reform,  when 
the  war  gave  the  Conservative  majority  of  the  Landsthing 
the  welcome  opportunity  to  lay  aside  temporarily  this  very 
unwelcome  business,  on  the  ground  of  threatening  external 
dangers,  and  to  wait  for  more  peaceful  times. 

"The  progressive  government  was  now  forced  to  occupy 
itself  with  the  task  created  by  the  war.  That  in  these 
critical  times  a  radical  government  is  at  the  helm,  which 
is  strictly  dependent  upon  the  Social  Democrats,  was  of 
the  greatest  importance  both  in  internal  and  external  af- 
fairs, especially  for  the  working-people.  The  peaceful  in- 
tentions of  this  government  are  just  as  sincere  as  our  own, 
so  that  the  party  under  present  conditions  gives  it  all 
possible  support.  "We  decided  to  do  our  best  to  keep  the 
present  officials  of  the  Government  in  power,  and  for  this 
reason  the  Socialist  group  voted  in  favor  of  the  proposed 
military  measures,  and  in  favor  of  a  loan  of  10,000,000 
kronen." 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  137 

V.    THE   POLITICAL    SITUATION   IN   DENMARK 

By  Gustav  Bang 

"The  Danish  constitution,  in  its  present  form,  was  passed 
in  1866,  at  a  time  when  the  proletariat  was  entirely  unde- 
veloped, when  the  class  consciousness  of  the  farming  popu- 
lation was  still  in  its  infancy,  when  the  great  landowners 
had  nevertheless  already  begun  to  fear  our  opposition.  It 
was  a  time  exceedingly  favorable  for  reactionary  measures ; 
the  unsuccessful  war  of  1864  had  brought  in  its  wake  a 
deep  nation-wide  depression,  and  had  resulted  at  the  same 
time  in  the  complete  downfall  of  the  liberalism  of  the  more 
intelligent  classes.  The  great  landholders  found  but  little 
difficulty  in  pushing  through  a  constitution  that  reflects 
clearly  their  own  class  interests.  As  under  the  previous 
constitution,  the  new  legislature  consisted  of  two  houses 
practically  co-ordinate  in  importance  and  power.  The  new 
constitution  differed,  however,  from  that  of  1849  by  virtue 
of  the  fact  that  it  applied  the  principle  of  universal  suffrage 
only  to  the  election  of  the  Lower  House,  whereas  the 
former  constitution  applied  it  to  both  Houses.  The  Folke- 
thing  was  elected  by  the  general  vote  of  all  men  of  good 
character,  over  30  years  of  age  (servants  excepted),  and  all 
votes  were  of  equal  importance,  aside  from  the  difference 
made  by  the  varying  size  of  the  election  districts. 

' '  The  Landsthing,  on  the  other  hand,  is  controlled  by  the 
wealthy  classes  and  the  landowners.  Of  its  66  members, 
12  are  appointed  by  the  Government,  while  the  other  54 
are  elected  by  a  complicated  system  based  upon  a  clever 
admixture  of  universal  and  privilege  suffrage  laws.  In 
Copenhagen  an  income  of  more  than  4,000  crowns  (about 
$1,000),  in  the  provinces  more  than  2,000  crowns  (about 
$500),  being  necessary  to  a  voter  of  the  first  class.  These 
well-to-do  voters  first  vote  together  with  the  others  for 


138       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

one-half  of  the  electors,  then  alone  for  the  other  half ;  these 
electors,  in  turn,  electing  the  remaining  members  of  the 
Landsthing.  In  the  country  districts  the  wealthy  enjoy 
even  greater  political  privileges.  Here  a  number  of 
wealthy  landowners,  as  many  in  number  as  there  are  town- 
ships in  the  election  districts,  meet,  as  members  in  their 
own  right,  with  the  elected  members  of  the  board  of 
electors.  In  this  way  every  landholder  has  in  the  Lands- 
thing  an  influence  equal  to  that  of  all  the  citizens  of  his 
township  taken  together.  In  the  country  districts,  there- 
fore, the  wealthy  are  greatly  benefited  by  the  apportion- 
ment of  the  election  districts,  which  assures  the  domina- 
tion of  the  rich  over  the  poor,  and  makes  the  big  land- 
owners the  political  masters  of  the  urban  population. 

"Here  are  two  extreme  cases.  In  the  last  general  elec- 
tions to  the  Landsthing  in  1906  and  1910,  1,111  land- 
owners and  wealthy  farmers  elected  19  members,  while 
61,659  Copenhagen  voters,  who  owned  less  than  4,000 
crowns,  elected  only  3.  This  system  has  steadily  become 
more  unbearable.  The  two  Houses  are  in  constant  con- 
flict. Representing  the  interests  of  two  entirely  different 
classes  of  people,  they  necessarily  stand  in  frank  opposition 
to  each  other  upon  every  important  question.  The  capital- 
ist Landsthing  has  always  used  its  advantage  in  a  most 
brutal  manner,  in  order  either  to  block  entirely  the  meas- 
ures passed  by  the  Folkething,  or  at  least  to  rob  them  as 
far  as  possible  of  all  practical  value. 

"With  one  stroke  this  whole  situation  was  changed, 
when  on  October  23,  1912,  the  prime  minister,  Klaus  Bernt- 
sen,  presented  to  the  Folkething  a  bill  providing  for  a 
new  constitution,  absolutely  democratic  in  character,  at 
the  same  time  warning  the  Conservatives  that  this  measure 
would  not  be  dropped  from  the  order  of  business,  that  he 
would  brook  no  compromise,  and  that  its  principles  must 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  139 

be  adopted  in  their  entirety.  Various  motives  may  have 
prompted  this  action  on  the  part  of  a  representative  of 
the  Liberals,  who,  up  to  this  time,  had  shown  but  little 
interest  in  political  reform.  The  strongest  was,  beyond 
doubt,  a  vague  fear  of  the  coming  election — after  a  session 
in  which  taxes,  and  especially  indirect  taxes,  had  been 
screwed  up  to  an  unprecedented  height  in  order  to  cover 
great  military  expenditures.  The  ruling  party  had  been 
steadily  losing  its  ground  with  the  lower  farming  popula- 
tion and  feared,  not  without  just  cause,  a  terrible  downfall. 
There  was  only  one  possibility,  an  active  campaign  against 
the  privileged  landowners,  a  return  to  power  under  a  new 
democratic  standard,  with  the  votes  of  a  great  mass  of  the 
people. 

"Whatever  the  motives  may  have  been,  to  us  they  are 
of  interest  only  in  so  far  as  they  will  influence  the  passage 
of  the  bill.  The  measure  itself  is  a  great  step  forward 
from  the  conditions  existing  under  the  present  constitu- 
tion. It  increases  the  number  of  voters  for  the  Folkething 
by  granting  a  vote  not  only  to  servants  but  also  to  women, 
and  by  reducing  the  minimum  age  from  30  to  25  years. 
The  Landsthing  is  to  be  elected  by  city  and  town  boards. 
As  practically  all  men  and  women  over  25  years  of  age 
have  the  right  to  vote  in  municipal  elections,  with  the 
exception  of  Copenhagen,  where  only  taxpayers  are  voters, 
the  Landsthing  also  will  become  more  democratic,  and  will 
be  elected,  although,  in  a  different  manner  from  the  Folke- 
thing, by  the  vote  of  the  people.  It  will  thus  become  a 
more  reliable  expression  of  the  will  of  the  population.  .   .  . 

''Needless  to  say,  we  are  by  no  means  entirely  satisfied 
with  the  bill  as  it  stands.  The  political  demands  of  our 
program  go  a  great  deal  further.  But,  on  the  whole,  it 
represents  such  a  striking  improvement,  and  will  be  fol- 
lowed by  so  great  an  increase  of  our  power,  that  we  have 


140       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

promised  the  Government — after  the  party  had  given  its 
unanimous  consent — to  support  the  bill  in  its  present  form. 
The  same  course  was  taken  by  the  Radical  Party,  which 
represents  the  intelligent  element  of  Copenhagen.  So  it 
was  that  the  amendment  was  passed  in  December,  with  95 
votes  against  12  in  the  Folkething,  and  then  went  on  to  the 
Landsthing,  where  the  Conservatives  hold  a  small  majority 
of  seats,  34  out  of  66.  The  amendment  precipitated  a 
veritable  panic  among  the  Conservatives,  for  it  put  an  end 
to  the  beautiful  era  of  compromise  that  had  enabled  them, 
with  the  help  of  the  Liberals,  to  force  their  will  upon  the 
Government.  They  tried  every  conceivable  means  to  force 
the  Ministry  out  of  office,  to  cloud  the  whole  situation,  but 
in  vain.  When  they  saw  there  was  no  way  out  of  it,  and 
were  forced  to  present  substitutes  and  amendments,  they 
became  completely  helpless.  They  published  not  one,  but 
a  number  of  bills,  some  of  which  were  absolutely  senseless, 
bills  that  contradicted  each  other,  that  had  but  one  feature 
in  common — the  substitution  of  new  property  qualifications 
for  the  old.  And  when  at  last,  on  April  3,  the  original 
bill  went  before  the  Landsthing  for  its  second  reading,  the 
whole  discussion  was  cut  short  by  the  adoption  of  a  resolu- 
tion. The  fight  between  the  Ministry  and  the  Landsthing 
was  on  in  earnest.  But  as  the  Folkething  election  was 
almost  due — its  term  ended  on  the  twentieth  of  May — the 
Government  decided  to  let  the  voters  speak.  The  election 
became  a  sort  of  referendum  for  and  against  the  constitu- 
tional amendment  of  the  Government.  The  whole  cam- 
paign centered  on  this  question.  Our  propaganda  was, 
naturally,  radically  influenced  by  the  entire  situation.  As 
we  here  have  no  by-elections,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  a 
splitting  up  of  the  votes  among  Liberals,  Socialists,  and 
Radicals  would  make  possible  the  election  of  a  Conservative 
in  a  great  many  districts.     We  decided,  therefore,  to  re- 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  141 

frain  from  nominating  candidates  in  a  number  of  districts, 
where  we  usually  polled  a  large  vote,  and  called  upon  our 
comrades  to  support  the  Liberal  or  the  Radical  candidates. 
We  did  this  with  a  light  heart,  for  we  used  this  campaign 
for  active  Socialist  propaganda  and  showed,  in  no  meas- 
ured terms,  the  difference  between  the  Social  Democracy 
and  the  others,  even  where  we  went  hand  in  hand  with 
them.  Everywhere  we  emphasized  the  importance  of  po- 
litical reform  for  the  future  of  the  Socialist  movement. 

"On  May  29  the  election  for  the  Folkething  was  held. 
Its  results  were  very  favorable.  .  .  .  We  had  held  24  dis- 
tricts out  of  114.  Of  these  we  lost  4,  but  this  loss  was 
made  good  by  the  gain  of  12  new  districts,  making  a  net 
gain  of  8  districts.  This  represents  an  increase  of  the 
number  of  Socialist  representatives  from  24  to  32.  Our 
vote  also  increased  from  98,718,  in  1910,  to  107,365.  Thirty 
per  cent  of  all  voters  voted  for  the  Socialist  ticket.  We 
are  to-day  the  largest  party;  the  Liberals,  who  held  the 
first  place,  fell  to  100,894  votes.  The  two  other  parties, 
the  Conservative  and  the  Radical,  fell  far  below  this  num- 
ber. We  gained  this  result,  although  we  nominated  can- 
didates in  only  68  out  of  114  districts.  Had  the  Socialist 
voters  of  the  other  46  districts  had  the  opportunity  of 
voting  as  Socialists,  our  total  would  have  been  much 
larger.  Our  success  in  the  country  districts  was  particu- 
larly gratifying — almost  half  of  the  Socialist  districts  were 
agricultural.  The  election  showed  plainly  that  the  small 
farmers  and  farm  hands  are  coming  to  us  in  steadily  grow- 
ing numbers.  .   ,   . 

"The  following  figures  will  show  how  steadily  the  So- 
cialist Party  has  grown  in  the  last  18  years,  after  the  en- 
forcement of  the  election  laws,  in  comparison  with  the 
other  parties  whose  votes  fluctuated  from  election  to 
election. 


142       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Votes         Districts  "Votes        Districts 

1895 24,510  8  1906 76,612  24 

1898 31,870  12  1909 93,079  24 

1901 43,015  14  1910 98,718  24 

1903 55,989  16  1913 107,365  32 

"The  outlook  for  the  proposed  amendment  was  most 
promising.  Hardly  a  quarter  of  the  vote  cast  had  been 
polled  by  the  Conservatives  against  the  bill  proposed  by 
the  Government.  More  than  three-quarters  were  cast  for 
the  three  parties  that  supported  the  demand  for  universal 
suffrage.  The  Conservatives  lost  6  of  their  original  13 
districts.  .  .  .  The  7  Conservatives,  when  the  election  was 
over,  stood  opposed  to  107  Liberal,  Socialist,  and  Radical 
members,  all  of  whom  were  pledged  to  political  reform. 
The  amendment  had  received  an  overwhelming  ratifica- 
*tion.  It  is  true  the  Liberal  Party  had  lost  votes.  .  .  . 
[They]  fell  from  57  to  44,  while  the  Socialists  won  32, 
the  Radicals  31  seats.  But  the  Liberal  Party  was  still  the 
strongest  of  the  three  parties  that  had  united  to  introduce 
political  reform,  and  the  other  two  parties  had  promised 
them  their  unqualified  support.  .  .  .  With  the  tremendous 
majority  pledged  to  its  support,  the  whole  question  should 
have  been  settled  in  a  few  months'  time.  .   .   . 

' '  But  opposition  began  immediately.  A  part  of  the  Lib- 
eral Party  declared,  as  soon  as  the  election  was  over,  that 
their  party,  because  of  its  numerical  loss,  was  no  longer 
entitled  to  control  the  Government.  They  demanded  that 
the  Social  Democrats  and  the  Radicals,  who,  together,  con- 
stituted the  majority  in  the  Folkething,  form  a  new  Min- 
istry. They  demanded  this  with  such  insistence  that  the 
Ministry  was  forced  ...  to  resign.  .    .    . 

"  [This  development]  was  due  to  the  peculiar  class  inter- 
ests of  the  Liberal  farmers,  .  .  .  who  form  the  chief  ele- 
ment of  the  Liberal  Party  [and]  are  not  greatly  interested 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  143 

in  maintaining  the  present  constitution — since  they  them- 
selves are  shut  out  from  the  qualified  election  rights  to 
the  Landsthing.  On  the  other  hand,  they  fear  the  danger 
that  lurks  in  general  suffrage,  because  they  know  that  in 
a  few  years  the  far  greater  number  of  small  farmers  and 
workers  will  control  both  houses  of  the  national  legisla- 
ture. .  ,   . 

''If  the  Liberals  had  entered  the  Folkething  with  so 
large  a  majority  that  they  could  have  formed  an  alliance 
with  either  Conservatives  or  Socialists,  as  it  pleased  them, 
this  would  have  given  them  an  opportunity  to  come  to 
some  sort  of  a  compromise  by  dealing  with  both  sides. 
Thus  they  might  have  hindered,  at  least  in  a  measure,  the 
growth  of  proletarian  influence  upon  the  Government.  As 
matters  stood  this  was  out  of  the  question.  This  was 
probably  the  reason  that  led  the  Liberals  to  refuse  to  take 
the  leadership  in  the  question  of  political  reform. 

"This  was  the  situation  in  the  Social  Democratic  Party 
when  the  problem  of  accepting  a  position  in  the  Ministry 
presented  itself.  In  1909  the  party  had  adopted  a  resolu- 
tion which  forbade,  under  all  circumstances,  the  election 
of  a  Socialist  into  a  capitalist  Ministry.  Had  we  consid- 
ered the  possibility  of  forming  a  coalition  Ministry  with 
the  Radicals,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  call  a  special 
party  convention.  .  .  .  The  chairman  of  our  party,  Stau- 
ning,  who  upon  several  occasions  was  called  to  confer  with 
the  king,  declared,  by  instruction  from  the  Socialist  Par- 
liamentary group  and  the  Executive  Committee  of  our 
National  Committee,  that  we  believed  it  to  be  in  the  best 
interests  of  political  reform  that  the  late  [Liberal]  Min- 
istry be  reinstated.  The  suggestion  that  we  form  a  So- 
cialist, or  a  Coalition  Ministry,  was  emphatically  repudi- 
ated. One  possibility  was  seriously  considered  by  the  So- 
cialist members:  whether  it  were  possible  to  enter  into 


144       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

a  Ministry  formed  by  all  three  parties,  whose  only  duty 
should  be  to  push  through  the  suffrage  amendment.  We 
all  recognized  that  such  an  experiment  was  exceedingly 
hazardous,  and  it  was  doubtful  whether  we  should  receive 
the  indorsement  of  the  party  convention.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  practical  question  at  issue  here  [the  suffrage 
amendment]  is  of  the  highest  significance  for  the  future 
of  the  party,  and  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the  three 
parties  work  together  to  enforce  its  speedy  realization. 
For  both  the  Folkething  and  the  Landsthing  must  be  dis- 
solved and  re-elected  before  the  reform  becomes  a  law, 
and  small  disharmonies  between  the  three  parties  may 
help  the  Conservatives  to  win,  thus  cutting  off  for  many 
years  to  come  every  possibility  for  election  reform.  But 
as  the  Liberals  emphatically  refused  to  participate  in  such 
a  'Triple  Entente,'  the  whole  thing  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. ...  A  purely  Eadical  Ministry  was  elected. 

' '  The  new  Ministry  under  Zahle  is  at  the  present  time  oc- 
cupied solely  with  the  passage  of  the  proposed  amendment 
[which]  .  .  .  will  be  settled  before  the  budget  discussions 
begin.  Then  the  bill  will  be  submitted  to  the  Landsthing, 
and  we  will  wait  to  see  whether  Conservatives  have  be- 
come less  stiffnecked,  or  whether  they  will  open  up  the 
fight  once  more  by  a  second  refusal  to  pass  the  bill.  Of 
course  the  Social  Democracy  will  give  the  IMinistry  its  full 
support;  but  the  Liberals,  too,  are  so  undeniably  bound 
up  with  the  amendment  that  they  dare  not  repudiate  it, 
so  that  we  need  hardly  fear  a  betrayal  from  this  quarter. 
The  consequences  for  them  would  be  a  terrible  downfall, 
when  next  they  come  to  their  voters  for  support.  Noth- 
ing can  dam  up  the  flood  of  political  reform  once  it  has 
been  started." 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  145 

SWEDEN 

VT.  INTRODUCTORY 

The  Swedish  Party  has  now  been  in  existence  for  25 
years.  Founded  in  1889,  with  a  membership  of  3,000,  it 
advanced  slowly  during  the  first  few  years,  and  reached 
its  maximum  in  1907.  As  the  party  is  based  on  the  trade- 
unions,  the  crisis  commencing  in  that  year,  and  the  con- 
sequences of  the  general  strike  of  1909,  reduced  its  mem- 
bership along  with  that  of  the  unions.  It  was  at  its  lowest 
point  in  1910,  with  55,248  members,  and  stands  now  at 
about  70,000.     {Justice.) 

The  growth  of  the  vote  is  shown  in  the  following  table : 

Members  of 
Vote  Parliament 

1902 8,751  4 

1905 26,083  17 

1908 54,004  33 

1911 172,000  64 

1914 230,000  73 

1914  (September) 257,000  87 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  suffrage  was  greatly  extended 
in  1911,  and  the  total  number  of  members  of  Parliament 
increased  from  165  to  230.  So  the  increase  of  the  Socialist 
vote  and  of  Socialist  members  elected  has  been  a  steady 
one.  There  are  519  representatives  on  the  town  and  bor- 
ough councils,  and  about  3,000  on  the  village  or  parish 
councils.  As  to  the  district  or  county  councils,  the  party 
has  182  members,  in  spite  of  the  enormous  handicap  of 
the  plural  vote  in  force  for  these  councils. 

VII.   SOCIALISTS  FAVOR  A  REPUBLIC 

In  1912  the  Socialist  leader,  Lindhagen,  introduced  a 
bill   in   Parliament   to   abolish   the   monarchy.     Another 


146       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

leader,  Branting,  opposed  the  introduction  of  the  mo- 
tion. 

Lindhagen,  in  supporting  his  measure,  said  among  other 
things  that  the  differences  in  the  Socialist  groups  arose 
from  the  fact  that  Branting  and  his  faction  went  upon 
the  materialist  conception  of  history  and  wanted  to  wait 
until  the  time  was  ripe,  while  he  was  of  the  opinion  that 
the  ideas  of  men  could  be  affected  in  such  a  way  as  to 
bring  about  this  ripeness. 

After  a  short  debate  the  measure  was  lost  by  a  vote  of 
118  to  12.  There  were  at  this  time  65  Socialist  members 
of  Parliament. 

Vrn.   THE   SWEDISH   PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS   OF    1914 
(From  Vorwaerts) 

1.   THE  ELECTION   APPEAL 

"Thb  Executive  Committee  of  the  Swedish  Socialist 
Party  has  published  in  its  party  press  a  manifesto  to  the 
people  of  Sweden  .  .  ,  which  points  out  the  position  of 
the  Socialist  Party.  It  first  confirms  the  fact  that  the 
king's  speech  to  the  peasants  .  ,  .  demanded  armament 
policies  differing  from  those  which  the  Government  de- 
sired, [and]  that  through  this  defiant  personal  interfer- 
ence of  the  king  the  administration  of  1911  had  dissolved, 
and  that  a  new  one  had  to  be  called.  This  latter  cabinet 
was  ordered  to  uphold  the  royal  decree,  either  by  means 
of  promises  or  pressure. 

"The  appeal  further  characterizes  the  agitation  of  the 
armament  agitators  as  being  in  effect  as  follows:  'The 
voters  should,  at  least  once  before  the  general  elections  in 
the  autumn,  wage  an  election  fight,  in  which  every  weapon 
should  be  used,  including  terror  and  pressure,  lies  and 
slander,  in  order  to  change  public  opinion,  if  possible,  and 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  147 

to  make  the  people  a  willing  footstool  to  the  king  and  to 
the  capitalistic  powers.' 

**The  election  fight  is  waged  either  for  or  against  the 
personal  power  of  the  king.  .   .   . 

*'To  a  challenge  of  this  king  the  only  answer  the  people 
can  give  is  that  no  other  than  the  will  of  the  people  shall 
rule.  It  must  be  settled  once  for  all  whether,  in  our  coun- 
try, [the  Government]  can  ...  be  again  suddenly  inter- 
rupted ...  in  its  work  because  it  pleases  royalty  to  .  .  . 
declare  that  'he  does  not  share  such  an  opinion'  and  that 
he  will  not  swerve  from  certain  demands. 

''That  part  of  the  appeal  which  deals  with  the  arma- 
ment question  is  of  special  interest.  It  states  .  .  .  that 
influential  Liberal  papers  boasted  that  their  military  pro- 
gram hardly  differed  from  that  of  the  Conservatives.  .  .  . 
The  promise  by  the  Liberals  of  a  decrease  in  the  high 
cost  of  living  is,  seen  in  this  light,  nothing  more  than  mere 
words.  The  Conservatives  .  .  .  demand  one  year  of  mil- 
itary service,  a  fleet,  and  a  hundred  million  yearly  budget 
for  armament  purposes,  as  a  result  of  which  not  only  the 
taxation  laws  and  the  increased  cost  of  living  will  be  per- 
petuated, but  social  reform  will  become  an  impossibility. 

"The  Socialist  Party,  on  the  other  hand,  wishes  to  do 
away  with  the  existing  weaknesses  in  the  country's  de- 
fense by  arming  the  reserves,  increasing  the  marine,  and 
by  adding  torpedo  and  submarine  boats  instead  of  the 
crazy  '  F  boats, '  which  cost  fifteen  million  apiece,  but  which 
are  not  suited  to  oppose  the  large  giants  of  other  sea  pow- 
ers. A  decrease  ...  in  expenditures  by  shortening  the 
time  of  military  service  to  six  instead  of  eight  months  is 
also  demanded.  .  .  .  Instead  of  expending  eighty  million 
kronen,  this  plan  called  for  seventy  million  only.  This 
expense  .  .  .  would  have  to  come  out  of  an  armament  tax 
levied  upon  the  well-to-do  classes. 


148       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

' '  The  appeal  closes :  '  Good  prospects  everywhere  for  the 
Socialist  candidates.  May  the  red  vote  increase  enor- 
mously. May  a  stronger  Socialist  parliamentary  fraction 
constitute  the  answer  of  the  people  to  the  challenge  of  the 
king  and  to  the  ill-considered  military  program  of  the 
royal  government.' 

"The  appeal  was  signed  by  every  member  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive committee,  as  well  as  by  those  who  had  stood  for 
a  purely  negative  program  in  regard  to  the  question  of 
the  country's  defense.  The  unity  and  solidarity  of  the 
party  in  the  past  struggles  have  gone  on  record  and  suc- 
cess is  certain." 

Results 

1911  1914 

Seats         Votes  Seats         Votes 

Conservatives    65      189,000  86      286,000 

Liberals    101      243,000  71      245,000 

Socialists    64      172,000  73      230,000 

2.   RESULTS  OF  THE  ELECTIONS 

By  Hjalmar  Branting,  Stockholm 
(From  Vorwaerts) 

"  .  .  .  The  three  parties  divided  amongst  themselves  the 
voting  population — of  which  this  time  72  per  cent  voted 
in  contrast  to  75  per  cent  in  1911 — so  that  the  Socialists 
have  now  30  per  cent,  in  all  230,000  votes;  the  Liberals 
a  little  more  than  32  per  cent,  245,000  votes,  and  the  Con- 
servatives about  37y2  per  cent,  with  votes  in  round  figures 
of  285,000.  The  respective  figures  in  1911  were  as  follows: 
28.5  per  cent,  40.2  per  cent,  and  31.5  per  cent.  The  actual 
voting  increase  of  the  Socialists  amounted  to  57,000;  of 
the  Liberals,  2,000 ;  of  the  Conservatives,  however,  to  about 
98,000.  .    .    . 

*'It  can  be  said  that  the  increase  of  the  Conservatives 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  149 

turned  out  to  be  larger  than  seemed  at  first  probable.  The 
position  of  the  Liberals  in  the  peasant  provinces  of  Middle 
and  North  Sweden  was  weaker  than  [was]  expected.  .  ,  . 
The  clerical  influence  in  certain  parts  of  the  country  is 
not  to  be  undervalued.  The  priests  and  ministers  in  those 
secluded  parts,  all  imbued  with  a  strange  Finnish  sec- 
tarianism, called  Lastadianismiis,  had  spread  the  tale  that 
the  Socialists  were  preparing  a  general  slaughter  of  Chris- 
tians. In  the  southern  part  of  the  same  election  district, 
which  reaches  as  far  north  as  the  Bottisch  gulf,  women 
agitators  visited  the  peasants  and  asked  whether  they 
really  intended  to  dethrone  the  king,  because  he  wished 
to  protect  them  against  the  Russians.  In  spite  of  all  this 
agitation  our  comrades  won  in  these  districts  two  out  of 
the  three  seats.  The  Liberals,  however,  were  completely 
defeated.  .  .  .  The  Swedish  nation,  by  a  vote  of  475,000 
as  against  only  285,000,  declared  itself  opposed  to  the  ar- 
mament program  of  the  king  and  his  government  ..." 


3.   OBSERVATIONS  BY  BRANTING 

(Interview  in  The  Daily  Citizen  of  London) 

"  'The  election,'  he  said,  'was  very  short,  but  very  in- 
tense. The  military  question  dominated  everything,  and 
I  must  tell  you  at  once  that  the  manner  in  which  the  Con- 
servatives conducted  the  fight  was  most  scandalous.  Their 
plan  was  a  concentrated  scare.  "The  Cossacks  had 
landed!"  "The  Russians  were  at  the  gates  of  Stock- 
holm!" and  so  on,  in  the  most  extravagant  fashion.  Of 
course  that  was  intended  to  sweep  the  waverers  into  their 
camp. 

"  'Well,  the  Socialist  Party  made  great  efforts  to  resist 
this  panic,  and  succeeded,  I  think,  for  you  see  we  have 


150       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

captured  nine  new  seats.  That  is  good.  They  are  mostly 
from  the  Liberals,  who  have,  however,  paid  the  heaviest  toll 
t(J  the  Conservatives. 

' '  '  One  thing  I  must  explain  to  you  is  this :  The  election 
just  concluded  in  no  way  interferes  with  the  triennial  elec- 
tion which  comes  on  in  the  autumn  of  this  year.' 

'*  'How  do  you  find  your  system  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation working?' 

*'  'It  was  used  for  the  first  time  in  1911,'  replied  Herr 
Branting,  'and  increased  the  electorate  by  600,000.  The 
Socialist  Party's  experience  of  it  has  been  very  good.' 

"In  reply  to  a  question  about  future  policy  the  Socialist 
leader  said  that  they  were  pledged  to  the  general  Socialist 
program,  the  betterment  of  conditions  of  labor.  They 
were  striving  for  an  eight-hour  day.  They  were  in  favor 
of  the  full  enfranchisement  of  women,  and  as  the  evolu- 
tion of  democracy  proceeded  they  would  be  more  and  more 
successful.  Meanwhile  the  armaments  and  the  related 
constitutional  question  overshadowed  everything  in  Sweden. 

"Sweden,  he  pointed  out,  has  a  total  population  less 
than  that  of  London — 5,500,000  to  be  exact,  of  whom 
1,500,000  are  adult  men.  Yet  there  are  more  than  150,000 
workers  organized,  and  more  than  70,000  members  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Party. 

"  'We  have,'  he  said,  'nine  Socialist  daily  papers  with 
splendid  circulations.  Our  Labor  and  Socialist  press  has 
been  our  most  important  weapon.  These  papers  rose  from 
small  beginnings  and  gradually  helped  us  to  make  the 
organization,  and  now  the  organization  is  "making"  the 
papers.  We  would  not  be  without  our  Socialist  press,  for 
we  have  found  that  if  ever  we  discontinued  any  one  of 
them  there  was  lost  ground.'  " 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  151 

IX.   THE  QUESTION   OP   A   COALITION   MINISTRY 

The  elections  of  September,  1914,  showed  a  most  remark- 
able increase  of  Socialist  votes  over  those  cast  in  the 
spring.  The  victory  of  the  Socialists  in  the  September 
elections  made  them  the  largest  party  in  Sweden,  giving 
them  over  one-third  of  the  members  of  the  Parliament, 
and  brought  up  the  question  of  a  possible  coalition  Min- 
istry, to  consist  of  Socialists  and  Liberals,  to  go  into  effect 
at  the  end  of  the  war.  On  October  the  7th  the  party 
Executive  voted : 

That  it  was  the  duty  of  the  largest  party  of  the  Left  to  take 
the  initiative  in  negotiations  with  the  Liberal  Party.  It  should  be 
inquired  what  is  the  possibility  of  a  program  of  the  Left  in  respect 
to  work  for  democratic  and  social  political  reform,  which  is  ex- 
pected by  the  electorate  and  must  be  begun  with  all  energy  as 
soon  as  the  present  war  crisis  is  ended.  .  .  .  Should  coalitions 
be  formed  which  assure  a  democratic  majority  in  the  second  cham- 
ber, the  party  Executive  believes  that  our  party  must  draw  the 
necessary  parliamentary  conclusions.  .  .  .  The  party  Executive 
recommends  to  the  party  Congress  that  a  definite  union  for  im- 
mediate reform  work  be  made  with  the  Liberal  Party  under  these 
conditions. 

The  previous  year,  1913,  had  brought  forth  the  consid- 
eration of  the  coalition  government  in  Holland  and  Den- 
mark, but  the  proposal  was  refused  by  the  Socialists  in 
both  countries.  Its  acceptance  by  the  Swedish  Socialist 
Congress  on  December  1  is  the  more  remarkable  and  im- 
portant, constituting,  as  it  does,  a  reversion  to  the  position 
taken  by  Jaures  and  certain  Socialist  groups  in  France 
and  other  countries  before  the  International  Congress  at 
Amsterdam  endeavored  finally  to  put  an  end  to  all  coali- 
tion governments  except  under  very  extraordinary  circum- 
stances. 


152       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

X.   THE  PARTY   CONGRESS  OF   1915 

(From  Vorwaerts,  Summarized  by  Wm.  E.  Bohn,  in  International 
Socialist  Review,  February,  1915) 

"The  party  decided  at  this  Congress  to  take  part  in  a 
coalition  government  with  non-Socialist  parties — after  the 
war.  In  Sweden  the  Socialists  are  now  the  strongest  party 
in  the  Lower  House  of  Parliament.  They  have  87  votes,  the 
Conservatives  86,  and  the  Liberals  45.  The  situation  is 
a  tempting  one  for  the  party  leaders.  The  new  cabinet 
must  be  made  up  either  of  Socialists  or  Conservatives. 
By  combining  with  the  Liberals  the  Socialists  can  have 
the  naming  of  the  chief  ministers  and  a  chief  part  in  draw- 
ing up  a  government  program.  .   .   . 

"The  party  Congress  met  at  Stockholm  during  the  last 
days  of  November.  There  were  two  important  matters  up 
for  discussion,  militarism  and  participation  in  the  govern- 
ment.    Action  on  both  matters  went  the  same  way.  .    .    . 

"The  party  program  demanded  a  progressive  reduction 
of  expenditures  for  army  and  navy  to  the  point  of  dis- 
armament. It  was  charged  that  the  Socialist  deputies  had 
not  lived  up  to  the  requirements  of  this  program.  .  .  . 
We  cannot  disarm,  [they]  said  in  effect,  before  disarma- 
ment is  brought  about  by  international  agreement.  This 
position  was  approved  by  a  vote  of  70  to  61. 

"With  regard  to  participation  in  the  government  there 
was  a  sharp  discussion.  .  .  .  But  the  party  Executive 
Committee,  represented  by  Branting,  carried  the  day  .  .  . 
by  a  vote  of  90  to  58.  In  accordance  with  [their]  proposal 
the  Socialist  deputies  are  to  meet  the  Liberals  and  attempt 
to  draw  up  a  common  program.  If  they  succeed  in  doing 
this  they  will  be  at  liberty  to  form  a  cabinet  made  up 
of  representatives  of  the  two  parties." 


DENMARK,  SWEDEN,  AND  NORWAY  153 

XI.   THE  ELECTIONS  OP   1915 
(From  Vorwaerts) 

"The  number  of  members  of  the  Socialist  Party  of 
Sweden  increased  from  75,444  to  84,410 — almost  9,000. 
Four  hundred  and  twenty-six  party  members  were  elected 
to  city  councils  against  360  in  the  preceding  year,  and  the 
number  of  county  representatives  increased  from  442  to 
754.  The  influence  of  the  party  can  also  be  noticed  in 
other  directions.  Four  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-five  are  active  in  municipal  corporations,  on  school 
boards,  etc.,  compared  with  2,691  in  the  preceding  year." 

NORWAY 

Xn.  THE  GENERAL  POSITION  OF  THE  SOCIALIST  MOVEMENT  IN 

NORWAY 

In  the  1915  election  the  participation  of  the  women  in- 
creased the  vote  in  Norway  to  612,000  votes.  This  meant 
an  increase  of  108,000  votes  over  those  cast  in  former 
elections.  One  hundred  and  ninety-eight  thousand  votes 
were  cast  for  the  Left,  196,000  for  the  Social  Democrats, 
186,000  for  the  Right  and  the  Liberals,  26,000  for  the 
Labor  Democrats,  and  6,000  for  representatives  of  other 
parties.  In  1894  there  were  but  732  Socialist  voters  in  the 
country. 

The  Socialist  vote  recorded  the  largest  increase.  Their 
vote  increased  about  55  per  cent.  The  Left  and  the  Labor 
Democrats  together  had  an  increase  of  15  per  cent,  the 
Socialists  40  per  cent,  and  the  Right  as  well  as  the  Lib- 
erals only  5  to  6  per  cent.  The  Government  Party,  how- 
ever, remained  secure  in  its  majority.  The  party  of  the 
Right  lost  in  the  first  election  three  of  its  election  districts. 


154       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  new  Storthing  is  composed  of  21  members  of  the 
Eight  and  Liberals  as  compared  with  21  in  the  last 
Storthing;  78  members  of  the  Left  and  Labor  Democrats, 
as  against  76  in  the  last  Storthing ;  20  Social  Democrats  as 
against  23,  and  4  deputies  representing  no  special  party. 

SOCIALISTS  IN   THE   STORTHING 

Socialist 
Years  Representatives  Socialist  Votes 

1894 732 

1897 947 

1900 7,013 

1903 4  24,526 

1906 10  43,100 

1909 11  91,268 

1912 23  120,077 

1915 20  196,000 

In  the  municipal  council  of  Christiania,  29  of  the  84 
members  are  Socialists,  and  of  these  3  are  women. 

In  the  beginning  of  1914  the  Socialist  Party  claimed  a 
membership  of  50,000,  an  increase  of  6,000  over  the  previ- 
ous year.  The  principal  organ  was  the  Sozialdemokraten, 
published  in  Christiania,  with  a  circulation  of  31,000.  It 
is  estimated  that  103,783  people  of  Norway  subscribed  in 
1914  to  the  8  Socialist  dailies  and  18  weeklies. 


CHAPTER  IX 
AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY 

AUSTRIA 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

Socialism  was  not  organized  in  Austria  until  the  late 
'eighties  and  it  was  only  in  1901  that  it  made  its  appear- 
ance in  the  Reiehsrath  with  10  deputies.  In  January,  1907, 
a  law  was  passed  giving  the  vote  to  all  men  over  24.  This 
law  produced  its  inevitable  fruit  at  the  general  elections 
held  in  the  following  May,  when  87  Socialist  deputies  were 
elected  to  a  house  of  516  and  the  Socialist  vote  was  1,041,- 
948,  or  nearly  one-third  of  the  total.  The  popular  So- 
cialist vote  increased  in  1911  to  1,081,000,  but  the  number 
of  deputies  was  reduced  to  82 — still  more  than  one-sixth  of 
the  total  number. 

n.   THE  PERILS  OF  REFORMISM 
By  Otto  Bauer,  Vienna 
(In  Die  Neue  Zeit) 
"The  Convention  of  the  Social  Democracy  of  Austria, 
which  met  in  Vienna  in  .   .    .  November,  1913,  merits  the 
attention  of  our  comrades  outside  the  Austrian  boundaries. 
.    .    .   Though  its   [the  Austrian  proletarian's]    develop- 
ment be  radically  different  from  the  normal,  straightfor- 
ward progress  made  in  other  countries  whose  people  are 
not  divided  by  prejudices  of  nationality  and  race,  never- 

155 


156       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

theless  our  Convention  was  controlled  by  the  same  great 
question  that  has  for  years  been  the  basis  of  earnest  dis- 
cussion in  all  international  congresses  and  national  con- 
ventions of  the  International  Social  Democracy :  the  strug- 
gle between  reform  and  revolutionary  Socialism. 

"The  appearance  of  this  question  .  .  .  has  been  forced 
upon  us  by  bitter  political  experience.  Up  to  the  year 
1904  the  Austrian  Social  Democracy  was  a  small  organiza- 
tion. From  1904  to  1907  it  grew  by  leaps  and  bounds. 
This  period  of  prosperity  encouraged  a  rapid  growth  of 
the  labor-union  movement ;  their  number  increased  .  .  . 
from  189,000  to  501,000.  Countless  strikes  won  for  them 
higher  wages,  shorter  hours,  and  more  favorable  contracts. 
These  splendid  successes  on  the  industrial  field  went  hand 
in  hand  with  remarkable  political  victories. 

"The  Hungarian  military  conflict,  that  forced  the 
Crown  to  threaten  the  House  of  Lords  with  the  introduc- 
tion of  universal  suffrage,  encouraged  the  Austrian  labor- 
ing-class to  take  up  the  struggle  for  the  right  to  vote. 
The  Russian  revolution  added  strength  and  fervor  to  the 
movement.  Together  with  the  Crown  and  the  bureaucracy, 
the  proletariat  put  an  end  to  the  power  of  the  ancient 
feudal  nobility  and  the  bourgeoisie. 

"These  victories  brought  numberless  new  recruits  to  the 
Socialist  movement.  But  their  ideals  .  .  .  were  thor- 
oughly reformistic.  They  had  been  won  for  the  party  by 
the  popularity  of  our  victories  of  1904-1907.  They  ex- 
pected an  endless  chain  of  similar  victories.  They  looked 
to  the  new  Parliament,  elected  by  the  votes  of  all  the 
people,  with  the  most  extravagant  hopes.  .  .  .  The  pro- 
letariat hoped  that  the  successful  climax  of  their  struggle 
for  a  general  equal  ballot  would  usher  in  an  era  of  social 
reforms,  would  make  possible  a  rapid,  peaceful  union  of 
all  proletarian  forces,  and  would  bring  with  it  the  gradual 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  157 

undermining  of  capitalist  society.  .  .  .  But  here,  as  else- 
where, these  hopes  met  with  bitter  disappointment. 

"The  industrial  prosperity  of  the  people  suddenly  van- 
ished. ...  In  1908  we  suffered  a  severe  industrial 
crisis.  .   .  . 

"Since  1907  the  increase  in  wages,  even  of  the  steadily 
employed  worker,  has  been  much  less  than  the  increase  of 
prices  and  rents.  A  large  part  of  the  laboring-class  has 
lost  what  it  gained  in  former  years,  its  shorter  hours,  its 
better  pay,  and  tens  of  thousands  have  been  unemployed 
for  many  months. 

"Into  these  years  of  terrible  sufferings  came  the  dis- 
astrous turn  of  affairs  in  our  foreign  political  relation.  .  .  . 
Twice  within  four  years  a  large  part  of  our  army  was 
mobilized.  In  the  last  year  tens  of  thousands  of  reserves, 
tens  of  thousands  of  fathers  stood,  for  eight  months  on  the 
Servian  border.  Militaristic  agitation  set  in  with  redoubled 
force.  .  .  .  With  these  happenings  came  a  change  in 
the  attitude  of  the  ruling  classes  toward  the  Social  Democ- 
racy. Where  the  party  of  the  working-class,  in  1905  and 
1906,  had  been  a  welcome  ally  to  the  Crown  against  the 
privilege  Parliament,  now  as  the  only  firm  opponent  of 
imperialism  and  militarism  it  became  the  Crown's  bitter 
enemy.  Government  and  judiciary  became  more  brutal  to 
the  working-class  than  ever  before. 

"Parliament  was  helpless  before  these  new  develop- 
ments. The  introduction  of  universal,  equal  suffrage  had 
deepened  and  complicated  the  struggle  between  the  Aus- 
trian nations.  Nations  that  had  been  voiceless  under  the 
old  laws,  after  the  suffrage  became  democratic,  entered, 
with  their  full  strength,  into  the  political  arena — this  was 
the  case  with  the  Ruthenians  and  the  Slovenians.  The 
past  years  had  increased  their  self-confidence.  .  .  .  These 
small  peoples  could  not  hope  to  win  a  majority  for  their 


158       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

demands  in  the  Parliament,  so  they  used  the  weapon  of 
obstruction.  .  .  .  The  large  nations,  however, — the  Ger- 
mans, the  Tchechs,  and  the  Poles — did  not  dare  to  de- 
prive them  of  this  weapon.  For  not  one  of  these  has 
a  majority  in  the  Parliament,  and  each  trembles  at  the 
possibility  of  being  overpowered  by  a  coalition  of  its  ene- 
mies. Each  party,  therefore,  desires  to  hold  fast,  as  a 
last  resource,  this  possibility  of  obstruction.  .  .  .  Parlia- 
ment was  powerless  in  the  hands  of  two  dozen  Ruthenians 
or  Slovenians.  .  .  .  So  it  finally  devolved  upon  the  bu- 
reaucracy to  take  matters  into  its  own  hands.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  notorious  paragraph  14  of  the  fundamental 
state  law,  the  latter  passed  laws  without  the  consent  of 
the  Reichsrath. 

"But  even  at  those  times  when  Parliament  was  not 
weakened  by  obstruction  it  was  anything  but  the  body 
that  the  proletariat  masses  had  expected.  In  Austria,  as 
elsewhere,  the  class  lines  have  developed  very  rapidly.  .  .  . 
The  tendency  toward  a  union  of  forces  on  the  part  of  the 
possessing  classes  against  the  proletariat  was  strengthened 
by  the  election  reform.  Where,  formerly,  they  had  strug- 
gled and  battled  with  each  other  with  impunity,  they  now 
saw  only  their  common  enemy,  the  Social  Democracy. 
With  the  exception  of  a  handful  of  Progressives,  the  other 
parties  all  united  against  us.  Every  attempt  to  force 
workingmen's  protective  legislation  upon  this  Parliament 
met  with  a  determined  opposition  of  the  united  capitalist 
forces.  .   .   . 

"Matters  had  come  to  a  crisis  that  was  entirely  un- 
looked  for  on  the  part  of  the  masses.  Instead  of  an  era 
of  'positive  results'  of  social  reform,  instead  of  an  'under- 
mining of  capitalism,'  there  came  an  epoch  of  high  prices, 
an  industrial  crisis,  increased  armaments,  a  mobilization 
of  forces,   and  nationalist  obstruction  on  the  one  hand, 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  159 

and  on  the  other  absolutism,  a  coalition  of  capitalist  par- 
ties, the  complete  failure  of  all  social  legislation. 

"The  people  now  hoped  to  meet  this  new  development 
with  clever  tactical  moves.  ...  It  was  the  common  belief 
that  co-operation  between  Crown  and  the  International  So- 
cialist movement  against  the  bourgeois  nationalist  forces 
was  still  a  possibility.  .  .  .  But  the  Crown  had  deserted 
the  cause  of  democracy,  had  made  peace  with  the  feudal 
nobility  of  Hungary,  had  dropped  its  fight  for  election 
reform,  and  established  the  dictatorship  of  Tisza.  Im- 
perialism and  militarism  .  .  .  have  forced  the  organized 
working-class  into  active  opposition  to  the  policies  of  its 
rulers.  These  facts  have  badly  shaken  the  popular  faith 
in  the  possibility  of  renewing  the  political  relations  of 
1905  and  1906.  .  .  . 

"Powerless  to  change  the  course  of  political  events  by 
their  own  actions  [violent  revolts  against  high  cost  of  liv- 
ing], the  masses  once  more  pinned  their  whole  faith  to 
their  parliamentary  representatives.  They  still  believed 
that  the  expected  reforms  must  materialize,  if  only  their 
representatives  would  use  the  right  methods.  .  .  . 

"The  district  organizations  of  Vienna — Meidling  and 
Graz — presented  resolutions  to  the  party  Convention  de- 
manding that  the  parliamentary  group  should  not  be  satis- 
fied with  mere  opposition,  but  should  obstruct  the  meas- 
ures of  the  Government,  especially  the  military  bill,  until 
an  old-age  and  invalid  pension  as  well  as  several  other 
important  social  and  political  reforms  had  been  secured. 
The  debate  that  followed  showed  plainly  that  this  concep- 
tion had  taken  root  in  the  minds  of  a  large  number  of  our 
party  members.  .   .   . 

"The  party  Executive  Board  and  the  deputies  were 
opposed.  They  showed  the  situation  in  Austria  as  it  is 
to-day.     The  long  years  of  obstruction  in  the  Bohemian 


160       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Landtag  .  .  .  has  brought,  in  place  of  popular  rule  by 
the  national  government,  a  system  of  bureaucratic  absolu- 
tism. A  similar  change  is  taking  place  in  Galicia.  It  will 
be  but  a  matter  of  years  before  government  by  commis- 
sion, appointed  by  the  administration,  will  take  the  place 
of  the  popular  Landtag,  in  all  states  where  there  are  a 
number  of  nationalities  represented.  Just  as  obstruction 
has  been  the  forerunner  of  absolutism  in  the  states,  so  it 
will  be  in  the  nation.  No  parliament  can  rule  when  to-day 
this,  and  to-morrow  that  party  hinders  all  work.   .    .    . 

"Hitherto  obstruction  has  been  used  only  in  nationalist 
conflicts.  Its  use  by  the  Social  Democrats  would  make  it 
a  weapon  in  the  class  struggle.  Every  class  would  then 
adopt  its  use — to-day  the  worker,  to-morrow  the  middle- 
class  man;  to-day  the  agrarian,  to-morrow  the  capitalist. 
The  nationalistic  obstruction  alone  was  strong  enough  to 
disrupt  Parliament,  to  pave  the  way  for  paragraph  14. 
Social  political  obstruction  would  completely  destroy  Par- 
liament, would  fix  absolutism  firmly  in  the  saddle.  .   .   . 

* '  The  Convention  accepted,  after  a  long  debate,  a  resolu- 
tion presented  by  the  delegates  of  German  Bohemia,  that 
condemned  obstruction  as  a  normal  weapon  in  the  struggle 
for  reforms,  and  declared  its  use  permissible  only  in  ex- 
treme cases  of  parliamentary  self-defense. 

"Important  as  this  ruling  of  the  Party  Convention 
doubtless  is,  .  .  .  much  more  important  to  our  movement 
was  the  debate  itself,  fixing  our  attitude  toward  parlia- 
mentarism and  toward  the  whole  capitalist  state.  The 
whole  discussion  showed  that  it  is  insane  to  believe  that 
positive  results,  social  reforms,  the  undermining  of  the 
whole  capitalist  system  can  be  accomplished  by  skillful 
tactics  and  clever  political  tricks.  It  affirmed  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  party  to  lead  the  great  masses,  blinded 
by  the  victories  of  1904-1907,  back  to  our  old  Marxian 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  161 

principles,   to   show  them  that   capitalist  evolution   does 
not  mean  a  gradual  and  peaceful  improvement  of  con- 
ditions, but  rather  growing  poverty,  sharper  class-lines, 
increased  exploitation,  until  we  are  strong  enough  to  over- , 
throw  the  whole  world  of  capital.  .   .  . 

"This  change  in  our  attitude  toward  capitalism  as  a 
whole  marks,  at  the  same  time,  a  change  in  our  attitude 
toward  the  Austrian  state.  The  frenzy  of  our  victory  for 
election  reform  implanted  into  the  heads  of  our  comrades 
the  idea  that  Austria  could  be  made  a  sort  of  model  na- 
tion, a  second  Switzerland,  a  country  that  would  show 
to  the  world  that  eight  nations  could  live  together  in  peace 
and  freedom  under  the  roof  of  one  government.  .  .  .  The 
destructive  interior  struggles  of  recent  years,  the  Balkan 
catastrophe  that  lost  Austria  its  recognition  as  a  European 
power,  these  have  effectually  rid  our  members  of  this  false 
hope.  This  party  Convention  showed  for  the  first  time  how 
completely  popular  faith  in  the  future  of  Austria  has  been 
shattered. 

"The  period  of  the  revolution  of  the  past  has  built 
national  states  upon  the  wrecks  of  old  feudal  and  absolute 
state  formations.  It  has  established  Austria  as  the  sum 
total  of  a  great  many  national  units  that  were  left  unan- 
nexed  in  the  general  nationalization  process  of  the  times. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  this  Austria  will  become  a  united 
nation  of  free  states,  welded  together  by  the  revolutions 
of  the  future,  or  whether  it  will  disintegrate  and  its 
nations  fall  under  the  power  of  other  stronger  nationalities. 
In  other  countries  it  may  seem  possible  that  the  proletariat 
will  gradually  grow,  by  a  peaceable  evolution,  until  it  is 
ripe  to  take  into  its  hands  the  whole  industrial  machinery. 
In  our  country,  however,  it  is  clear  that  the  national  gov- 
ernment, of  which  we  wish  to  take  possession,  must  first 
be  amalgamated.  .   .   . 


162       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"To  be  sure,  these  are  not  new  discoveries.  In  Austria 
there  have  always  been  comrades  who  warned  against  the 
reform  tendencies,  who  tried  to  educate  the  masses  in 
revolutionary  thought.  But  in  the  past  their  words  fell 
on  deaf  ears.  The  Party  Convention  showed  that  at  last 
our  party  membership  was  beginning  to  awake  to  the  dan- 
gers of  reform  tactics.  ...  It  showed  the  danger  of  awak- 
ening in  the  masses  extravagant  hopes  of  '  positive  success, ' 
showed  that  they  would  lay  the  blame  for  their  suffering 
not  upon  the  capitalist  system,  but  upon  the  Social  Dem- 
ocratic Party.  .   .   . 

"True,  it  will  not  be  easy  to  teach  the  great  working- 
class  to  change  its  manner  of  thinking.  It  will  need  years 
of  education.  .  .  .  That  the  first  step  toward  this  task 
was  taken  by  the  Convention  of  Vienna  gives  it  a  peculiar 
significance  in  the  party  history  of  the  Austrian  movement. 
For  this  reason  it  merits  the  attention  of  our  comrades 
outside  our  boundaries.  .  .  .  Our  country  has  often  been 
called  the  model  of  international  reformism,  the  Austrian 
Socialists  have  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  the  leaders 
of  the  revisionist  movement  in  the  International.  Well 
then,  Austria  has  demonstrated  to  the  whole  International 
the  dangers  of  following  a  policy  of  'nothing  but  reform' 
agitation.  May  our  experience  be  a  lesson  and  a  warning 
to  our  comrades  in  other  countries." 

HUNGARY 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 

The  suffrage  in  Hungary  is  so  restricted  that  the  85,000 
Socialist  votes  cast  do  not  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
strength  of  the  movement.  A  better  measure  is  the  fact 
that  the  Socialists  have  136  members  in  municipal  coun- 
cils.    The  membership  of  the  party  is  also  narrowly  re- 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  163 

stricted  by  hostile  legislation,  but  its  recent  growth  is  well 
indicated  in  the  1913  report  of  the  Party  Congress. 

The  trade-unions,  which  form  the  backbone  of  the  party, 
increased  their  membership  from  95,180  to  111,966  [in 
1913].  The  number  of  members  in  the  unions  paying  the 
party  dues  rose  from  52,733  to  59,623.  The  party  organ, 
Nepszava,  for  the  first  time  in  its  existence,  showed  a  sur- 
plus. 

II.  CONGRESS  OF  THE  HUNGARIAN  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY, 

1913 

By  E.  Varga,  Budapest 
(From  Die  Neue  Zeit) 

"On  October  30  the  Hungarian  Social  Democratic  Party 
met  for  its  twentieth  convention.  A  review  of  the  history 
of  the  Hungarian  labor  movement  and  the  Social  Dem- 
ocratic Party,  as  presented  in  a  small  six-page  booklet 
that  has  just  been  published,  may  well  justify  a  feeling  of 
pride  in  our  work.  In  a  country  that  is  economically  and 
culturally  far  beneath  the  standard  of  other  European 
nations,  ...  we  have  still  succeeded,  by  untiring  agita- 
tion and  organization,  in  rallying  a  large  part  of  the 
working-class  under  the  standard  of  our  movement.  The 
last  ten  years,  particularly,  show  rapid  development. 

''The  growth  of  the  Social  Democratic  press  is  more 
than  gratifying.  The  income  of  the  Nepszava  and  the 
Volksstimme  alone  has  increased  tenfold  in  the  last  ten 
years.  The  past  year  has  seen  active  work  in  the  improve- 
ment and  circulation  of  our  papers.  A  number  of  weeks 
ago  a  new  paper,  printed  in  the  German  and  Hungarian 
tongue,  called  the  Bergarheiter  (The  Miner)  made  its  first 
appearance.  This  is  dedicated  to  the  organization  of  the 
miners  of  Hungary,  about  100,000  strong. 


164       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"Besides  these  party  successes,  the  co-operative  societies 
have  increased  their  business  tenfold  in  the  last  five  years. 
An  attempt  has  been  made  to  organize  co-operative  farm- 
ing societies,  patterned  after  those  of  Italy,  with  a  dif- 
ference, however.  While  in  Italy  these  societies  enjoy  the 
support  and  assistance  of  the  administration,  here  every 
attempt  to  organize  farm-workers  meets  with  vehement 
opposition  from  the  ruling  class  and  its  class  government. 

"Prom  the  historical  point  of  view  we  have  no  reason 
to  complain  of  the  Hungarian  movement.  But  one  look 
at  its  present  situation  shows  a  different  picture.  A  heavy 
industrial  crisis  has  been  resting  upon  the  country  since 
the  outbreak  of  the  Balkan  war.  The  constant  danger  of 
war  for  more  than  a  year  has  injured  all  industrial  and 
commercial  enterprise.  Unemployment  is  intense.  Though 
we  have  no  real  employment  statistics,  we  may 
safely  assume,  from  the  reports  of  the  co-operatives,  the 
sick  benefit  societies,  and  the  state  employment  bureaus, 
that  at  least  15  to  20  per  cent  of  the  workers  of  Hungary 
to-day  are  unemployed. 

"Building  during  the  past  year  has  been  practically  at 
a  standstill.  Not  only  do  the  banks  refuse  credit,  but, 
owing  to  their  financial  stress,  municipalities  and  the  state 
as  well  as  the  railroads,  have  reduced  their  investments 
to  a  minimum.  Military  preparations  have  swallowed  up 
the  money  of  the  nation.  The  misery  of  the  working-class 
is  beyond  belief. 

"There  is  only  one  escape:  emigration.  But  the  Gov- 
ernment uses  every  possible  means  to  prevent  this.  No 
man  of  military  age  has  been  allowed  to  cross  the  border 
since  the  beginning  of  the  Balkan  troubles.  Bitter  need, 
however,  has  made  our  people  clever.  They  use  the  most 
impossible  ruses  to  pass  the  countless  armes  de  garde  that 
make   the   border   well-nigh   impassable.     The   emigrants 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  165 

go  disguised  as  pilgrims  wandering  to  some  holy  place. 
They  climb  high  mountains  or  cross  the  water  in  light 
rowboats.  Some  have  escaped  across  the  border  line  by 
buying  a  load  of  pigs  with  which  they  travel  as  caretakers 
until  they  reach  Vienna,  where  they  sell  the  pigs  and  go 
on  their  way.  Others  arrange  appointments  with  prom- 
inent physicians  of  Vienna.  A  book  could  be  written  de- 
scribing the  numberless  tricks  resorted  to  by  these  unfor- 
tunate Hungarians,  that  they  might  shake  the  dust  of 
their  fatherland  from  their  feet  forever.  Conditions  are 
so  terrible  that  a  borough  president  reported  the  other 
day  to  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  that  in  his  district  there 
are  10,000  unemployed  who,  together  with  40,000  members 
of  their  families,  are  facing  starvation.  .   .   . 

"Between  the  undeveloped  industrial  life  and  the  over- 
developed militaristic  aspirations  of  our  monarchy,  there 
is  a  bottomless  chasm.  Year  after  year  our  military  de- 
partment clamors  for  more  soldiers,  more  money.  But  in 
its  undeveloped  condition,  the  country  cannot  support  its 
own  population.  When  the  soldiers  are  mustered,  fre- 
quently more  than  50  per  cent  of  the  recruits  fail  to  ap- 
pear. No  border  police,  no  whining  will  bring  them.  Nor 
will  the  new  practice  of  examining  emigrants  on  the  Aus- 
trian border  as  severely  as  has  been  the  case  in  Hungary 
itself  alter  the  situation.  The  people  have  no  bread  and 
they  will  go  where  it  can  be  found. 

"It  is  only  natural  that  this  hopeless  industrial  situa- 
tion should  react  unfavorably  on  the  labor  movement,  both 
in  its  industrial  and  its  political  organization.  This  is 
probably  the  explanation  for  the  passive  endurance  by  the 
Hungarian  working-class,  yes,  by  the  whole  Hungarian 
population,  of  the  absolutism  of  the  Tisza  clique. 

"The  political  situation  of  Hungary  remains  practically 
unchanged  since  our  last  report.     Since  the  dropping  of 


166       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  general  strike  and  the  passage  of  Tisza's  election  re- 
form, a  certain  lethargy  has  overcome  all  of  our  fighting 
spirits.  The  working-class  has  not  been  able  to  muster 
its  forces  for  serious  action.  In  the  ranks  of  the  oppo- 
sition .  .  .  conservatism  is  gaining  the  upper  hand.  The 
whole  opposition  has  been  boycotting  Parliament.  Party 
lines  have  been  changed  through  the  founding  of  a  new 
party  under  the  leadership  of  the  great  landowner,  Count 
Andrassy,  a  notorious  enemy  of  union  labor  in  his  former 
capacity  as  Minister.  This  new  conservative-opposition 
party  claims  that  it  is  able  to  sustain  the  unity  with  Aus- 
tria and  has  embodied  this  with  the  development  of  mili- 
tarism in  its  program.  Concerning  election  reform,  the 
new  party,  while  demanding  more  liberal  provisions  than 
those  passed  under  Tisza,  refuses  to  support  the  demands 
upon  which  our  party  and  the  opposition  have  united.  .  .  . 

"Though  the  leaders  were  profuse  in  their  assurances 
that  they  would  adhere  to  their  election  promises,  they 
looked  calmly  on  while  the  Government  robbed  the  people 
of  its  last  vestige  of  power.  The  right  of  public  assemblage 
was  curtailed  by  a  bill  making  speakers  and  officers  in  a 
public  meeting  personally  responsible  for  the  maintenance 
of  order.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  jury  courts  was  limited 
and  political  newspaper  cases  were  assigned  to  judges 
instead  of  jury  courts.  Press  laws  were  increased  in  se- 
verity. A  new  law,  that  permits  the  arrest  of  unemployed 
who  are  unwilling  to  work  as  vagrants,  and  their  confine- 
ment in  the  workhouse,  makes  it  possible  to  wage  war  upon 
striking  workers.  .   .   . 

"It  was  to  be  expected  that  these  occurrences  should 
find  expression  at  the  Convention.  Some  of  the  speakers 
insisted  that  our  fusion  with  the  opposition  was  doing  us 
more  harm  than  good,  that  it  was  obliterating  the  class-line 
for  the  workers  to  see  their  leaders  make  common  cause 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  167 

with  such  notorious  reactionaries  as  are  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  opposition.  Others  insisted  that  these  common 
meetings  give  our  speakers  a  chance  to  address  people  whom 
we  can  otherwise  never  hope  to  reach.  .  .  .  Some  were 
sure  that  the  opposition  would  betray  the  cause  of  election 
reform  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  presented  itself.  After 
a  thorough  discussion  a  resolution  was  adopted  indorsing 
the  party  tactics  of  the  past  and  assuring  all  opposition 
groups  of  our  support,  provided  they  not  only  declare 
their  satisfaction  with  Tisza's  election  reform,  but  demand 
an  election  reform,  at  least  as  far-reaching  as  the  measures 
decided  upon  by  our  party  in  conjunction  with  the  parties 
of  the  opposition  last  year.  This  excluded  the  Andrassy 
party.  At  the  same  time  the  resolution  reaffirms  the  neces- 
sity of  carrying  on  an  intensive  campaign  for  the  funda- 
mental suffrage  demands  of  our  party,  the  right  of  general, 
secret,  and  equal  suffrage  for  both  sexes.  .    .    . 

"It  is  easily  possible  that  the  election  reform  of  Tisza 
may  never  take  effect.  It  cannot  become  effective  before 
a  year  after  a  reapportionment  of  election  districts  has 
passed  Parliament.  But  this  bill  has  not  even  been  drafted, 
and  the  term  of  this  Reichstag  expires  in  the  spring  of 
1915.  If,  therefore,  this  bill  is  not  presented  within  the 
next  few  months,  the  coming  election  will  be  conducted 
under  the  old  election  laws,  an  eventuality  that,  we  firmly 
believe,  would  be  acceptable  to  all  parties.  In  1915  or 
1916  a  readjustment  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  agreement 
will  be  reached,  presenting  a  splendid  opportunity  for 
postponing  election  reforms  for  another  five  years. 

"This  was  the  first  time  since  the  founding  of  the  Hun- 
garian Socialist  Party  that  a  speech  concerning  our  for- 
eign policy  was  delivered  before  a  party  convention.  A 
resolution  was  adopted  protesting  against  the  aggressive 
policy  of  our  monarchy,  demanding  that  our  nation  pro- 


168       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

tect  its  national  strength,  not  by  constant  armaments,  but 
by  the  peaceful  methods  of  internal  social  and  industrial 
development. ' ' 

m.   POLITICAL   JUGGLERY   IN   HUNGARY,    1914 
(In  Justice,  London) 

"The  electoral  law  of  Hungary  has  been  very  little  im- 
proved by  the  reforms  introduced  by  the  present  govern- 
ment. On  three  different  occasions  within  the  last  eight 
years  has  manhood  suffrage  been  promised  in  speeches 
from  the  throne,  but  the  ruling  caste  in  Hungary  has 
managed  to  balk  the  intentions  of  the  sovereign.  It  must 
not  be  supposed  that  the  latter  had  suddenly  become  a 
democrat.  Far  from  it.  The  pronouncement  in  favor  of 
manhood  suffrage  was  made  to  break  the  resistance  of  the 
Hungarian  governing  class,  the  landowners  of  Magyar  na- 
tionality, for  an  increase  in  the  army,  and  to  hold  up  by 
that  means  also  the  movement  of  the  same  class  for  still 
greater  independence. 

"It  was  calculated  in  court  circles  that,  with  a  wider 
suffrage,  the  other  nationalities  in  Hungary  would  obtain 
enlarged  representation  (at  present  the  Magyars,  with  55 
per  cent  of  the  population,  hold  393  seats,  the  other  na- 
tionalities, altogether  about  eight  millions,  have  20  seats)  ; 
further,  that  the  lower  middle  class  and  the  workmen 
would  form  new  parties,  and  that  with  a  parliament  thus 
split  up  the  Crown  would  have  less  difficulty  than  with  a 
parliament  dominated  by  one  class  and  one  race.  The 
Magyar  nobles,  however,  are  skilled  politicians.  They  saw 
through  the  game;  the  increases  of  the  army  were  voted; 
and  the  electoral  reform  was  carried  out  in  such  manner 
that  in  all  essentials  the  rule  of  the  Magyar  aristocracy 
is  not  seriously  threatened.     At  first  our  party,  when  it 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  169 

became  clear  that  nothing  approaching  manhood  suffrage 
could  be  expected,  decided  on  boycotting  the  elections  and 
to  carry  on  the  agitation  for  a  thoroughgoing  reform. 
Gradually,  however,  it  was  recognized  that  it  might  be 
worth  while  to  try  whether,  even  under  this  new  law,  a 
breach  might  not  be  made  and  some  Socialists  returned  to 
this,  the  last  parliament  of  Europe  without  any  Socialist 
members. 

"Under  the  new  law  the  vote  by  ballot  is  secured  for 
63  electoral  divisions  in  cities  and  boroughs.  The  fran- 
chise is  granted  to  the  town  workmen  who  are  30  years 
of  age,  can  read  and  write,  and  fulfill  a  few  other  con- 
ditions. What  this  means  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that 
in  Budapest  there  are  close  on  100,000  workers  over  24 
years  of  age,  but  the  number  of  voters  of  all  classes  will 
not  exceed  some  40,000.  The  greatest  factor  in  pro- 
letarian politics,  the  numerical  preponderance  of  the 
labor  vote,  is  therefore  absent. 

The  first  stage  in  the  electoral  struggle,  once  participa- 
tion in  it  had  been  decided  upon,  was  to  get  the  working- 
class  voters  registered.  To  keep  them  off  the  register  as 
much  as  possible  the  local  authorities  ordered  the  educa- 
tional tests  to  take  place  nearly  everywhere  on  week  days 
during  working  hours,  reckoning  that  many  workmen 
would  not  care  to  lose  a  day's  work  for  the  sake  of  a  vote. 
In  some  districts  the  regulations  also  prescribed  a  personal 
individual  application  to  be  made  by  the  citizen  who 
wished  to  be  put  upon  the  register,  which  in  most  cases 
would  have  meant  another  day  lost. 

"Our  party  set  to  work  and  succeeded  in  getting  these 
regulations  altered,  so  that  the  qualifying  educational  tests 
now  take  place  in  the  evenings,  and  notices  for  admission 
to  the  voters'  lists  can  be  given  by  third  persons.  In  all 
districts  where  our  party  has  sufficient  adherents  to  under- 


170       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

take  a  contest  electoral  associations  have  been  formed,  and 
the  work  of  propaganda  and  collection  of  names  has  been 
carried  out.  For  the  22  Budapest  constituencies  5,000 
comrades  volunteered  for  this  canvassing  work,  which  was 
done  in  the  second  week  of  May.  The  total  number  of 
names  handed  in  by  the  party  organizers  was  more  than 
30,000,  the  number  of  individual  applications  for  the  whole 
of  Budapest  only  about  1,000.  Probably  a  certain  number 
of  applications  will  still  be  rejected,  as  elementary  educa- 
tion is  sadly  neglected  in  Hungary;  and,  in  the  hands  of 
unscrupulous  persons,  as  most  of  the  officials  of  adminis- 
trative authorities  are,  the  educational  tests  may  easily  be 
used  to  deprive  workmen  of  the  vote. 

"However,  the  preliminary  work  of  collecting  names, 
of  explaining  the  provisions  of  the  electoral  law,  holding 
meetings,  and  selling  literature,  etc.,  has  put  new  life  into 
the  party,  which  was  greatly  discouraged  by  the  non- 
success  of  the  movement  for  manhood  suffrage,  and  saw 
its  funds  depleted  by  the  terrible  economic  crisis  through 
which  the  working-class  has  passed  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Balkan  wars.  The  party  will  therefore  be  on 
the  alert  to  prevent  violation  of  the  law  by  the  officials, 
and  to  see  to  it  that  the  Socialist  Party  at  the  election  gets 
its  full  chance  of  bringing  its  voters  to  the  poll.  The 
Central  Committee  for  Budapest,  which  conducts  all  the 
administrative  work  of  preparation  and  organization,  and 
which  is  appointed  by  the  municipality,  has  two  Socialists 
amongst  its  members,  comrades  Buchinger  and  Weltner, 
who  will  keep  their  eyes  open  for  any  tricks  that  official- 
dom might  like  to  play.  It  is  not  known  yet  when  the 
election  will  take  place,  but  at  the  latest  it  must  be  in 
May  next;  probably,  however,  it  will  be  in  the  autumn 
that  the  Hungarian  working-class  will  get  its  first  chance 
of  voting. 


AUSTRIA  AND  HUNGARY  171 

"There  is  no  possibility  of  doing  anything  in  the  coun- 
try districts,  where  open  voting  is  still  the  law.  It  is  here 
that  the  mass  of  the  proletariat  of  the  Magyar  race  toils 
for  the  lords,  where  the  worst  conditions  obtain,  and  the 
most  rigorous  terrorism  and  oppression  will  be  applied  to 
secure  electoral  success  for  the  governing  class.  The  num- 
ber of  Magyar  agricultural  workers  is  estimated  at 
630,000,  the  non-Magyar,  mostly  Roumanian  and  Slavonic, 
at  49,000.  The  town  workers  are  computed  at  250,000 
Magyars  and  160,000  non-Magyars  (German,  Slavonic, 
Roumanian,  etc.).  Among  the  farmers  and  peasant  free- 
holders the  Magyars  are  in  a  decided  minority,  so  much 
so  that  in  numbers  the  Magyars  are  only  three-eighths  of 
the  land-owning  classes  all  told,  whilst,  as  to  the  extent  of 
property  held,  the  proportion  is  the  reverse,  if  not  more 
so,  the  vast  estates  being  the  property  of  Magyar  nobles 
almost  exclusively." 


CHAPTER  X 
SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL 

SPAIN 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

A  Spanish  Socialist  Party  was  founded  in  1879,  but 
held  its  first  congress  in  1888  at  Barcelona.  By  1913  the 
party  had  12,000  members,  divided  into  198  groups.  Its 
daily  organ,  El  Socialista,  was  founded  at  Madrid  that 
year. 

In  1891  it  received  5,000  votes  at  the  national  election; 
in  1896,  14,000;  in  1898,  23,000;  in  1904,  26,000,  and  in 
1907,  23,000. 

At  the  election  of  1910  there  was  a  considerable  increase, 
the  party  receiving  approximately  41,000  votes.  This  in- 
crease continued  in  the  elections  of  1912,  when  Pablo 
Iglesias  received  over  40,000  votes  and  was  elected  to  the 
Cortes  from  Madrid— being  the  only  Socialist  member  of 
that  body.  In  1910,  however,  a  close  electoral  alliance 
had  been  formed  between  the  Socialists  and  Republicans, 
who  are  16  in  number  in  the  Cortes. 

n.   THE   SITUATION   IN   SPAIN 

By  Pablo  Iglesias,  Madrid 
(From  Vorwaerts,  May  15,  1914) 
"Spain  is  in  a  serious,   critical   situation.     The   Con- 
servative Party,  now  in  power,  is  divided  by  schisms,  which 
threaten  the  life  of  the  party  and  the  monarchy. 

172 


SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  173 

"Maura,  the  former  leader  of  this  party,  has  withdrawn 
from  political  life.  Between  him  and  his  aid,  the  present 
prime  minister,  Dato,  and  all  his  followers,  exists  serious 
dissension.  This  withdrawal  from  political  life  is  not  taken 
seriously,  for  Maura's  son,  Gabriel,  as  well  as  some  other 
followers  of  Maura's,  are  busily  engaged  in  exciting  public 
opinion  against  the  government.  The  object  of  this  attack 
is  to  arouse  friendly  feelings  towards  the  man  against 
whom  hate  and  disgust  arose  in  all  civilized  countries  when 
he  had  Ferrer  shot. 

"The  agitation  of  these  followers  of  Maura's  is  turned 
not  only  against  Dato's  government,  but  also  against  the 
king.  In  spite  of  their  assurance  of  monarchical  loyalty, 
these  monarchists  neglect  no  opportunity  to  attack  Al- 
fonso XIII.  Gabriel  Maura  declared  at  a  recent  meeting 
that  his  father  had  not  been  in  favor  of  the  Morocco 
war.  Although  several  skirmishes  between  Spanish  troops 
and  Arabs  had  taken  place  in  1909,  he  declared  these 
could  have  been  suppressed  through  police  measures,  as 
they  were  only  disturbances  of  the  peace.  Maura  ap- 
proved of  these  police  measures,  and  these  only.  Maura's 
son  intended  by  this  statement  to  place  the  blame  of  the 
unhappy  war  on  the  king. 

"Maura  is  finding  that  the  secret  hatred  which  his  fol- 
lowers have  against  the  king  is  reacting  against  himself. 
The  king  is  endeavoring  to  crystallize  public  opinion 
against  him  for  the  purpose  ultimately  of  pushing  him  out 
of  public  life.  In  order  to  attain  this  end,  he  has  reached 
an  understanding  between  the  leaders  of  the  largest  Lib- 
eral groups  and  Dato.  It  is  possible  that  the  king  might 
be  able  to  defeat  Maura  once  for  all,  but  not  without  dan- 
ger to  the  monarchical  regime. 

"Like  the  Conservative  Party,  the  Spanish  Liberals  are 
divided     among     themselves.      Their     majority     collects 


174       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

around  Count  Romanones,  the  predecessor  of  Dato.  The 
smaller  group  of  the  Liberals  has  Garcia  Prieto  as  leader. 
It  was  he  who  signed  the  treaty  between  Spain  and  France 
when  he  was  state  minister  in  the  cabinet  of  Romanones. 
This  group,  which  works  against  the  present  government 
and  secretly  against  the  Liberal  Party,  calls  itself  now 
the  Democratic  Party.  These  are  the  parties  which  give 
their  support  to  Alf ouzo's  monarchy. 

"There  are  other  monarchical  elements,  but  they  are  of 
less  importance.  One,  for  instance,  is  the  Regionalists,  or 
Spanish  Separatists,  a  group  of  politicians  from  Cata- 
lonia, anxious  to  secure  autonomy  for  that  province.  It 
is  their  custom  to  associate  with  Conservatives,  Carlists, 
and  other  minor  groups. 

"Opposing  these  monarchical  political  powers  are  the 
Republican  and  the  Socialist  parties.  The  Republicans 
command  large  masses  of  people,  while  the  Socialist  Party 
counts  among  its  members  all  class-conscious  workers.  The 
party  is  excellently  organized.  The  Republicans  and  the 
Socialists  form  a  coalition,  founded  in  1909,  with  the  idea 
of  overthrowing  Maura.  Personal  ambition  induced  some 
of  the  Republican  leaders  to  withdraw  from  the  party  and 
to  become  adherents  of  the  monarchy,  provided  this  mon- 
archy took  up  more  liberal  and  democratic  policies.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  these  political  deserters,  at  the  head  of 
which  were  Melquiadez  Alvares  and  Azcarate,  were 
sharply  criticised  by  all  advanced  political  elements. 

"The  principal  reason  for  Spain's  sad  condition  lies  in 
'our  international  politics.'  The  Spanish  rulers,  who  are 
stupid  and  servile,  have  entered  into  treaties  for  the  coun- 
try which  only  serve  the  selfish  interests  of  French 
and  English  citizens,  and  which  flatter  the  imperial  long- 
ings of  the  king  and  the  militarists  who  for  selfish  reasons 
pretend  to  be  devoted  to  the  monarch. 


SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  175 

'  *  The  war  in  Morocco  is  a  result  of  the  policies  pursued 
by  this  government.  This  war  has  lasted  five  years  al- 
ready, and  has  not  only  cost  the  country  human  lives,  but 
also  many  millions  of  pesetas,  and  has  brought  nothing  in 
return  but  the  loss  of  Spain's  reputation.  At  present  the 
army  which  is  stationed  in  Morocco  costs  the  country  one 
million  pesetas  ($200,000)  a  day. 

''Another  result  of  the  activities  of  this  government  is 
the  erection  of  a  new  fleet,  which  has  so  far  cost  $40,000,000 
— this  sum  might  as  well  have  been  thrown  in  the  water — 
and  the  preparations  for  new  and  expensive  coast  defenses. 

' '  The  building  of  an  electric  railway  from  Madrid  to  the 
French  frontier  is  still  another  outcome  of  this  policy. 
This  will  also  cost  several  million  pesetas,  its  purpose  being 
to  transport  troops  from  France  to  Africa,  or  from  Africa 
to  France,  when  the  international  situation  demands  such 
action. 

"These  immense  expenses  gradually  exhaust  the  coun- 
try, especially  as  Spain  has  such  a  very  small  taxing  power. 
The  debts  grow  greater  and  greater,  and  with  them  the 
taxes,  while,  as  a  result,  the  cost  of  living  increases.  Em- 
igration, on  account  of  the  misery  and  the  war,  is  ex- 
ceedingly great.  The  war  in  Morocco  finds  no  supporters 
in  the  entire  country.  The  supporters  of  the  war  them- 
selves, the  king,  several  dealers,  and  the  military  group 
who  prosper  by  it,  do  not  dare  to  defend  this  adventure. 
The  entire  country  is  against  the  war,  and  the  Republican, 
and  especially  the  Socialist  Party,  are  continually  protest- 
ing against  it  in  their  press  and  at  their  meetings.  It  is 
possible  that  the  immense  cost  of  the  war,  the  stupidity 
of  the  militarists,  and  the  attitude  of  the  king — it  is  said 
that  he  carries  on  the  war  behind  the  back  of  the  govern- 
ment— may  lead  to  an  uprising.  .   .   . 

"As  in  former  elections,  the  delegates  who  belong  to  the 


176       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Spanish  Cortes,  owe  their  seats  to  the  misuse  of  the  general 
suffrage  by  the  government,  or  through  the  phitocratic  ele- 
ments, so  that  the  present  Parliament  resembles  the  former 
almost  wholly.  Practically  all  the  politicians  who  are  to 
blame  for  the  misery  of  Spain  were  again  elected.  Among 
the  408  delegates  are  228  Conservatives,  120  Liberals  and 
Democrats,  and  16  of  the  Republican  and  Socialist  coali- 
tion (among  these  only  1  Socialist).  The  remainder  is 
made  up  of  a  number  of  smaller  groups. 

"It  is  almost  certain  that  the  government  will  not  find 
a  Conservative  majority.  To  continue  to  live  it  will  have 
to  solicit  the  help  of  the  Liberals,  under  the  leadership  of 
Eomanones.  Everyone  believes  that  the  life  of  this  par- 
liament will  be  very  short  and  very  unfruitful.  The  pres- 
ent government  or  its  successor,  which  will  be  of  the  same 
political  complexion,  will  try  to  rule  without  Parliament, 
as  has  been  the  custom  in  Spain. 

"During  its  short  life  this  Parliament  will  have  a  very 
stormy  career.  The  immense  folly  of  the  war  in  Morocco 
will  be  laid  bare  before  this  assembly  and  King  Alfonso 
will  be  branded  as  the  principal  culprit.  Perhaps  this 
criticism  will  press  the  people  to  free  themselves  from 
those  who  plunge  the  country  into  ruin." 


PORTUGAL 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 

At  the  Fifth  Congress  of  the  Portuguese  Socialist  Party 
(July,  1913)  50  local  organizations  were  represented.  The 
chief  demands  discussed  were  compulsory  voting,  propor- 
tional representation,  the  referendum,  and  woman  suffrage. 

In  the  November  elections,  the  Socialists  failed  to  in- 
crease their  delegation  in  Parliament,  which  consists  of 


SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  177 

one  member,  Manuel  Jose  da  Silva,  of  Oporto.  In  Decem- 
ber, however,  they  elected  11  members  to  the  municipal 
council  of  Oporto,  gained  a  majority  in  Covilha,  and  elected 
members  for  the  first  time  in  several  other  towns. 


n.    THE    GENERAL    POLITICAL    SITUATION 

(A.  F.  G.,  in  The  New  Statesman,  January  3,  1914) 
' '  The  party  now  in  power  is  that  of  the  Democrats,  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Premier,  Senhor  Affonso  Costa.  The 
organs  of  this  party  are  A  Patria  and  0  Mundo,  and,  non- 
officially,  0  Seculo.  There  is  the  Unionist  Party,  under 
the  leadership  of  Senhor  Brito  Camaeho,  with  its  organ, 
A  Lucta,  which  has  during  the  past  year  lent  its  support 
to  Senhor  Costa,  and  furnished  him  with  a  working  ma- 
jority in  the  Chamber.  Violently  opposed  to  Senhor  Costa 
and  the  Democratic  Party  are  the  Evolutionists  under 
Senhor  Antonio  Jose  de  Almeida,  with  their  organ,  A  Re- 
puhlica.  This  party  represents  the  real  constitutional  op- 
position within  the  republic.  Its  program  is  much  more 
moderate  than  that  of  the  Democrats,  and  its  leader  is  a 
man  of  ability;  but  it  has  not  hitherto  shown  that  it  pos- 
sesses strength  to  assert  itself  or  even  to  play  a  prominent 
part  in  practical  politics.  Besides  these  three  Republican 
parties  there  is  the  group  of  Independents,  also  intensely 
Republican,  but  opposed  to  the  republic  as  at  present  con- 
stituted. The  leader  of  this  fourth  party  is  Senhor  Ma- 
chado  Santos,  its  organ  0  Intransigente.  The  Royalists  no 
more  than  the  Republicans  offer  a  united  front.  There  are 
the  supporters  of  King  Manoel,  the  supporters  of  Dom 
Migoel  (whose  organ,  A  Nagao,  was  temporarily  suspended 
owing  to  the  wrecking  of  its  offices  by  the  Carbonarios), 
and  a  third  party  of  Royalists,  who  may  be  called  Sehas- 
tianistas.    These  last  are  filled  with  a  vague  discontent  and 


17S       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

look  unfailingly  to  the  return  of  former  conditions,  but 
know  not  exactly  what  they  want  or  what  prince  they 
would  have  to  reign  over  them.  These  indefinite  and 
idealistic  Royalists  in  Portugal  occupy  much  the  same  posi- 
tion as  the  Carlists  in  Spain. 

"A  fourth  Royalist  Party  is  composed  of  unpatriotic 
persons,  who  desire  foreign  intervention  and  persuade 
themselves  that  order  will  be  thoroughly  restored  only 
under  a  foreign  prince,  with  foreign  troops  at  his  back. 

''Then  there  is  the  Socialist  Party,  with  its  organ,  0 
Socialista,  which  has  gained  somewhat  in  strength  recently, 
and  has  attacked  the  republic  as  it  perhaps  never  at- 
tacked the  monarchy,  complaining  that  the  lot  of  the  work- 
men has  grown  worse,  that  the  governments  of  the  re- 
public have  been  as  selfish  and  incompetent  as  those  of 
the  monarchy,  and  that  the  main  difference  has  been  that, 
whereas  under  the  monarchy  there  was  a  vigorous  opposi- 
tion press,  no  such  press  has  been  allowed  to  exist  under 
the  republic.  The  Syndicalists,  with  their  journal,  0  Sin- 
dicalista,  also  have  many  adepts  among  the  workmen  and 
in  the  navy.  There  exist,  too,  many  anarchist  manufac- 
turers of  bombs,  and  many  Radical  Republicans,  who  have 
already  made  several  attempts  to  effect  a  coup  d'etat  and 
replace  the  present  ]\Iinistry  by  a  IMinistry  of  a  more 
frankly  popular  and  Socialistic  character,  and  to  inaug- 
urate the  Repuhlica  Radical,  of  which  the  conspirators 
wore  the  yellow  badge. 

"And  through  all  these  groups  and  parties  runs  the 
sinister  vein  of  the  Carhonaria,  the  white  Carbonarios, 
the  black  Carbonarios,  the  'Sons  of  Night'  {Filhos  da 
Noite),  the  devotees  of  Senhor  Costa.  It  would  require 
a  Talleyrand  to  thread  these  mazes.  Yet  it  is  a  country  of 
but  six  million  inhabitants,  and  the  census  taken  at  the  end 
of  1911  records  the  number  of  those  who  can  neither  write 


SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL  179 

nor  read  as  75  per  cent  of  the  entire  population.  These 
illiterates  have  not  the  vote  and  are  for  the  most  part  indif- 
ferent to  polities;  so  that  we  have  this  dozen  or  more  of 
contending  parties  in  a  million  and  a  half  inhabitants. 
.  .  ,  The  Democrat  Party  cannot  be  acquitted  of  the  chief 
responsibility  for  the  widespread  discontent  and  for  the  iso- 
lation in  which  the  republic  now  subsists.  Far  from  seek- 
ing to  win  over  opponents,  it  has  heaped  insults  and  insin- 
uations even  on  fellow  Republicans  whom  it  has  suspected 
of  a  tendency  to  moderation,  and  has  encouraged  the  Car- 
bonarios  to  spy  out  and  persecute.  And  its  leader,  Senhor 
Costa,  is,  like  Janus,  double-faced.  On  the  one  hand  he 
represents  himself  (especially  in  his  intercourse  with  the 
foreign  ministers)  as  a  man  of  sense  and  moderation,  on 
the  other  hand  he  freely  indorses  the  outrages  committed 
by  the  Carbonarios.  He  is  thus  more  likely  to  succeed  for 
a  while  than  to  bring  any  true  or  permanent  improvement 
to  the  state  of  Portugal.  Like  the  performance  of  a  rope- 
dancer,  his  administration  is  unlikely  to  be  prolonged  and 
may  end  in  disaster,  however  skillfully  he  maintains  his 
balance  for  the  moment.  'He  knows  that  Portugal  is 
threatened  by  only  one  danger — bankruptcy,'  said  his  inti- 
mate friend,  the  editor  of  the  Mundo,  last  March ;  and  to 
the  abolition  of  the  deficit  Senhor  Costa  has  devoted  much 
of  his  energy.  But  since  the  effect  of  his  policy  has  been 
to  drive  capital  from  the  country,  the  distress  in  Portugal 
has  become  worse  than  it  was  before  the  revolution,  the 
exchanges  have  gone  down  and  emigration  has  gone  up. 
It  may  be  argued  that  this  is  but  natural  after  a  revolu- 
tion. But  the  revolution  of  October,  1910,  was  not  in  itself 
a  great  upheaval,  and  it  was  followed  by  an  attitude  of 
expectation  and,  in  parts  of  the  country,  of  welcome.  The 
ignorant,  who  had  been  led  to  look  for  the  Millennium, 
were,  of  course,  doomed  from  the  first  to  disappointment; 


180       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

but  level-headed  observers  have  been  not  less  deeply  dis- 
appointed in  the  results  of  the  revolution.  0  Socialista 
wrote  as  follows  last  July : 

"  A  violent  change  of  government  may  be  welcomed  by  honest 
Republicans  and  sincere  patriots  who  desire  a  modern,  tolerant, 
and  progressive  republic,  and  an  era  of  tranquillity,  work,  and 
study  for  their  country.  .  .  .  Like  Joao  Franco  and  all  tyrannical 
despotic  governments,  Senhor  Costa's  government  has  produced 
an  effect  profoundly  revolutionary.  By  his  attitude  in  power 
he  has  made  more  anarchists  and  syndicalists  than  have  been 
secured  by  all  the  work  of  propaganda. 

"  And  in  many  camps,  openly  or  underground,  men  are  work- 
ing and  plotting  to  undermine  the  present  administration." 


CHAPTER  XI 
ROUMANIA,  BULGARIA,  AND  GREECE 

ROUMANIA 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 

The  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Roumania  was  organ- 
ized at  Bukharest,  February  2,  1910.  For  several  years 
prior  to  that  date,  the  movement  had  no  political  character, 
consisting  mainly  of  scattered  ' '  circles, ' '  whose  chief  activ- 
ity was  the  organization  of  trade-unions  and  the  holding 
of  occasional  lectures  and  mass  meetings  on  timely  topics. 

Since  1899,  which  year  marked  the  disappearance  of  the 
first  Socialist  or  pseudo-Socialist  movement  in  Roumania, 
by  the  wholesale  abandonment  of  its  intellectual  leaders, 
all  of  whom  joined  the  so-called  Liberal  Party,  and — as 
in  France — assumed  leading  positions  within  it,  Roumania 
has  been  without  any  definite  Socialistic  organization.  In 
1905  Dr.  C.  Racovsky,  who,  with  C.  Dobrogeanu-Gherea, 
Roumania 's  foremost  economist  and  literary  critic,  were 
the  only  remaining  loyal  Socialists,  began  to  tour  the 
country,  getting  in  touch  with  stray  comrades  in  various 
localities.  At  the  same  time,  Racovsky  and  a  few  comrades 
at  Bukharest  commenced  issuing  a  weekly,  the  Romania 
Municitoare  (Laboring  Roumania).  This  activity  resulted 
in  the  formation  of  the  circles  above  mentioned.  These 
had  no  organic  connection,  nor,  for  that  matter,  any  definite 
program  of  activity  until  1910,  when,  following  the  passage 
of  a  law  prohibiting  government  employees  from  joining 

181 


182       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

labor-unions,  the  movement  considered  the  possibility  of 
saving  itself  by  the  formation  of  a  political  party. 

The  first  national  Executive  Committee — and  members  of 
this  committee  are  even  at  the  present  time  the  most  active 
members  of  the  movement — were:  C.  Racovsky,  D,  Mari- 
nesco,  M.  Gh.  Bujor,  N.  C.  Georgesco,  I.  C.  Frimou,  Al. 
Constantinesco,  and  C.  Vasilesco. 

As  the  party  is  now  constituted,  it  consists  of  a  central 
organization  at  Bukharest,  with  branches,  called  "clubs," 
in  the  principal  cities.  Besides  conducting  the  political 
part  of  the  activity,  these  clubs  also  assist  in  the  organ- 
ization of  trade-unions.  The  two  phases  of  the  movement 
are  very  closely  allied.  The  trade-union  membership  is 
at  present  about  ten  thousand,  and  includes  only  private 
employees.  The  official  organ,  Romania  Muncitoare,  now 
appears  three  times  a  week.  One-half  of  each  issue  is  de- 
voted to  the  Socialist  movement  and  the  other  half  to 
the  trade-unions.  The  movement  also  conducts  a  publish- 
ing enterprise,  issuing  original  or  translated  pamphlets 
and  books  from  time  to  time.  There  is  also  a  monthly 
scientific  and  literary  magazine,  Viitorul  Social  (The  So- 
cial Future)  of  about  the  size  of  the  Neue  Zeit.  Then 
there  are  various  trade  papers,  one  of  the  waiters,  metal- 
workers, railroad  men,  and  one  or  two  of  the  other  trades. 

The  movement  has  passed  through  important  crises  since 
its  organization.  The  first  was  in  1907,  following  the 
Peasant  Rebellion,  when  the  party  was  almost  completely 
annihilated.  All  clubs  were  closed,  books  and  cash  con- 
fiscated, and  the  members  mobilized,  and  almost  a  thou- 
sand native  Jewish  party  members  expelled  from  the  coun- 
try. The  Government,  in  its  fury,  instituted  proceedings 
against  Dr.  Racovsky,  and  by  means  of  documents  subse- 
quently proved  to  be  false,  denied  the  latter  his  citizen- 
ship, and  in  his  absence  as  delegate  to  the  International 


ROUMANIA,  BULGARIA,  AND  GREECE  183 

Congress  at  Stuttgart,  declared  him  expelled  from  Rou- 
mania.  Racovsky  made  several  attempts  to  re-enter  the 
country,  each  time  at  a  different  point,  in  order  to  have 
himself  brought  before  a  court  where  he  could  prove  his 
citizenship.  But  in  each  case  he  was  arrested  and  clan- 
destinely returned  across  the  frontier.  It  was  only  in  1912, 
after  a  change  of  cabinet,  and  after  innumerable  efforts 
of  friends,  that  he  was  finally  permitted  to  present  his 
claims  before  the  court.  He  did  so,  and  his  citizenship  was 
restored  to  him. 

The  second  crisis  was  in  the  nature  of  an  internal  strife 
in  1913,  at  the  time  of  the  Balkan  War.  As  is  well  known, 
Roumania  did  not  participate  actively  in  this  struggle. 
The  great  victories  of  Bulgaria,  however,  aroused  the  Rou- 
manian Government's  jealousy,  and  it  began  to  wage  a 
campaign  of  hostility  against  that  neighboring  country. 
When  the  war  fever  was  at  its  highest,  a  Roumanian  army 
was  dispatched  across  the  Danube  and  occupied  a  small 
province  (Silvestria)  which  the  Bulgarians  were  unable 
to  defend.  Some  of  the  intellectuals  of  the  party,  notably 
two  lawyers,  N.  D,  Cocea  and  Th.  Dragu,  were  caught  in 
the  whirl  of  patriotism  and  defended  the  war  in  spite  of 
a  contrary  action  of  the  party.  This  led  to  such  marked 
dissatisfaction  within  the  ranks  that  these  two  were  forced 
to  resign.  On  this  occasion  the  party  got  rid  of  a  few 
obstreperous  opportunists,  and  now  presents  a  strictly  So- 
cialist front.  The  last  convention  in  1914  ratified  the 
stand  of  the  central  party  organization  at  the  time  of  the 
war. 

Although  numerically  and  politically  weak,  the  party 
put  up  candidates  in  a  number  of  campaigns  in  several 
localities.  The  vote  is  necessarily  small,  but  contributes 
to  the  political  education  of  the  masses.  At  Galatz  and 
Tulcea,  however,  the  vote  exceeded  all  anticipations. 


184       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 


II.    PROGRAM    OF   THE   SOCIALIST  PARTY,    ADOPTED   AT   THE 
ABOVE    CONVENTION   IN    1910 

1.   POLITICAL  PROGRAM 

a.  Equal  direct  and  secret  universal  suffrage  for  all  inhabitants 
above  20  years,  irrespective  of  nationality,  creed,  or  sex,  not 
subjects  of  any  other  country;  as  well  as  for  aliens  residing  in 
the  country  10  years  or  more,  renouncing  all  foreign  allegiance. 
Proportional  representation ;  holding  of  elections  on  a  legal  holi- 
day; compensation  for  the  elected  officers;  abolition  of  the  Senate. 

b.  This  can  all  be  summed  up  in  the  initiative,  referendum, 
and  recall;  extensive  administrative  decentralization  and  local 
home  rule. 

c.  Abolition  of  the  expulsion  law,  and  sundry  other  exception 
laws.  (This  law  nominally  applicable  to  foreigners  has  been 
extensively  used  against  Socialists,  native  Jewish  members  of  the 
party,  having  been  expelled  by  the  hundreds,  especially  daring 
the  peasant  outbreak  in  1907.)  Equalization  of  the  rights  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Dobrudja.  (This  province  was  acquired  from 
Turkey  following  the  Independence  War  of  1877.  Ever  since  the 
province  has  been  subject  to  exception  laws,  inhabitants  being 
deprived  of  the  suffrage  or  parliamentary  representation.)  Com- 
plete equalization  of  the  civic  and  political  rights  of  native  Jews 
with  those  of  other  citizens.  (Although  the  native  Jews  are 
subject  to  civic  and  military  duty,  pay  taxes,  etc.,  they  are  en- 
joying no  political  freedom  whatever,  always  being  implicitly 
included  in  any  act  applicable  to  "  foreignei's.") 

d.  Restitution  of  political  and  civic  privileges  to  all  city,  dis- 
trict, and  state  employees. 

e.  Equalization,  political  and  legal,  of  the  sexes,  and  the  fos- 
tering of  paternal  responsibility  upon  the  father  for  his  illegiti- 
mate children. 

/.  Punishment  by  law  of  public  employees  who  interfere  with 
the  exercise  of  the  political  rights  of  the  citizens. 

g.  Establishment  of  honest,  equitable,  and  independent  justice. 
Gratuity  of  legal  processes,  damages  for  illegally  arrested  or 
prosecuted  citizens,  right  of  appeal,  election  of  judges  and  jurors 
by  popular  vote. 

h.    The  establishment  of  the  right  of  appeal  against  all  admin- 


ROUMANIA,  BULGARIA,  AND  GREECE  185 

istrative  and  judicial  decisions  for  the  benefit  of  all  public  em- 
ployees. 

i.  Free  and  compulsory  education  for  children  of  all  creeds 
and  nationalities,  with  due  regard  for  the  languages  of  the  various 
ethnical  groups.  Secularization  of  education.  Equalization  of 
the  village  school  with  the  town  school.  Establishment  of  voca- 
tional and  agricultural  schools.  Compulsory  education  to  14 
years.  Generalization  of  school  lunchrooms.  Free  clothing,  food, 
books,  and  school  supplies  for  needy  children  in  primary,  sec- 
ondary, and  vocational  schools.  Assistance  to  needy  and  deserv- 
ing pupils  for  the  continuation  of  their  studies. 

j.  Direct  proportional  and  progressive  income  and  inheritance 
tax.  Gradual  abrogation  of  all  indirect  taxes,  incomes  of  3,000 
francs  or  less  to  be  exempt  from  all  taxation. 

k.  Separation  of  church  from  the  state,  leaving  church  admin- 
istration to  the  care  of  its  members. 

I.  All  city,  district,  and  state  employees  to  be  under  civil 
sen^ice. 

m.  Considering  the  army  only  as  a  means  of  protecting  the 
country,  and  in  no  way  as  an  instrument  of  repression  against 
the  working-class  and  its  struggles  for  freedom,  we  demand  the 
transformation  of  the  standing  army  into  a  national  militia; 
until  such  change  is  effected,  we  demand  the  reduction  of  the 
military  service  to  one  year.  Abrogation  of  court-martials; 
compulsory  education  in  barracks  and  camps. 


2.   AGRARIAN"  PROGRAM 

o.  Abrogation  of  all  feudal  remnants  in  the  relation  of 
agrarian  production. 

b.  Abrogation  of  feudal  contracts,  as  tithes,  and  other  hidden 
forms  of  servitude.  All  agreements  and  payments  to  be  made 
in  specie. 

c.  Compulsory  expropriation  as  far  as  possible  of  gi'eat  por- 
tions of  extensive  land  holdings. 

d.  All  such  expropriated  lands  to  form  a  national  fund  under 
state  supervision.  Individuals  or  peasant  associations  to  rent 
from  this  fund  parcels  of  land  for  terms  of  not  less  than  50 
years.  Right  of  renewal  of  contract  to  be  vested  in  the  tenant's 
heirs  (wife,  children,  etc.).    Tenant  to  be  allowed  to  subrent  his 


186       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

parcel  to  a  third  party,  the  only  condition  being  that  the  latter 
work  the  parcel  himself. 

e.  Amount  of  rent  to  be  decided  by  a  commission  of  peasants 
and  landowners,  so  constituted  as  to  safeguard  the  interests  of 
the  peasants.  These  prices  to  be  universally  prevailing  and 
applicable  to  all  owners. 

/.  The  income  of  the  fund  to  be  divided  in  two,  as  follows: 
One  part  for  the  payment  of  interests  and  amortization  of  the 
capital  expended  in  buying.  Second  part,  less  administrative 
expenses,  to  be  distributed  among  all  communities  and  to  be  used 
only  for  public  welfare  work,  improvement  of  agricultural  work, 
or  increase  in  holdings. 

g.  Special  legislation  to  facilitate  the  formation  of  peasants' 
associations,  providing  for  city  and  state  assistance  in  the  form 
of  procuring  seeds,  fertilizer,  and  modem  machinery. 

h.  Organization  of  a  rural  bank  to  lend  money  to  peasants  on 
a  nominal  interest  in  proportion  to  the  latter's  holdings.  This 
bank  also  to  make  provisions  for  the  wholesale  and  common 
disposal  of  the  agricultural  products  of  its  members,  as  well  as 
for  the  purchase  of  seeds  and  machinery.  This  bank  to  be  a  state 
institution. 

i.  Expropriation  of  inalienable  city  or  private  pasture 
grounds  at  prices  to  be  established  as  above  provided  for. 

j.  Total  prevention  of  the  sale  of  land  or  forests  belonging  to 
the  state  or  cities  to  private  individuals.  The  same  to  apply 
also  to  all  other  natural  resources — waterfalls,  rivers,  mines, 
etc. 

A:.  Encouragement  by  the  state  and  cities  of  systematic  agri- 
culture and  breeding,  by  means  of  traveling  instructors,  experi- 
ment stations,  etc. 

I.  Practical  agricultural  instructions  by  means  of  special 
schools,  or  special  courses  in  existing  iniral  schools,  in  the  latter 
case  not  at  the  expense  of  the  regular  coui-se  of  study. 

m.  Improvement  on  rivers,  creation  of  canals  for  irrigation, 
drainage  of  swamps,  installation  of  artesian  wells,  etc.  Construc- 
tion of  public  highways  and  railways  for  local  purposes.  Arti- 
ficial forestation. 

n.  Tenants  of  parcels  of  land  to  be  entitled  to  compensation 
for  any  improvement  which  adds  to  the  value  of  the  land. 

0.  Abolition  by  law  of  the  right  of  landowners  to  prosecute 
or  attach  the  product  of  the  soil.    The  establishment  of  a  reserve 


ROUMANIA,  BULGARIA,  AND  GREECE  187 

of  instruments,  products,  fertilizers,  head  of  cattle,  indispensable 
to  every  household  and  forever  inalienable. 

p.  Establishment  of  a  minimum  wage  by  the  commission  for 
journeymen  and  seasonal  workers. 

q.  All  laws  protecting  labor  to  apply  to  rural  labor  as  well, 
with  due  regard  to  the  particular  circumstances. 

r.  To  reduce  to  a  minimum  the  transportation  cost  on  rail- 
roads for  agricultural  workers,  especially  during  the  season.  To 
facilitate  the  movement  of  such  workers  to  places  best  suitable 
for  them. 

s.  Abrogation  of  all  land  taxes  for  peasants  working  their 
fields  by  hand. 

t.  Reduction  of  transportation  costs  for  fertilizers,  machinery, 
and  agricultural  products. 

u.  Freedom  of  game  and  fishing,  except  such  restrictions  as 
are  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  game  and  for  the  preven- 
tion of  damage  to  the  crops. 

BULGARIA 

PLEA   FOR   UNITY  AMONG   BULGARIAN   SOCIALISTS 
(From  Vorwaerts) 

The  International  Socialist  Bureau  has  addressed  to  the 
Socialists  of  Bulgaria  the  following  communication: 

For  many  years  the  International  has  looked  upon  the  struggle 
among  the  Socialists  of  Bulgaria  with  a  heavy  heart.  In  spite 
of  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Amsterdam  Congress  concerning 
united  action  on  the  part  of  all  Socialists,  a  resolution  which 
was  first  carried  out  by  our  French  comrades  and  which  will 
again  bear  fruit  in  the  union  of  the  British  parties,  the  Bul- 
garian parties  have  yet  to  take  the  first  step  toward  a  mutual 
understaiiding.  While  you  preach  "  Peace  between  all  nations," 
you  tear  each  other  to  pieces  and  present  to  the  world  a  picture 
of  senseless  and  unfounded  enmity. 

At  the  last  elections,  particularly,  the  worst  passions  entered 
into  play.  Grievances  were  painfully  dragged  out,  mutual  accu- 
sations and  reci'iminations  were  the  order  of  the  day.  And  now, 
after  the  dissolution  of  Parliament,  we  observe  a  bitter  struggle 


188       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

between    Socialists,   where   the  combat   should  be   fought,   with 
united  forces,  against  the  capitalist  class. 

Comrades:  Your  country  is  practically  devoid  of  any  laws  for 
the  protection  of  the  working-class.  You  live  under  a  system  of 
government  that  is  hardly  more  than  a  caricature  of  freedom 
and  democracy.  A  new  outbreak  of  hostility  threatens  the 
Balkan  nations,  and  you  are  neither  strong  enough,  nor  numerous 
enough,  to  face  this  militaristic  combat. 

Comrades  of  both  parties :  We  have  the  right  to  speak  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  international  movement,  when  we  ask  you 
to  put  an  end  to  your  differences,  which  serve  only  to  decrease 
your  own  influence,  to  fill  your  enemies  with  joy.  In  all  our 
parties  there  are  various  shades  of  theoretical  opinion.  We  were 
not  Socialists  if  we  did  not  desire,  as  men  who  think  for  our- 
selves, to  find  the  truth  and  to  fix  our  tactics  according  to  the 
change  of  conditions  and  times.  We  ask  you,  therefore,  to  listen 
to  us  and  to  pave  the  way  for  a  union  of  the  Bulgarian  Socialist 
forces. 

Even  if  this  union  be  difficult  at  the  present  time,  some  under- 
standing must  be  reached  at  the  time  of  the  election.  Do  not 
place  opposing  Socialist  candidates  into  the  field. 

You  are  called  upon  to  become  an  influential  and  perhaps 
a  deciding  factor  in  the  coming  struggle.  You  have  no  right  to 
squander  your  forces  uselessly  to  diminish  your  strength.  The 
victory  of  democracy  in  the  East  means  a  wonderful  strengthen- 
ing of  democracy  in  the  West,  signifies  the  coming  triumph  of 
modern  ideas  in  the  whole  world. 

For  the  International  Socialist  Bureau, 
The  Executive  Board. 

E.  Vandervelde, 

E.  Anseele, 

L.  Bertrand, 

C.  HuYSMANS,  Secretary. 

GREECE 

Greece  has  experienced  a  rapid  industrial  development 
during  the  last  15  years.  As  far  back  as  the  year  1885, 
Dr.  Dracoules  began  with  his  propaganda  work.  In  1893, 
as  leader  of  the  Greek  Socialist  Party,  he  secured  4,000 


ROUMANIA,  BULGARIA,  AND  GREECE  189 

votes  in  Athens,  and  in  1901  he  was  elected  to  the  Greek 
Parliament,  where  he  served  several  years. 

Attempts  have  often  been  made  during  the  past  few 
years  to  establish  a  consolidated  economic  or  political  or- 
ganization, but  up  to  the  present  without  any  satisfactory 
results.  This  regrettable  state  of  affairs  may  be  attributed 
to  the  fact  that  emigration  is  increasing  day  by  day,  and 
it  is  just  the  most  skilled  and  intelligent  workers  who  are 
driven  from  their  homes  on  account  of  their  unfortunate 
political  and  economic  conditions.  At  any  rate,  the  con- 
stant agitation  of  a  more  progressive  body  has  already  had 
a  great  influence  upon  public  opinion,  and  it  is  to-day  gen- 
erally recognized  that  the  present  conditions  are  untenable. 

It  was  in  1909  that  the  military  arose  and  swept  away 
the  existing  government.  The  movement  was  supported 
by  a  great  mass  of  the  people,  because  an  improvement 
in  their  conditions  was  hoped  for  as  soon  as  new  members 
were  elected  to  the  government.  The  new  government 
relied  to  a  certain  extent  upon  the  Socialist  or  semi- 
Socialist  elements  which  had  arisen  from  the  Dracoules 
propaganda,  and  had  developed  a  program  "of  struggle 
against  the  plutocracy. ' '  Venizelos,  the  skillful  prime  min- 
ister, succeeded  in  turning  a  part  of  the  movement  to  his 
purposes,  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  building  up  the 
Balkan  League  against  Turkey  inspired  by  the  idea — 
launched  by  the  Socialists — of  a  confederation  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  peninsula. 

The  government  also  succeeded  in  serving  their  own 
financial  interests  under  the  cloak  of  a  propaganda  cam- 
paign against  modern  capitalism.  The  people  were  forced 
to  put  up  with  this  because  they  were  helpless  and  dis- 
united. The  new  political  power  offered  brutal  opposition 
to  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  workers  to  organize.  Dr. 
Dracoules,  in  1912,  secured  12,000  of  the  48,000  votes  of 


190       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Athens,  and  was  almost  elected  in  another  district  where 
he  was  also  candidate.  Nevertheless,  the  propaganda  and 
the  rising  number  of  votes  for  the  new  movement  resulted 
in  a  small  progressive  group  in  Parliament  pushing  forward 
with  the  labor  laws. 

In  the  meantime  a  Socialist  weekly  paper  was  estab- 
lished for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the  propaganda  and 
organization  work  systematically.  This  was  the  first  neces- 
sity— having  regard  to  the  great  disruption  in  the  existing 
groups.  There  is  a  very  mixed  "Labor  Federation  of 
Athens  and  Piraeus, ' '  to  which  17  industries  belong,  whilst 
1  yellow  organization  has  compromised  14  groups  since 
1910.  Some  15  organizations,  which  are  naturally  still 
weak,  both  numerically  and  financially,  belong  to  a  third 
tendency.  They  represent  no  unity,  it  is  true,  but  there  are 
hopes  of  building  up  modern  organizations  with  these  as 
a  basis.  The  followers  of  Dracoules  created  a  labor  league 
in  1909,  which  comprised  two  separate  organizations — one 
Socialist  Party  and  one  trades-union  center.  This  league 
has  organizations  in  several  towns.  It  propagates  an  un- 
derstanding between  the  workers  of  the  other  Balkan 
States,  hoping  to  put  an  end  to  the  race  hatred  which  exists. 


SECTION  III 
THE  SOCIALIST  MOVEMENT  IN  AMERICA 

CHAPTER  XII 

THE  NUMERICAL  STATUS  OF  SOCIALISM  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

The  following  statistics  will  make  clear  the  status  of  the 
Socialist  Party  in  1914. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  high-water  mark  of  member- 
ship was  reached  in  the  presidential  year,  1912;  that  the 
figures  went  down  in  1913,  rose  past  the  100,000  mark  in 
the  first  five  months  of  1914,  but  fell  so  far  in  the  latter 
half  of  that  year  (the  breaking  out  of  the  European  war) 
as  to  bring  the  membership  for  the  whole  year  even  below 
that  of  1913.    This  fall  has  continued  during  1915. 

1.   MEMBERSHIP   BY  YEARS 

The  Socialist  Party  was  organized  early  in  August,  1901. 
The  records  are  too  incomplete  to  determine  just  how  many 
members  we  had  in  the  years  1901  and  1902.  The  mem- 
bership for  each  year  since  then  was  as  follows : 

1903    15,975  1910    58,011 

1904    20,763  1911    84,716 

1905    23,327  1912    117,984 

1906 26,784  1913    95,401 

1907    29,270  1914  (first  5  months) .  .106,097 

1908    41,751  1914  (entire  year)....  93,579 

1909    41,479  1915    85,000 

191 


192       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

2.   MEMBERSHIP  IN    SEPARATE   STATES 

Table  for  1912.     Order  of  Rank 


>  o 


9  Name  of  slate 

1.  Nevada  687 

2.  Alaska    407 

3.  Washington    6,326 

4.  Idaho    1,673 

5.  Wyoming  696 

6.  Montana 1,611 

7.  Arizona    689 

8.  Oregon   2,205 

9.  Oklahoma    4,775 

10.  North  Dakota  1,662 

11.  Minnesota    5,514 

12.  California    5,962 

13.  Colorado    1,864 

14.  Wisconsin    4,635 

15.  Utah   729 

16.  Pennsylvania  12,689 

17.  Kansas   2,603 

18.  Ohio    7,090 

19.  New  Jersey   3,486 

20.  Massachusetts    4,519 

21.  Connecticut   1,505 

22.  Indiana 3,469 

23.  New  Hampshire 545 

24.  Illinois    6,727 

25.  Texas    4,583 

26.  Florida  861 

27.  Michigan    3,176 

28.  New  York    9,801 

29.  West  Virginia 1,175 

30.  Vermont 303 

31.  Missouri  2,749 

32.  New  Mexico 273 

33.  District  of  Columbia...      267 


si 

g.ga 

(22l 

81,875 

119 

64,356 

158 

1,141,990 

180 

325,594 

195 

145,965 

210 

376,053 

233 

204,354 

298 

672,765 

305 

1,657,155 

344 

577,056 

347 

2,075,708 

376 

2,377,549 

399 

799,024 

429 

2,333,860 

504 

373,351 

512 

7,665,111 

604 

1,690,949 

649 

4,767,121 

672 

2,537,167 

728 

3,336,416 

738 

1,114,756 

741 

2,700,876 

779 

430,572 

790 

5,638,591 

838 

3,896,542 

850 

751,139 

872 

2,810,173 

884 

9,113,279 

930 

122.119 

1,039 

355,956 

1,175 

3,293,335 

1,198 

327,396 

1,199 

331.069 

1,213 

SOCIALISM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  193 


g  Name  of  state  g  g  i, 

(§  <Ba 

34.  Iowa   1,806 

35.  Rhode  Island 439 

36.  Nebraska    806 

37.  Arkansas    1,103 

38.  Delaware    136 

39.  South  Dakota 375 

40.  Maine   460 

41.  Maryland   635 

42.  Louisiana  550 

43.  Kentucky   500 

44.  Alabama    377 

45.  Tennessee  368 

48.    Virginia   229 

47.  North  Carolina 200 

48.  Mississippi 148 

49.  South  Carolina 102 

50.  Georgia    150      2,609,121      17,394 


Table  for  1914.    Alphabetical  Order 

Alabama 217      Kentucky  270 

Alaska    546      Louisiana  462 

Arizona    460      Maine   407 

Arkansas    533     Maryland  481 

California    5,252     Massachusetts    4,830 

Colorado    1,237     Michigan    2,943 

Connecticut   1,368      Minnesota    4,965 

Delaware    35      Mississippi 124 

District  of  Columbia ....  251      Missouri 1,806 

Florida 696      Montana     1,589 

Georgia    39      Nebraska    559 

Idaho    905     Nevada 614 

Illinois    6,562      New  Hampshire 596 

Indiana    2,222     New  Jersey 3,364 

Iowa   1,070      New  Mexico 191 

Kansas  1,959     New  York  10,717 


C8 

5§. 

5.gS 

■  (£sa 

2,224,771 

1,232 

542,674 

1,236 

1,068,484 

1,325 

1,574,449 

1,427 

202,322 

1,488 

583,888 

1,557 

742,371 

1.614 

1,294,450 

2,038 

1,656,388 

3,011 

2,289,905 

4,580 

2,138,093 

5,665 

2,184,789 

5,937 

2,061,612 

9,003 

2,206,287 

11,031 

1,797,114 

12,142 

1,515,400 

14,661 

194       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

North  Carolina 75      Vermont 206 

North  Dakota  1,644     Virginia  224 

Ohio    4,626      Washington   3,241 

Oklahoma    7,039      West  Virginia 850 

Oregon   1,306     Wisconsin    3,885 

Pennsylvania    7,648     Wyoming 648 

Rhode  Island 545  unorganized 

South  Carolina 81      Members-at-large   32 

South  Dakota  427     Hawaii  33 

Tennessee 221      French  Federation 193 

Texas    2,893  


Utah   448  Total 93,579 

3.  VOTE  IN  PROPORTION  TO  POPULATION  OF  STATES 

(From  Party  Builder,  No.  17) 

2  U  O  o 

-  2oO 

"Soj                    iS  o^  J, 

■—  S                             O  ""  m  9 

"    -                            -^  o  =3  Z 

state                                         ^-2                    -  ^Sgo- 

*  >                       E-t  >a;jz; 

Nevada    3,313           20,115  5 

Oklahoma   42,262         254,389  5 

Arizona  3,163           23,722  6 

Montana    10,885           79,826  6 

Washington    *  42,026         322,819  7 

California  79,201         672,527  8 

Idaho  11,960         105,755  8 

Oregon    13,343         137,040  9 

Florida    4,806           51,891  10 

Minnesota   *  29,717         334,219  10 

Ohio *  92,553      1,033,558  10 

Texas  *  25,326         302,768  11 

Utah    *     9.532         112,385  11 

Wisconsin   *  34,003         399,972  11 

North  Dakota 6,966           86,580  11 

IlUnois    *  85,344      1,146.173  12 

Kansas    26,779         365.497  13 

Pennsylvania    *  84,318      1,220.201  13 

Arkansas 8,153         124,029  14 


SOCIALISM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  195 


.2" 

state  1 1 

Colorado   *  16,893 

Louisiana    5,249 

Wyoming    2,760 

Indiana   *  40,061 

Connecticut *  11,316 

New  Mexico 2,859 

West  Virginia   15,336 

Michigan  *  24,463 

New  York *  67,632 

Missouri    *  30,244 

Nebraska    10,219 

New  Jersey *  17,250 

South  Dakota   4,662 

Iowa    16,967 

Mississippi    2,061 

Rhode  Island  *     2,285 

Massachusetts    *  13,932 

Kentucky    *  12,603 

Alabama   3,029 

New  Hampshire    1,980 

Maine    2,541 

Maryland    *     4,318 

Vermont    928 

Tennessee    3,492 

Delaware 556 

Georgia   1,028 

Virginia    *        870 

North  Carolina   1,025 

South  Carolina   164 


» 

<a  o  o 

^ 

2^fl 

p- 

SS^ 

o 

3oS. 

H 

>ri'A 

266,880 

14 

79,441 

14 

42,296 

15 

654,474 

15 

190,398 

15 

49,412 

16 

268,560 

17 

550,976 

22 

1,587,983 

22 

698,562 

22 

249,515 

23 

432,650 

24 

116,365 

24 

492,356 

28 

64,528 

30 

77,894 

33 

489,548 

34 

453,698 

35 

117,879 

38 

87,960 

43 

129,640 

50 

231,981 

53 

62,841 

67 

247,821 

70 

48,693 

87 

121,414 

117 

136,976 

156 

243,918 

237 

50,350 

306 

Total  for  United  States .  *930,601     15,039,475  16 

*  Since  it  was  cast  for  Socialism  against  capitalism,  we  have  in- 
cluded the  Socialist  Labor  Party  vote  of  29,240  in  this  table,  distributed 
among  the  states  marked  with  an  asterisk  where  it  was  polled. 


196       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  foregoing  tables  reveal  some  interesting  facts  re- 
garding the  geographical  distribution  of  Socialism.  The 
manufacturing  states,  New  York,  Massachusetts,  Connecti- 
cut, Illinois,  etc.,  are  well  toward  the  lower  half  of  both 
lists,  while  the  leading  states  in  proportional  Socialist  vote 
and  membership  are  those  devoted  to  the  extractive  indus- 
tries, mining  and  farming. 

4.  VOTE  COMPARED  WITH  THAT  OF  OTHER  PARTIES  IN  1908  AND  1912 

1908 

Bryan   (Dem.)    6,409,104 

Taft   (Rep.)    7,678,908 

Cbafin  (Pro.)    253,840 

Gilhaus  (Soc.  Labor) 13,825 

Debs   (Soc.)    424,488 

1912 

Wilson    (Dem.) 6,291,878  Loss  117,226 

Taft  and  Roosevelt  (Rep.)... 7,608,234  Loss     69,674 

Cbafin  (Pro.)   203,762  Loss    45,078 

Reimer  (Soc.  Labor)   29,240  Gain    15,415 

Debs  ( Soc.)    901,361  Gain  476,873 

"The  figures  given  are  according  to  the  latest  official 
information.  The  slight  revisions  that  may  yet  be  made 
will  not  affect  the  showing. 

"The  table  disproves  the  popular  impression  that  there 
was  a  Democratic  landslide.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Wilson 
in  1912  received  117,226  less  votes  than  Bryan  in  1908.  In 
spite  of  their  victory  the  Democrats  have,  therefore,  lost. 
Taft  this  year  received  only  3,484,806  votes.  Adding  to 
this  the  4,123,428  votes  that  Roosevelt  received,  the  com- 
bined Republican-Progressive  vote  still  falls  69,674  short 
of  the  Republican  vote  of  1908.  The  Prohibitionists  are 
also  on  the  toboggan  slide. 

"On  the  other  hand,  both  the  Socialist  Party  and  the  So- 
cialist Labor  Party  more  than  doubled  their  1908  vote." 


SOCIALISM  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  197 

5.   THE   SOCIALIST  VOTE   OF  1914 

The  following  table  of  the  1914  vote  is  incomplete,  as 
the  returns  from  some  of  the  states  had  not  yet  come  in 
by  the  end  of  the  year.  A  decided  falling  off  is  noticeable, 
however,  not  only  from  the  presidential  year  1912,  but  even 
from  the  corresponding  year  1910.  The  vote  given  is  for 
governor,  unless  otherwise  specified. 

1914  1910 

Alabama   (3) 1,159  1,633 

Arizona    2,973  .... 

Arkansas    10,434  9,196 

California    50,716  47,819 

Colorado  (1)  (3) 13,943  9,603 

Connecticut  (1)    5,914  12,179 

Delaware  (2)    463  556 

Florida  (5)   4,806  10,204 

Georgia    (4)    224  224 

Idaho   (1)    7,967  5,791 

Illinois  (3)    39,889  49,896 

Indiana   (1)    (3) 21,719  19,632 

Iowa  (1)   (3) 8,462  9,685 

Kansas   20,360  16,994 

Kentucky  (1)   (3) 4,890  5,239 

Louisiana  (4)   706  706 

Maine   1,872  1,641 

Maryland  (3)   3,255  3,924 

Massachusetts    9,520  14,444 

Michigan    11,056  10,608 

Minnesota    17,225  18,363 

Mississippi  (4)   23  23 

Missouri  (3)   16,853  19,957 

Montana  (2)   9,430  5,412 

Nebraska    5,754  6,721 

Nevada  (1)   (3) 5,426  3,637 

New  Hampshire  (1) 1,423  1,072 

New  Jersey  (1)    (2) 14,581  *        10,134 

New  Mexico   (2) 1,101  1,787    ' 

*Vote  for  1913. 


198       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

1914  1910 

New  York  37,793  48,982 

North  Carolina  (3) 425  437 

North  Dakota  6,019  5,114 

Ohio   (1)    48,596  62,356 

Oklahoma  (1)  52,570  24,707 

Oregon    14,284  19,475 

Pennsylvania 40,115  59,690 

Rhode  Island 1,691  529 

South  Carolina  (1) 84  70 

South  Dakota 2,664  1,675 

Tennessee 1,671  4,571 

Texas   (1)    28,000  11,538 

Utah  (3)    5,257  4,889 

Vermont  (1)   541  1,067 

Virginia  (4)    987  987 

Washington  (3)   30,234  15,994 

West  Virginia    (2) 11,944  8,152 

Wisconsin    25,917  40,053 

Wyoming  (1)  (4) 2,155  2,155 

603,091  609,521 

(1)  Unofficial. 

(2)  For  representative  in  congress. 

(3)  For  United  States  senator. 

(4)  Vote  for  1910. 

(5)  Vote  for  1912. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM 

The  national  program  of  the  Socialist  Party  is  set  forth 
authoritatively  in  the  official  platform,  which,  after  being 
adopted  by  the  delegates  to  the  National  Convention,  must 
also  be  passed  by  a  referendum  of  the  party  membership. 
This  document  is  here  reproduced  entire,  as  adopted  by 
National  Convention,  May,  1912,  and  by  membership  refer- 
endum, August  4,  1912. 

I.   SOCIALIST  PARTY  PLATFORM 

The  representatives  of  the  Socialist  Party,  in  National  Con- 
vention at  Indianapolis,  declare  that  the  capitalist  system  has 
outgrown  its  historical  function,  and  has  become  utterly  incapa- 
ble of  meeting  the  problems  now  confronting  society.  We  de- 
nounce this  outgrown  system  as  incompetent  and  corrupt  and 
the  source  of  unspeakable  misery  and  suffering  to  the  whole 
working-class. 

Under  this  system  the  industrial  equipment  of  the  nation  has 
passed  into  the  absolute  control  of  plutocracy,  which  exacts  an 
annual  tribute  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  from  the  pi'o- 
ducers.  Unafraid  of  any  organized  resistance,  it  stretches  out 
its  greedy  hands  over  the  still  undeveloped  resources  of  the 
nation — the  land,  the  mines,  the  forests,  and  water-powers  of 
every  state  in  the  Union. 

In  spite  of  the  multiplication  of  labor-saving  machines  and 
unproved  methods  in  industry,  which  cheapen  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction, the  share  of  the  producers  grows  ever  less,  and  the 
prices  of  all  the  necessities  of  life  steadily  increase.  The  boasted 
prosperity  of  this  nation  is  for  the  owning  class  alone.  To  the 
rest  it  means  only  greater  hardship  and  misery.     The  high  cost 

199 


200       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

of  living  is  felt  in  every  home.  Millions  of  wage-workers  have 
seen  the  purchasing  power  of  their  wages  decrease  until  life 
has  become  a  desperate  battle  for  mere  existence. 

Multitudes  of  unemployed  walk  the  streets  of  our  cities  or 
trudge  from  state  to  state  awaiting  the  will  of  the  masters  to 
move  the  wheels  of  industry. 

The  farmers  in  every  state  are  plundered  by  the  increasing 
prices  exacted  for  tools  and  machinery  and  by  extortionate  rent, 
freight  rates,  and  storage  charges. 

Capitalist  concentration  is  mercilessly  crushing  the  class  of 
small  business  men  and  driving  its  members  into  the  ranks  of 
propertyless  wage-workers.  The  overwhelming  majority  of  the 
people  of  America  are  being  forced  under  a  yoke  of  bondage 
by  this  soulless  industrial  despotism. 

It  is  this  capitalist  system  that  is  responsible  for  the  increas- 
ing burden  of  armaments,  the  poverty,  slums,  child  labor,  most 
of  the  insanity,  crime,  and  prostitution,  and  much  of  the  disease 
that  afflicts  mankind. 

Under  this  system  the  working-class  is  exposed  to  poisonous 
conditions,  to  frightful  and  needless  perils  to  life  and  limb,  is 
walled  around  with  court  decisions,  injunctions,  and  unjust  laws, 
and  is  preyed  upon  incessantly  for  the  benefit  of  the  controlling 
oligarchy  of  wealth.  Under  it  also  the  children  of  the  working- 
class  are  doomed  to  ignorance,  drudging  toil,  and  darkened  lives. 

In  the  face  of  these  evils,  so  manifest  that  all  thoughtful  ob- 
servers are  appalled  at  them,  the  legislative  representatives  of 
the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  remain  the  faithful 
servants  of  the  oppressors.  Measures  designed  to  secure  to  the 
wage-earners  of  this  nation  as  humane  and  just  treatment  as  is 
already  enjoyed  by  the  wage-earners  of  all  other  civilized  nations 
have  been  smothered  in  committee  without  debate,  and  laws 
ostensibly  designed  to  bring  relief  to  the  farmers  and  general 
consumers  are  juggled  and  transformed  into  instruments  for  the 
exaction  of  further  tribute.  The  growing  unrest  under  oppres- 
sion has  driven  these  two  old  parties  to  the  enactment  of  a 
variety  of  regulative  measures,  none  of  which  has  limited  in  any 
appreciable  degree  the  power  of  the  plutocracy,  and  some  of 
which  have  been  perverted  into  means  for  increasing  that  power. 
Anti-trust  laws,  railroad  restrictions,  and  regulations,  with  the 
prosecutions,  indictments,  and  investigations  based  upon  such 
legislation,  have  proved  to  be  utterly  futile  and  ridiculous. 


THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM  201 

Nor  has  this  plutocracy  been  seriously  restrained  or  even 
threatened  by  any  Republican  or  Democratic  executive.  It  has 
continued  to  gxow  in  power  and  insolence  alike  under  the  ad- 
ministrations of  Cleveland,  McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft. 

In  addition  to  this  legislative  juggling  and  this  executive  con- 
nivance, the  courts  of  America  have  sanctioned  and  strengthened 
the  hold  of  this  plutocracy  as  the  Dred  Scott  and  other  decisions 
strengthened  the  slave-power  before  the  Civil  War.  They  have 
been  used  as  instruments  for  the  oppression  of  the  working-class 
and  for  the  suppression  of  free  speech  and  free  assembly. 

We  declare,  therefore,  that  the  longer  sufferance  of  these  con- 
ditions is  impossible,  and  we  purpose  to  end  them  all.  We 
declare  them  to  be  the  product  of  the  present  system  in  which 
industi'y  is  carried  on  for  private  greed,  instead  of  for  the  wel- 
fare of  society.  We  declare,  furthermore,  that  for  these  evils 
there  will  be  and  can  be  no  remedy  and  no  substantial  relief 
except  through  Socialism,  under  which  industry  will  be  carried 
on  for  the  common  good  and  every  worker  receive  the  full  social 
value  of  the  wealth  he  creates. 

Society  is  divided  into  warring  groups  and  classes,  based  upon 
material  interests.  Fundamentally,  this  struggle  is  a  conflict 
between  the  two  main  classes,  one  of  which,  the  capitalist  class, 
owns  the  means  of  production,  and  the  other,  the  working-class, 
must  use  these  means  of  production  on  terms  dictated  by  the 
owners. 

The  capitalist  class,  though  few  in  numbers,  absolutely  con- 
trols the  govei'nment — legislative,  executive,  and  judicial.  This 
class  owns  the  machinery  of  gathering  and  disseminating  news 
through  its  organized  press.  It  subsidizes  seats  of  learning — 
the  colleges  and  schools — and  even  religious  and  moral  agencies. 
It  has  also  the  added  prestige  which  established  customs  give  to 
any  order  of  society,  right  or  wrong. 

The  working-class,  Avhieh  includes  all  those  who  are  forced 
to  work  for  a  living,  whether  by  hand  or  brain,  in  shop,  mine, 
or  on  the  soil,  vastly  outnumbers  the  capitalist  class.  Lacking 
effective  organization  and  class  solidarity,  this  class  is  unable 
to  enforce  its  will.  Given  such  class  solidarity  and  effective 
organization,  the  workers  will  have  the  power  to  make  all  laws 
and  control  all  industry  in  their  own  interest. 

All  political  parties  are  the  expression  of  economic  class  inter- 
ests.    All  other  parties  than  the  Socialist  Party  represent  one 


202       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

or  another  group  of  the  ruling  capitalist  class.  Their  political 
conflicts  reflect  merely  superficial  rivalries  between  competing 
capitalist  gToups.  However  they  result,  these  conflicts  have  no 
issue  of  real  value  to  the  workers.  Whether  the  Democrats  or 
Republicans  win  politically,  it  is  the  capitalist  class  that  is  vic- 
torious economically. 

The  Socialist  Party  is  the  political  expression  of  the  economic 
interests  of  the  workers.  Its  defeats  have  been  their  defeats  and 
its  victories  their  victories.  It  is  a  party  founded  on  the  science 
and  laws  of  social  development.  It  proposes  that,  since  all  social 
necessities  to-day  are  socially  produced,  the  means  of  their  pro- 
duction and  distribution  shall  be  socially  owned  and  democratically 
controlled. 

In  the  face  of  the  economic  and  political  aggressions  of  the 
capitalist  class  the  only  reliance  left  the  workers  is  that  of  their 
economic  organizations  and  their  political  power.  By  the  intel- 
ligent and  class-conscious  use  of  these,  they  may  resist  success- 
fully the  capitalist  class,  break  the  fetters  of  wage-slavery,  and 
fit  themselves  for  the  future  society,  which  is  to  displace  the 
capitalist  system.  The  Socialist  Party  appreciates  the  full  sig- 
nificance of  class  organization  and  ui'ges  the  wage-earners,  the 
working  farmers,  and  all  other  useful  workers  everywhere  to 
organize  for  economic  and  political  action,  and  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  support  the  toilers  of  the  fields  as  well  as  those  in  the 
shops,  factories,  and  mines  of  the  nation  in  their  struggles  for 
economic  justice. 

In  the  defeat  or  victory  of  the  working-class  party  in  this  new 
struggle  for  freedom  lies  the  defeat  or  triumph  of  the  common 
people  of  all  economic  gi'oups,  as  well  as  the  failure  or  triumph 
of  popular  government.  Thus  the  Socialist  Party  is  the  party 
of  the  present-day  revolution,  which  marks  the  transition  from 
economic  individualism  to  Socialism,  from  wage-slavery  to  free 
co-operation,  from  capitalist  oligarchy  to  industrial  democracy. 

Working  Program 

As  measures  calculated  to  strengthen  the  working-class  in  its 
fight  for  the  realization  of  its  ultimate  aim,  the  co-operative  com- 
monwealth, and  to  increase  its  power  of  resistance  against  cap- 
italist oppression,  we  advocate  and  pledge  ourselves  and  our 
elected  oflBcers  to  the  following  program: 


THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM  203 

Collective  Ownership 

1.  The  collective  ownership  and  democratic  management  of 
railroads,  wire  and  wireless  telegraphs  and  telephones,  express 
services,  steamboat  lines,  and  all  other  social  means  of  trans- 
portation and  communication,  and  of  all  large-scale  indus- 
tries. 

2.  The  immediate  acquirement  by  the  municipalities,  the  states, 
or  the  federal  government  of  all  grain  elevators,  stock  yards, 
storage  warehouses,  and  other  distributing  agencies  in  order  to 
reduce  the  present  extortionate  cost  of  living. 

3.  The  extension  of  the  public  domain  to  include  mines,  quar- 
ries, oil  wells,  forests,  and  water-powder. 

4.  The  further  conservation  and  development  of  natural  re- 
sources for  the  use  and  benefit  of  all  the  people : 

(a)   By  scientific  forestation  and  timber  protection. 
(6)   By  the  reclamation  of  arid  and  swamp  tracts. 

(c)  By  the  storage  of  flood  waters  and  the  utilization  of 
water-power. 

(d)  By  the  stoppage  of  the  present  extravagant  waste  of  the 
soil  and  of  the  products  of  mines  and  oil  wells. 

(e)  By  the  development  of  highway  and  waterway  systems. 

5.  The  collective  ownei'ship  of  land  wherever  practicable,  and 
in  cases  where  such  ownership  is  impracticable,  the  appropriation 
by  taxation  of  the  annual  rental  value  of  all  land  held  for 
speculation  or  exploitation. 

6.  The  collective  ownership  and  democratic  management  of 
the  banking  and  currency  system. 

Unemployment 

The  immediate  government  relief  of  the  unemployed  by  the 
extension  of  all  useful  public  works.  All  persons  employed  on 
such  works  to  be  engaged  directly  by  the  government  under 
a  workday  of  not  more  than  eight  hours  and  at  not  less  than 
the  prevailing  union  wages.  The  government  also  to  establish 
employment  bureaus;  to  lend  money  to  states  and  municipalities 
without  interest  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  public  works, 
and  to  take  such  other  measures  within  its  power  as  will  lessen 
the  widespread  misery  of  the  workers  caused  by  the  misrule  of 
the  capitalist  class. 


204       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Industrial  Demands 

The  conservation  of  human  resources,  particularly  of  the  lives 
and  well-being  of  the  workers  and  their  families : 

1.  By  shortening  the  workday  in  keeping  Avith  the  increased 
productiveness  of  machineiy. 

2.  By  securing  to  every  worker  a  rest  period  of  not  less  than 
a  day  and  a  half  in  each  week. 

3.  By  securing  a  more  effective  inspection  of  workshops,  fac- 
tories, and  mines. 

4.  By  forbidding  the  employment  of  children  under  16  years 
of  age. 

5.  By  the  co-operative  organization  of  the  industries  in  the 
federal  penitentiaries  for  the  benefit  of  the  convicts  and  their 
dependents. 

6.  By  forbidding  the  interstate  transportation  of  the  products 
of  child  labor,  of  convict  labor,  and  of  all  uninspected  factories 
and  mines. 

7.  By  abolishing  the  profit  system  in  government  work  and 
substituting  either  the  direct  hire  of  labor  or  the  awarding  of 
contracts  to  co-operative  gi'oups  of  workers. 

8.  By  establishing  minimum  wage  scales. 

9.  By  abolishing  official  charity  and  substituting  a  non- 
contributory  system  of  old-age  pensions,  a  general  system  of 
insurance  by  the  state  of  all  its  members  against  unemployment 
and  invalidism,  and  a  system  of  compulsory  insurance  by  em- 
ployers of  their  workers,  without  cost  to  the  latter,  against 
industrial  diseases,  accidents,  and  death. 

Political  Demands 

1.  The  absolute  freedom  of  press,  speech,  and  assemblage. 

2.  The  adoption  of  a  graduated  income  tax,  the  increase  of 
the  rates  of  the  present  corporation  tax,  and  the  extension  of 
inheritance  taxes,  gi-aduated  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  the 
estate  and  to  nearness  of  kin — the  proceeds  of  these  taxes  to 
be  employed  in  the  socialization  of  industry. 

3.  The  abolition  of  the  monopoly  ownership  of  patents  and 
the  substitution  of  collective  ownership,  with  direct  rewards  to 
inventors  by  premiums  or  royalties. 

4.  Unrestricted  and  equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women. 


THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM  205 

5.  The  adoption  of  the  initiative,  referendum,  and  recall  and 
of  proportional  representation,  nationally  as  well  as  locally. 

6.  The  abolition  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  veto  power  of  the 
President. 

7.  The  election  of  the  President  and  the  Vice-President  by 
direct  vote  of  the  people. 

8.  The  abolition  of  the  power  usurped  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  to  pass  upon  the  constitutionality  of  the 
legislation  enacted  by  Congress.  National  laws  to  be  repealed 
only  by  act  of  Congress  or  by  a  referendum  vote  of  the  whole 
people. 

9.  The  abolition  of  the  present  restrictions  upon  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  so  that  that  instrument  may  be  made 
amendable  by  a  majority  of  the  voters  in  the  country. 

10.  The  granting  of  the  right  of  suffrage  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  with  representation  in  Congress,  and  a  democratic 
form  of  municipal  government  for  purely  local  affairs. 

11.  The  extension  of  democratic  government  to  all  United 
States  territory. 

12.  The  enactment  of  further  measures  for  general  education 
and  particularly  for  vocational  education  in  useful  pursuits.  The 
Bureau  of  Education  to  be  made  a  department. 

13.  The  enactment  of  further  measures  for  the  conservation 
of  health.  The  creation  of  an  independent  bureau  of  health,  with 
such  restrictions  as  will  secure  full  liberty  to  all  schools  of 
practice. 

14.  The  separation  of  the  present  Bureau  of  Labor  from  the 
Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor  and  its  elevation  to  the  rank 
of  a  department. 

15.  Abolition  of  all  federal  district,  courts  and  the  United  States 
Circuit  Courts  of  Appeals.  State  courts  to  have  jurisdiction  in 
all  cases  arising  between  citizens  of  the  several  states  and  for- 
eign corporations.     The  election  of  all  judges  for  short  terms. 

16.  The  immediate  curbing  of  the  power  of  the  courts  to  issue 
injunctions, 

17.  The  free  administration  of  the  law. 

18.  The  calling  of  a  convention  for  the  revision  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States. 

Such  measures  of  relief  as  we  may  be  able  to  force  from 
capitalism  are  but  a  preparation  of  the  workers  to  seize  the 
whole  powers  of  government,  in  order  that  they  may  thereby  lay 


206       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

hold  of  the  whole  system  of  socialized  industry  and  thus  come  to 
their  rightful  inheritance. 


n.   REPORT   OF  UNITED  STATES   CONGRESSMAN   BERGER 

The  Socialist  national  program  first  entered  into  actual 
American  politics  with  the  election  of  Congressman  Victor 
L.  Berger,  in  1910.  The  following  is  Mr.  Berger's  report 
in  the  1912  convention : 

The  fall  election  of  1910  marked  a  new  epoch  in  the  history 
of  the  Socialist  movement  in  America.  A  Socialist  was  elected 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Naturally  I  considered  it  a  great  honor  to  be  the  first  repre- 
sentative of  the  class-conscious  proletariat  of  America  in  the  halls 
of  our  national  legislature.  But  having  been  in  the  fight  for 
the  emancipation  of  the  working-class  for  almost  a  generation,  I 
also  at  once  realized  the  difficulty  of  my  position.  I  was  the 
only  member  of  a  much-feared  and  much-hated  party  in  the 
lower  House,  with  391  other  members  of  the  House  and  96 
Senators  absolutely  and  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  me  on  all 
vital  political  and  economic  questions.  .    .   . 

The  majority  of  the  members  of  Congress  belong  to  what  I 
would  call  the  upper  middle  class.  .    .    . 

As  everybody  knows,  there  are  a  few  workingmen  in  the  House 
of  Representatives — about  half  a  dozen  so-called  card  men — men 
with  union  cards  in  their  pockets.  They  do  in  no  way,  however, 
differ  from  the  other  representatives  of  the  capitalist  parties  in 
their  votes,  argumentation,  or  method  of  thinking. 

Practically  all  the  work  of  Congress  and  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives is  done  in  the  committees.  There  is  hardly  any 
possibility  of  rejecting  a  bill  that  is  proposed  by  the  ruling  party 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Of  course  the  bills  are  dis- 
cussed in  the  committee  of  the  whole  and  smaller  amendments 
are  occasionally  agreed  to.  Bui,  as  a  rule,  the  Democrats  will 
vote  absolutely  with  the  Democratic  leaders  and  the  Republicans 
with  the  Republican  leaders,  and  everj'one  knows  beforehand 
what  the  fate  of  the  bill  is  going  to  be  when  it  is  once  reported 
to  the  House. 


THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM  207 

There  is  no  such  thing  as  an  adverse  or  unfavorable  report  in 
the  House.  A  bill  reported  always  means  favorably  reported  by 
the  majority  of  the  committee.  If  the  minority  disagrees  it  can 
make  a  minority  report.  Of  the  many  thousand  bills  introduced 
only  very  few  are  reported. 

Of  the  nearly  40,000  bills  introduced  in  the  preceding  Congress, 
only  700  became  law — the  great  majority  of  these  were  admin- 
istrative acts  of  small  importance  to  the  country  in  general. 
Besides  these.  Congress  passed  about  6,000  private  pension 
bills. 

Such  are  the  parliamentary  conditions  that  confronted  your 
first  Socialist  Congressman. 


I  could  not  afford  to  do  or  say  anything  that  would  make  our 
cause  and  our  party  ridiculous  before  the  many  millions  that 
are  not  yet  with  us.  There  was  no  precedent  in  the  experience 
of  any  other  party  in  our  country  to  guide  me,  because  ours  was 
essentially  a  two-party  country  in  the  past — the  People's  Party 
never  got  a  real  first  hold  in  Congress. 

In  Germany  they  always  had  many  parties,  and  three  Social 
Democrats  were  elected  right  from  the  beginning  to  the  Reichstag 
in  1867,  so  that  was  no  criterion  to  go  by.  Our  parliamentarism 
is  of  an  entirely  different  make-up.  It  is  based  upon  the  two- 
party  system. 

There  were  two  ways  before  me.  I  could  maJce  a  free-speech 
fight  all  alone,  try  to  break  down  all  precedent  and  all  barriers, 
speak  about  the  coming  revolution  and  the  co-operative  common- 
wealth, as  long  as  my  lung  power  would  hold  out,  and  wind  up 
my  short  parliamentary  career  by  being  suspended  from  the 
House,  and  thus  also  make  an  end  to  political  action  by  this 
"  direct  action." 

Or  I  could  pursue  the  other  course,  obey  all  rules  and  precedents 
of  the  House  until  they  are  changed — get  the  respect  and  the 
attention  of  my  fellow-members,  speak  sparingly  and  only  when 
measures  directly  concerning  the  tcorking-class  are  up  for  dis- 
cussion, giving,  however,  close  attention  to  all  the  business  before 
the  House  of  Representatives.  This  latter  course  I  decided  to 
follow — and  this  I  did  follow  from  the  very  beginning.  (Italics 
ours. ) 

Owing  to  the  unique  position  I  held,  however,  I  was  from  the 


208       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

beginning  called  upon  to  do  a  greater  variety  of  things  than  any 
other  CongTCSsman  in  Washington. 

Not  only  did  ray  correspondence  grow  to  such  enormous  pro- 
portions that  it  kept  three  secretaries  busy,  although  only  about 
three  per  cent  of  this  cori'espondenee  came  from  my  district.  But 
the  answering  of  these  letters  was  only  one  part  of  that  work. 
I  was  also  considered  a  court  of  last  resort  for  a  gi'eat  number 
of  men  and  women  who  had  real  or  imaginary  grievances  against 
our  government  and  our  federal  courts,  or  even  against  state 
governments  and  state  courts.  Moreover,  I  was  the  recipient  of 
requests  for  investigations  of  all  kinds  in  the  various  departments 
of  our  government,  and  of  course  was  asked  to  protect  numerous 
immigi'ants  all  over  the  country  who  were  either  to  be  sent  back 
to  Europe  or  were  refused  admission  for  various  reasons,  some 
of  them  being  political  refugees. 

In  each  and  all  cases  I  did  examine  the  evidence  and  the  cir- 
cumstances, and  wherever  there  was  even  the  slightest  chance  of 
making  good  on  the  case,  I  took  it  up  with  the  respective  depart- 
ments.   And  I  succeeded  in  very  numerous  instances. 

The  work  of  the  departments  was  exceedingly  laborious,  and 
took  a  great  deal  of  time,  not  only  of  myself,  but  also  of  my  help- 
mates in  the  office.  On  this  occasion  I  want  to  acknowledge  my 
appreciation  of  the  very  valuable  services  of  my  secretary  and 
comrade,  Wm.  J.  Ghent,  not  only  in  answering  letters,  but  in 
helping  me  to  frame  bills. 

In  the  framing  and  introducing  of  bills  embodying  the  de- 
mands of  the  platforms  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  America  and  of 
the  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Wisconsin,  I  saw  one  of  my 
most  important  duties — because  thus  I  gave  expression  to  the 
concrete  demands  as  well  as  to  the  hopes  and  ambitions  of  my 
class.  As  to  my  votes  in  the  House,  I  tried  to  follow  strictly  not 
only  the  letter  but  the  spirit  of  our  platform. 

I  may  divide  my  work  on  general  lines  in  legislative  activities, 
work  before  committees,  and  departmental  activities. 

I  have  tried  to  do  my  duty  fearlessly,  faithfully,  to  the  best 
of  my  light.  You  always  want  to  keep  before  you  that  I  was 
only  one  man  with  work  enough  for  300  Congressmen  and  60 
Senators  and  a  President  of  the  United  States;  that  I  was  not 
only  alone,  but  I  had  to  hew  my  path  through  this  "  wilderness  " 


THE  NATIONAL  PROGRAM  209 

and  had  to  overcome  mountains  of  prejudice  and  a  sea  of  ill- 
will.  I  believe  that  I  have  cleared  a  modest  path  on  which  other 
comrades  can  jom  me,  which  we  can  widen  and  which  will  finally 
wind  up  in  a  clear  road  for  Socialism  and  the  emancipation  of 
the  working-class  as  far  as  the  legislative  halls  of  our  nation  are 
concerned. 

It  is  for  you,  comrades,  and  for  the  working-class  to  elect  the 
many  who  will  accomplish  this. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  STATE  PROGRAMS 

The  state  programs  of  American  Socialism  have  played 
a  part  in  the  political  arena  for  some  years,  notably  in 
Wisconsin,  where  Socialists  have  held  legislative  repre- 
sentation for  a  number  of  years.  While  the  state  organ- 
izations have  complete  autonomy,  yet  the  National  Conven- 
tion, by  appointing  a  committee  to  draw  up  a  model  state 
program,  has  made  an  attempt  to  secure  harmony  in  the 
demands  of  the  various  sections. 


I.    REPORT    OF    COMMITTEE    ON    STATE    PROGRAM,    CONVENTION 

OF   1912 

Preamble 

Socialism  cannot  be  carried  into  full  effect  while  the  Socialist 
Party  is  a  minority  party.  Nor  can  it  be  maugurated  in  any 
single  city.  Furthermore,  so  long  as  national  and  state  legis- 
latures, and  particularly  the  courts,  are  in  the  control  of  the 
capitalist  class,  a  municipal  administration,  even  though  abso- 
lutely controlled  by  Socialists,  will  be  hampered,  crippled,  and 
restricted  in  every  possible  way. 

We  maintain  that  the  evils  of  the  present  system  will  be  re- 
moved only  when  the  working-class  wholly  abolish  private  owner- 
ship in  the  social  means  of  production,  collectively  assume  the 
management  of  the  industries  and  operate  them  for  use  and  not 
for  profit,  for  the  benefit  of  all  and  not  for  the  enrichment  of 
a  privileged  class.  In  this  the  Socialist  Party  stands  alone  in 
the  political  field. 

But  the  Socialist  Party  also  believes  that  the  evils  of  the 
modem  system  may  be  materially  relieved  and  their  final  disap- 

210 


THE  STATE  PROGRAMS  2U 

pearanee  may  be  hastened  by  the  introdi;ction  of  social,  political, 
and  economic  measures  which  will  have  the  effect  of  bettering  the 
lives,  strengthening  the  position  of  the  workers,  and  curbing  the 
power  and  domination  of  the  capitalists. 

The  Socialist  Party  therefore  supports  the  struggles  of  the 
working-class  against  the  exploitation  and  oppression  of  the  capi- 
talist class,  and  is  vitally  concerned  in  the  efficiency  of  the  parlia- 
mentary and  administrative  means  for  the  fighting  of  the  class 
struggle. 

Furthermore,  it  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  fol- 
lowing suggested  municipal  and  state  program  is  not  put  forth 
as  mandatory  or  binding  upon  the  state  or  local  organizations. 
It  is  offered  as  suggestive  data  to  assist  those  localities  that  may 
desire  to  use  it,  and  as  a  basis  for  the  activities  of  Socialist  mem- 
bers of  state  legislatures  and  local  administrations. 


State  Program 


Labor  Legislation 

(1)  An  eight-hour  day,  trades-union  scale,  and  minimum  wage 
for  both  sexes. 

(2)  Legalization  of  the  right  to  strike,  picket,  and  boycott. 

(3)  Abolition  of  the  injunction  as  a  means  of  breaking  strikes 
and  the  establishment  of  trial  by  jury  in  all  labor  disputes. 

(4)  Prohibition  of  the  use  of  the  military  and  the  police  power 
to  break  strikes. 

(5)  Prohibition  of  the  employment  of  private  detective  agencies 
and  police  forces  in  labor  disputes. 

(6)  The  repeal  of  all  military  law  which  surrenders  the  power 
of  the  governor  over  the  militia  to  the  federal  authorities. 

(7)  Requirements  that  in  time  of  labor  disputes  advertise- 
ments for  help  published  by  employers  shall  contain  notice  of  the 
fact  that  such  labor  dispute  exists.  Provision  to  be  made  for 
the  prosecution  of  persons  who  shall  employ  workers  without 
informing  them  that  such  labor  trouble  exists. 

(8)  Prohibition  of  employment  of  children  under  the  age  of 
16,  compulsory  education,  and  the  pensioning  of  widows  with 
minor  children  where  such  provision  is  necessary. 


212       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

(9)  The  organization  of  state  employment  agencies  and  rigid 
control  of  private  agencies. 

(10)  Suitable  safeguards  and  sanitary  regulations  in  all  occu- 
pations with  ample  provision  for  frequent  and  effective  inspec- 
tion of  places  of  employment,  machinery,  and  appliances. 

(11)  Old-age  pensions,  sick  benefits,  and  accident  insurance  to 
be  established. 

(12)  Workingmen's  compensation  laws  to  be  carefully  drawn 
to  protect  labor. 

II 

Home  rule  for  cities. 

Ill 

Public  Education 

(1)  Compulsory  education  of  both  sexes  up  to  the  age  of  16 
years  with  adequate  provision  for  further  courses  where  desired. 

(2)  Establishment  of  vocational  and  continuation  schools  and 
manual  training  for  both  sexes. 

(3)  Free  text-books  for  teachers  and  pupils;  uniform  text- 
books on  all  subjects  to  be  furnished  free  to  public  schools. 

(4)  Physical  training  through  systematic  courses  of  gymnastics 
and  open-air  exercises.     Open-air  schools  and  playgrounds. 

IV 

Taxation 

(1)  A  graduated  income  tax;  wages  and  salaries  up  to  $2,000 
to  be  exempt. 

(2)  Graduated  inheritance  tax. 

(3)  All  land  held  for  speculation  and  all  land  not  occupied  or 
used  by  the  owners  to  be  taxed  up  to  full  rental  value. 

V 

Public  Works  and  Conservation 

(1)  For  the  purpose  of  developing  and  preserving  the  natural 
resources  of  the  state  and  offering  additional  opportunities  of 
labor  to  the  unemployed,  the  states  shall  undertake  a  compre- 
hensive system  of  public  works,  such  as  the  building  of  roads, 


THE  STATE  PROGRAMS  213 

canals,  and  the  reclamation  and  irrigation  of  land.  All  forests, 
mineral  lands,  waterways,  and  natural  resources  now  owned  by 
the  states  to  be  conserved  and  kept  for  public  use. 

(2)  The  contract  system  shall  be  abolished  in  all  public  works, 
such  work  to  be  done  by  the  state  directly,  all  labor  to  be  em- 
ployed not  more  than  eight  hours  per  day  at  trade-union  wages 
and  under  the  best  possible  working  conditions. 


VI 

Legislation 

(1)  The  legislature  of  the  state  to  consist  of  one  house  of 
representatives. 

(2)  The  initiative,  referendum,  and  recall  to  be  enacted. 

VII 

Equal  Suffrage 

(1)  Unrestricted  political  rights  for  men  and  women. 

(2)  Resident  qualification  for  all  elections  not  to  exceed  90 
days. 

(3)  The  right  to  vote  not  to  be  contingent  upon  the  payment 
of  any  taxes,  either  in  money  or  labor. 

VIII 

Agriculture 

(1)  Extension  of  the  State  Agricultural  and  experimental 
farms  for  crop  culture,  for  the  distribution  of  improved  seeds, 
for  the  development  of  fertilizers,  for  the  design  and  introduc- 
tion of  the  best  types  of  farm  machinery,  and  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  breeding  of  superior  types  of  stock. 

(2)  All  land  owned  by  the  state  to  be  retained,  and  other 
land  brought  into  public  ownership  and  use  by  reclamation,  pur- 
chase, condemnation,  taxation,  or  otherwise:  Such  land  to  be 
organized  into  socially  operated  farms  for  the  conduct  of  col- 
lective agricultural  enterprises. 

(3)  Landlords  to  assess  their  own  lands,  the  state  reserving 
the  right  to  purchase  such  lands  at  the  assessed  value. 


214       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

(4)  State  insurance  against  pestilence,  diseases  of  animals  and 
plants,  and  against  natural  calamities. 

IX 

Defectives  and  Delinquents 

(1)  The  present  unscientific  and  brutal  method  of  treating 
criminal  persons,  defectives,  and  delinquents  to  be  replaced  by 
modern  scientific  and  humane  methods.  This  to  include  the  aboli- 
tion of  all  death  penalties,  of  the  prison  contract  system,  of 
isolated  confinement.  Penal  institutions  to  be  located  in  rural 
localities  with  adequate  healthful  open-air  employment  and  hu- 
mane treatment. 

The  above  program  is  in  general  typical  of  those  actu- 
ally adopted  by  the  different  states.  The  extracts  which 
follow  will  illustrate  the  variations  and  additions  dictated 
by  local  conditions  in  New  York,  Montana,  Oklahoma, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Wisconsin,  In  each  case  only  such  por- 
tions of  the  program  are  given  as  show  an  emphasis  ap- 
preciably distinctive. 

n.  NEW  YORK  STATE  PLATFORM,  1914 

In  the  system  of  capitalism  the  condition  of  the  workers  is 
always  precarious,  and  unemployment  is  chronic,  but  the  present 
industrial  depression,  now  particularly  intensified,  has  made  the 
evil  unusually  acute.  Hosts  of  unemployed  are  forced  to  wander 
from  one  industrial  center  to  another  in  desperate  quest  of  work. 
As  a  consequence,  homes  are  destroyed,  wives  and  children  de- 
serted and  left  to  starvation. 

Our  agricultural  population  is  equally  at  the  mercy  of  the 
exploiting  class.  The  farm  laborers  are  an  intensely  exploited 
group  of  workers,  and  even  the  so-called  independent  small 
farmer,  like  the  wage-workers,  is  systematically  plundered  by 
the  capitalist  owner  of  the  means  of  production.  Rents  on  land, 
interest  on  mortgages,  excessive  transportation  rates,  storage  and 
commission  charges,  extortionate  prices  exacted  for  farm  im- 
plements and  machinery,  rob  him  as  effectively  of  his  product  as 
the  wage-worker  of  the  industrial  cities.  .   .   . 


THE  STATE  PROGRAMS  215 


1.    SPECIAL   DEMANDS 


The  enactment  of  a  legal  maximum  workday  of  eight  hours  and 
its  gradual  shortening  in  keeping  with  the  increased  productive- 
ness of  modern  machinery,  and  a  rest  period  of  a  day  and  a  half 
in  each  week  for  workers  in  all  industries.  .   .   . 

Laws  providing  proper  protection  for  the  safety  of  the  lives 
and  health  of  the  workers,  and  strict  enforcement  of  such  laws. 
For  the  latter  purpose,  inspectors  elected  by  the  workers  in  the 
respective  industries  should  be  provided  in  addition  to  the  official 
state  inspectors. 

A  system  which  shall  provide  state  insurance  to  all  workers 
against  unemployment,  sickness,  invalidity,  and  old  age,  without 
contribution  on  the  part  of  the  workers,  and  state  insurance  for 
farmers  against  damage  from  diseases  of  animals  and  destruc- 
tion of  crops;  the  Compensation  Act  of  the  state  to  be  amended 
to  include  all  workers  and  to  provide  compensation  equal  to  the 
full  economic  loss.  .   ,   . 

Prohibition  of  employment  of  women  during  three  months  be- 
fore and  after  childbirth,  the  state  to  reimburse  the  mother  for 
loss  of  earnings  during  such  period.  State  pensions  to  dependent 
mothers  with  children  under  the  age  of  16  years.  .   .  . 

2.   POLITICAL  DEMANDS 

Equal  suffrage  for  all  adult  men  and  women.  .  .  .  That  all 
adult  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  be  entitled  to  the  exercise  of 
the  suffrage  after  three  years'  residence  in  this  country,  and  the 
declaration  of  intentions  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

Equal  pay  for  equal  work  to  men  and  women  employed  by  the 
state  or  any  of  its  subdivisions,  and  unrestricted  right  of  such 
employees  to  organize.  .   .   . 

in,   PENNSYLVANIA  STATE  PLATFORM,   1912 

The  Pennsylvania  platform  reflects  state  conditions  in 
its  demand  for  the  abolition  of  the  poll  tax,  and  especially 
in  its  denunciation  of  the  state  constabulary,  a  force  that 
has  become  extremely  unpopular  by  its  employment  in  the 
breaking  of  strikes. 


216       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

rV.   MONTANA  STATE  PLATFORM,   1912 
SPECIAL  DEMANDS 

More  efficient  and  scientific  inspection  of  coal  and  metalliferous 
mines.  .  .  .  Six  hours  to  be  a  day's  labor  for  all  underground 
workers  and  workers  in  the  mills  and  smelters  of  the  mining 
industries  of  this  state. 

Enactment  of  a  law  requiring  a  semi-monthly  pay-day  for 
wage-earners  in  all  industries. 

The  abolition  of  the  profit  system  in  the  state  penitentiary, 
and  the  employment  of  the  convicts  in  useful  out-of-door 
labor.  .  .   . 

Coal  lands  owned  by  the  state  to  be  developed  and  operated 
by  the  state  directly  and  the  coal  to  be  sold  to  municipalities 
and  by  them  marketed  to  consumers  directly  at  prices  that  cover, 
but  no  more  than  cover,  the  actual  cost  of  such  production  and 
distribution. 

Exemption  from  taxation  and  execution  of  real  and  personal 
property  to  the  amount  of  $1,500. 

The  portions  just  quoted  from  the  Montana  state  plat- 
form are  interesting  in  their  care  for  the  w^orkers  in  mines. 
The  demand  for  the  exemption  of  small  personal  prop- 
erties from  taxation  indicates  that  Socialism  in  Montana 
appeals  to  the  small  farmer  and  craftsman  as  well  as  to 
the  wage-worker. 

We  print  a  large  portion  of  the  platform  of  Oklahoma, 
one  of  the  strongest  Socialist  states. 

V.    OKLAHOMA   STATE   PLATFORM,   1912 

SPECIAL   DEMANDS 

Art.  5.  We  denounce  the  Democratic  Party  for  the  deceit 
practiced  upon  the  people  of  this  state  in  promising  to  incor- 
porate in  the  constitution  of  this  state  the  initiative  and  refer- 
endum as  adopted  and  applied  in  the  state  of  Oregon,  when  in 
truth  and  in  fact  they  wrote  into  the  constitution  provisions 
wholly  different  from  the   Oregon  act;   and  afterwards   passed 


THE  STATE  PROGRAMS  217 

statutory  laws  that  have  practically  destroyed  the  initiative  and 
referendum  in  this  state. 

Art.  11.  We  promise  the  tenant  and  mortgaged  farmer,  and 
the  working-class  generally,  that  upon  the  accession  of  the  So- 
cialist Party  to  power  in  the  state  we  will  establish  a  state  bank 
with  branches  at  each  county  seat,  and  that  all  the  moneys  of 
the  state  and  county  and  all  monej^s  in  the  hands  of  the  fiscal 
agencies  shall  be  loaned  to  the  working-class  of  the  state  through 
such  banks. 

Art.  12.  We  demand  that  the  state  shall  engage  in  the  business 
of  life  and  fire  insurance  to  the  end  that  the  citizenship  of  the 
state  may  obtain  protection  of  this  character  at  actual  cost. 

Art.  13.  We  demand  the  establishment  of  a  state  printing 
plant  in  which  all  public  printing  shall  be  done,  including  state, 
county,  and  other  municipal  records,  and  also  the  publishing 
of  school  books  for  the  common  schools  to  be  furnished  to  the 
public  school  children  free. 

Art.  18.  We  demand  that  all  mme  inspectors  shall  neither  be 
elected  by  the  people  nor  appointed  by  the  governor.  The 
criminal  loss  of  life  in  this  state  among  the  miners  is  directly 
traceable  to  inefficient  supei-vision,  and  we  demand  that  all  mine 
inspectors  shall  be  elected  by  the  organized  miners  themselves, 
and  the  inspectors'  salaries  paid  by  the  state.  And  we  further 
demand  similar  provisions  in  behalf  of  the  railway  workers  and 
workers  in  all  other  dangerous  occupations. 

Art.  19.  ,  .  .  that  provision  shall  be  made  for  medical  services 
and  medicines  at  the  expense  of  the  state.  And  this  shall  not  be 
construed  in  the  light  of  charity,  but  as  a  partial  restitution  to 
the  working-class  for  the  robbery  and  exploitation  suffered  by 
them. 

Art.  22.  We  ui-ge  upon  the  renters  of  this  state  that  they 
organize  on  the  industrial  field  into  a  renters'  union  for  the 
betterment  of  their  condition  and  to  resist  as  best  they  may  their 
ruthless  exploitation  by  the  landlord  class. 

Art.  24.  Usury. — The  Democratic  Party  has  repeatedly  prom- 
ised the  tenant  and  mortgaged  farmers  that  it  would  place  upon 
the  statute  books  a  usury  law  which  would  protect  them  against 
the  exorbitant  interest  rates  charged  by  the  bankers  of  this  state. 
We  call  the  attention  of  the  tenant  and  mortgaged  farmers  of  the 
state  to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  Party  has  been  faithless 


218       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

to  every  such  promise,  and  that  by  reason  of  such  faithlessness 
they  are  now  subjected  to  the  most  brutal  exploitation  by  the 
money-lending  class. 

The  last  platform  quoted,  that  of  Wisconsin,  is  to  be 
read  in  the  light  of  the  analysis  which  follows,  compiled 
by  Mr.  Carl  D.  Thompson  from  first-hand  information 
regarding  this  state.  The  Socialist  group  in  the  Wis- 
consin legislature  is  the  only  one  that  has  passed  from  the 
stage  of  protest  to  that  of  actual  law-making;  and  it  will 
be  noted  that,  in  addition  to  the  usual  Socialist  planks, 
its  platform  contains  specific  and  detailed  demands  that 
stand  a  good  chance  of  actual  accomplishment.  The  liquor 
and  white-slave  problems  are  definitely  touched  upon.  A 
declaration  is  also  made  regarding  the  merely  palliative 
character  of  most  of  the  reforms  advocated  and  the  neces- 
sity of  moving  on  beyond  them  to  real  Socialism. 

VI.   WISCONSIN    STATE   PLATFORM,    1912 
SPECIAL  DEMANDS 

Cities  and  villages  shall  be  brought  within  the  state  banking 
law,  to  enable  them  to  place  their  bonds  on  deposit  with  the  state 
treasurer  as  collateral  security,  against  which  the  city  or  village 
treasury  may  receive  savings  deposits,  as  is  now  customary  with 
savings  banks.  This  obviates  the  necessity  of  issuing  municipal 
bonds  of  small  denominations. 

Assessment  on  rental  value  of  land  throughout  the  state,  rather 
than  on  improvements. 

An  income  tax  based  on  unearned  incomes  only,  graduated  so 
as  to  increase  the  return  to  the  state  from  the  larger  incomes. 
We  condemn  the  present  form  of  the  income  tax  law,  because  it 
was  intended  to  place  a  heavier  burden  directly  upon  the  workers. 
The  representatives  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  did  not  pro- 
pose to  be  held  responsible  for  the  defeat  of  income-tax  legisla- 
tion in  the  last  legislature;  but  they  ai'e  not  responsible  for  all 
the  provisions  of  the  present  law. 

We  condemn  the  attempt  of  the  old  parties  to  exempt  the 
judiciary  from  the  recall,  and  regard  as  ridiculous  the  assumed 


THE  STATE  PROGRAMS  219 

sanctity  and  superior  wisdom  of  persons  who  may  happen  to 
hold  the  office  of  judge. 

We  demand  that  all  mineral  rights  reserved  in  title  deeds  be 
acquired  by  the  state,  exercising  the  right  of  eminent  domain. 

We  demand  that  no  land  belonging  to  the  state  shall  be  sold; 
and  that  all  land  sold  for  taxes  shall  be  bought  by  the  state. 

We  demand  the  extension  of  the  forest  reserve;  the  erection 
and  operation  of  state  mills  for  handling  the  timber  product,  to 
the  end  that  the  cost  of  lumber  to  actual  settlers  and  home 
ownei-s  may  be  reduced  to  the  cost  of  production. 

We  demand  adequate  pay  for  members  of  the  legislature. 

We  hold  that  intemperance  in  the  use  of  liquor  is  the  result 
of  the  present  enervating  economic  conditions.  With  the  growth 
of  a  people  strong  in  physique,  intellect,  and  popular  morals, 
intemperance  will  gradually  disappear  and  temperate  habits  in  all 
things  prevail.  We  condemn  the  attempts  at  sumptuary  laws  as 
inimical  to  the  cause  of  economic  and  personal  liberty.  Until 
the  profit  system  has  been  abolished  and  a  more  harmonious 
economic  order  has  been  established,  the  attempts  of  well-meaning 
people  to  introduce  temperate  habits  by  law  will  prove  only  an 
evasion  of  the  real  issue. 

We  recognize  that  capitalism  is  the  cause  of  white  slavery  and 
prostitution.  The  only  complete  remedy,  therefore,  is  to  abolish 
the  capitalist  system.  Nevertheless  we  support  every  measure 
tending  to  lessen  this  evil.  We  pledge  our  local  officials  to  the 
fullest  possible  carrying  out  of  the  existing  laws  against  the 
exploiters  of  this  traffic. 

Secure  payment  of  wages  in  lawful  money,  not  less  often  than 
once  a  week. 

Safeguard  the  right  of  the  worker,  especially  in  lumber  and 
mining  camps,  to  spend  his  wages  as  he  sees  fit,  and  abolish 
company  stores. 

VII.    SOCIALISTS    IN    THE    WISCONSIN    LEGISLATURE    IN    1911 

Mr,  Carl  Thompson  has  made  a  special  analysis  of  the 
actual  accomplishments  of  the  Wisconsin  Socialists  in 
1911,  from  which  we  give  several  paragraphs.  Their  pro- 
gram covers  also  a  variety  of  social  legislation,  with  definite 
accomplishments  in  several  lines. 


220      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

1.  Municipal  Legislation.  Fourteen  different  bills  introduced 
by  the  Socialists  bearins:  upon  this  problem  were  passed  during 
the  session  of  1911.  These  provided,  among  other  things,  for 
a  greater  degree  of  home  rule  for  the  city,  secured  the  right  of 
"  excess  condemnation,"  enabled  the  city  to  embark  in  the  public 
ownership  of  certain  public  utilities,  and  gave  it  the  right 
to  secure  land  and  property  with  which  to  begin  the  building  of 
workingmen's  homes. 

2.  State  Ownership.  The  same  year,  the  Socialists  secured 
the  passage  of  a  joint  resolution  for  a  constitutional  amendment, 
providing  for  the  ownership  by  the  state  of  the  lands,  mineral 
rights,  water-powers,  and  other  natural  resources. 

3.  Constitutional  Convention.  They  also  secured  the  passage 
of  a  joint  resolution  calling  for  a  national  constitutional  con- 
vention. 

4.  Political  Measures.  Socialists  secured  the  passage  of  a  law 
providing  for  a  municipal  initiative  and  referendum;  another 
providing  for  a  half -holiday  on  election  days;  another  providing 
that  women  may  use  the  voting  machines. 

5.  Public  Utilities.  The  Socialists  secured  the  passage  of  a 
law  repealing  the  "  exclusive  "  clause  in  the  franchise  of  the  Mil- 
waukee Gas  Light  Company;  another  legalizing  the  bonds  issued 
by  the  city  of  Milwaukee  for  an  electric  lighting  plant  and 
declaring  invalid  certain  injunctions  brought  against  the  city 
to  restrain  it  from  erecting  the  plant;  another  authorizing  cities 
operating  heating  plants  to  install  and  operate  pipes  and  mains 
in  the  same  way  as  for  waterworks. 


CHAPTER  XV 
POLICY  AND  TACTICS 

I.   POLITICAL   ACTION 

The  general  question  as  to  the  importance  of  political 
action  in  the  class  struggle  is  of  such  interest  that  we 
print  several  extracts  from  representative  American  So- 
cialists. The  first  is  from  an  article  in  a  non-Socialist 
magazine  by  Victor  Berger,  the  former  Congressman, 
representing  the  extreme  right  or  moderate  wing  of  the 
party. 

1.   VICTOR  BERGER 

(Prom  Article  in  The  American  Magazine,  "  Socialism,  the 
Logical  Outcome  of  Progressivism  ") 

I  have  no  hope  that  the  Socialist  Party  will  elect  its  candidate 
for  President  in  this  election.  With  us  the  Socialist  movement 
.and  its  prmciples  are  paramount — not  the  candidate. 

The  Socialist  Party  stands  for  the  collective  ownership  of  all 
the  social  means  of  production  and  distribution  in  the  interest 
of  the  whole  people. 

Socialists  say  that  this  step  is  the  necessary  and  natural  out- 
come of  the  concentration  of  wealth  and  of  the  development  of 
capitalism. 

Political  liberty  and  economic  despotism  are  incompatible. 
The    Socialist    Party    proposed    to    supplement    our    political 
<democracy  by  industrial  democi'acy. 

The  Socialist  Party  has  not  a  majority  as  yet.  But  SociaUstic 
ideas  have  permeated  the  great  majority.  The  trusts  and  economic 
'evolution  on  one  hand — and  the  natural  discontent  of  the  people 

221 


222       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

■with  the  lowering  of  their  standard  of  living  on  the  other  hand, 
ai'e  working  for  Socialism. 

Therefore  we  laugh  at  the  contention  that  the  Socialist  Party 
is  still  comparatively  small.  Every  great  party  has  had  a  small 
beginning — and  the  Socialist  Party  is  growing  exceedingly  fast. 

To  the  common  citizen,  the  workingman,  the  underpaid  clerk, 
the  disappointed  professional  man, — to  the  disinherited  of  every 
description — we  Socialists  say: 

Better  vote  for  what  you  want,  even  if  you  do  not  get  it,  than 
vote  for  what  you  do  not  want  and  get  it! 

Why  should  we  wait  with  our  work  until  the  majority  of  the 
votes  is  with  us?  The  majority  is  always  indolent  and  often 
ignorant.  We  cannot  expect  them  to  be  anything  else  with  their 
present  social  siiiTOun dings. 

The  majority  have  never  brought  about  consciously  and  delib- 
erately any  great  social  change.  They  have  always  loermitted  an 
energetic  minority  to  prepare  the  way.  But  the  majority  was 
always  there  when  the  fact  itself  was  to  be  accomplished. 

Therefore,  our  sole  object  in  state  and  nation  for  the  next  few 
years  is  to  elect  a  respectable  minority  of  Socialists. 

We  want  a  Socialist  minority  respected  on  account  of  its  num- 
bers,— respected  because  it  represents  the  most  advanced  economic 
and  political  intelligence  of  the  day — respected  because  it  con- 
tains the  most  sincere  representatives  of  the  proletariat,  the  class 
that  has  the  most  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose. 

Given  such  a  respectable  minority  in  Congress  and  in  the  legis- 
lature of  every  state  of  the  Union  within  the  next  feiv  years — 
the  future  of  our  people,  the  future  of  this  country  will  be  safe. 
(Italics  ours.) 

2.    CHARLES   EDWARD   RUSSELL 

The  next  selection  is  from  Charles  Edward  Russell,  who 
polled  a  large  vote  for  governor  of  New  York  State  in 
1912.  (From  "Rational  Political  Action,"  International 
Socialist  Review,  March,  1912.) 

When  I  was  a  Washington  correspondent  some  years  ago  there 
fell  under  my  observation  of  the  shifting  show  two  facts  about 
government  by  a  political  machine  that  seemed  to  me  fairly 
illuminating. 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  223 

The  first  was  that  while  it  was  one  of  the  dullest  of  all  human 
devices  it  was  endowed  with  extraordinary  power  to  bedevil  and 
frustrate  good  intentions. 

For  instance,  one  of  the  most  familiar  spectacles  was  the  young 
member  that  had  come  to  his  first  term  in  Congress  with  really 
high  ideals  and  a  sincere  purpose  to  be  straight  and  serve  the 
people.  In  every  case  the  machine  made  short  work  of  such  a 
one.  .   .   . 

The  second  fact  was  that  judged  merely  on  the  basis  of  ef- 
ficiency and  nothing  higher,  the  machine  style  of  government 
was  a  failure.  ...  No  matter  which  party  might  be  in  power, 
the  result  was-  always  the  same.  The  party  would  come  in  with 
a  program  and  a  lot  of  beautiful  promises  and  then  fail  utterly 
to  carry  them  out.  It  could  not  carry  them  out,  even  when  it 
wished,  even  when  they  were  plainly  advisable,  for  the  reason 
that  the  machine  style  of  government  was  a  worthless  instru- 
ment. .  .  .  The  party  in  power  had  no  tool.  It  was  tied  up  with 
a  system,  and  that  system  was  the  real  government;  the  rest  was 
but  a  counterfeit,  and  would  be  so  long  as  structural  conditions 
remained  unchanged. 

It  made  no  difference  how  progressive  and  admirable  might  be 
the  ideas  that  were  sought  to  be  established.  .  .  .  The  Populist 
Party  had  an  admirable  program;  it  aimed  far  above  the  greasy 
thought  of  its  day  and  stood  for  a  measure  of  real  democracy 
and  political  and  industrial  democracy  and  political  and  industrial 
freedom.  .  .  .  Having  some  of  the  best  purposes  that  up  to  its 
time  had  ever  been  enunciated  in  a  platform,  it  went  the  road  to 
destruction  because  it  insisted  upon  playing  the  game  and  getting 
entangled  with  the  system. 

It  went  out  to  get  offices  and  put  men  into  jobs.  That  fin- 
ished it. 

Seeing  so  many  of  these  wrecks  about  me,  a  vague  notion 
began  to  form  in  my  mind  that  this  was  not  the  best  way  to  effect 
things;  the  system  wasted  too  much  in  time  and  effort  and  never 
aiTived.  So  long  as  a  party  made  its  object  the  getting  of  votes 
and  the  filling  of  offices  it  would  land  where  the  Populist  Party 
had  landed,  and  that  no  matter  how  lofty  might  be  its  aims. 

Much  as  we  used  to  make  fun  of  it  (under  orders  from  head- 
quarters) we  knew  that  it  had  a  rational  and  admirable  progi'am 
and  that  it  never  ought  to  have  gone  to  smash.    But  that  is  just 


224      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

where  it  went,  nevertheless,  through  trying  to  get  into  the  dirty- 
game  on  the  bargain  counter.  Suppose,  instead,  that  it  had  kept 
itself  intact  and  independent,  standing  aloof  and  insisting  always 
upon  its  ideas  as  the  only  salvation  for  the  nation.  It  could  have 
raised  in  this  eounti-y  an  incomparable  amount  of  trouble,  it  could 
have  seen  a  handful  of  its  ideas  put  into  practical  operation  and 
itself  a  vital  power  instead  of  a  sign  of  laughter. 

This  was  felt  by  more  than  one  of  us,  though  we  did  not  go 
far  enough  to  fonnulate  a  basic  idea  of  it.  Some  years  after- 
ward I  found  the  identical  thing  lucidly  and  firmly  expressed  in 
one  of  Wendell  Phillips'  incomparable  orations.  "  Give  me," 
said  Mr.  Phillips,  "fifty  thousand  men  that  will  stand  together, 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  without  compromise  and  without  surrender, 
insisting  upon  an  ideal,  and  they  will  rule  the  nation  with  their 
ideas."     (Italics  ours.) 

3.   WILLIAM   D.   HAYWOOD   IN   COOPER  UNION 

"We  quote  next  from  William  D.  Haywood,  representing 
the  extreme  left  wing  of  the  party,  in  a  speech  at  Cooper 
Union,  New  York.  (From  the  International  Socialist  Re- 
view, February,  1913.) 

Socialism  is  so  plain,  so  clear,  so  simple  that  when  a  person 
becomes  intellectual  he  doesn't  understand  Socialism.    (Applause.) 

I  am  not  here  to  waste  time  on  the  "  immediate  demanders  "  or 
the  step-at-a-time  people  whose  every  step  is  just  a  little  shorter 
than  the  preceding  step.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  am  here 
to  speak  to  the  working-class,  and  the  working-class  will  under- 
stand what  I  mean  when  I  say  that  tinder  Socialism  you  will  need 
no  passports  or  citizenship  papers  to  take  a  part  in  the  affairs 
in  which  you  are  directly  interested.  The  working-class  will 
understand  me  when  I  say  that  Socialism  is  an  industrial  democ- 
racy and  that  industrialism  is  a  social  democracy. 

Under  Socialism  ice  workers  will  not  he  subjects  of  any  state 
or  nation,  hut  we  iiill  be  citizens,  free  citizens  in  the  industries 
in  which  we  are  employed. 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  225 

I  want  to  say  at  this  point,  and  emphatically,  that  with  the 
success  of  Socialism  practically  all  of  the  political  offices  now 
in  existence  will  he  put  out  of  business.  (Applause.)  I  want 
to  say  also,  and  with  as  much  emphasis,  that  while  a  member  of 
the  Socialist  Party  and  believing  firmly  in  political  action,  it  is 
decidedly  better  in  my  opinion  to  be  able  to  elect  the  super- 
intendent in  some  branch  of  industry  than  to  elect  a  Congressman 
to  the  United  States  Congress.  (Applause.)  More  than  that: 
under  Socialism  we  will  have  no  congresses,  such  as  exist  to-day, 
nor  legislatures,  nor  parliaments,  nor  councils  of  municipalities. 

But  remember!  We  also  [in  Cripple  Creek]  believed  in  po- 
litical action,  and  had  elected  one  of  our  own  class  as  governor 
of  the  state.  And  he  called  out  the  militia  to  protect  the  miners 
and  put  them  in  between  the  warring  factions  and  told  the  deputy 
sheriffs  that  if  they  didn't  disband  he  would  fire  on  them  as  in- 
surrectos.  You  understand,  then,  why  I  believe  in  political  action. 
(Applause.)  We  will  have  control  then  of  whatever  forces  gov- 
ernment can  give  us,  but  we  will  not  use  them  to  continue  to 
uphold  and  advance  this  present  system,  but  we  will  use  the 
forces  of  the  police  power  to  overthrow  this  present  system. 
(Applause.)  And  instead  of  using  the  powers  of  the  police  to 
protect  the  strike-breakers,  we  will  use  the  powers  of  the  police 
to  protect  the  strikers.  (Applause.)  That's  about  as  far  as  I 
go  on  political  action.  (Applause.)  But  that's  a  long  way. 
And  the  reason  that  I  don't  go  into  the  halls  of  Parliament  to 
make  laws  to  govern  the  working-class  is  because  the  working- 
class  is  working  with  machines,  and  every  time  some  fellow  has 
a  thought,  inspiration,  the  machine  changes,  and  I  don't  know 
that  laws  can  be  made  quick  enough  to  keep  up  with  the  changing 
machinery.  And  I  know  this:  that  laws,  under  Socialism,  will 
not  be  made  to  govern  individuals.  We  have  got  too  much  of 
that  kind  of  law,  and  we  want  a  little  freedom  from  now  on. 
The  only  kind  of  government  that  we  will  have  then  will  be  that 
kind  that  will  administer  industry.     (Our  italics.) 

4.   EUGENE  V.   DEBS 

The  declarations  of  Eugene  V.  Debs  regarding  political 
action,  as  on  many  other  matters,  may  be  taken  as  repre- 


226       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

senting  the  views  of  the  great  majority  of  American  So- 
cialists. (From  "Sound  Socialist  Tactics,"  International 
Socialist  Review,  February,  1910.) 

While  the  "  game  of  politics,"  as  it  is  understood  and  as  it  is 
played  under  capitalist  rules,  is  as  repugnant  to  me  as  it  can 
possibly  be  to  anyone,  I  am  a  thorough  believer  in  political  organ- 
ization and  political  action. 

Political  power  is  essential  to  the  workers  in  their  struggle, 
and  they  can  never  emancipate  themselves  without  developing  and 
exercising  that  power  in  the  interests  of  their  class. 

It  is  not  merely  in  a  perfunctory  way  that  I  advocate  political 
action,  but  as  one  who  has  faith  in  proletarian  political  power 
and  in  the  efficacy  of  political  propaganda  as  an  educational 
force  in  the  Socialist  movement.  I  believe  in  a  constructive  po- 
litical program  and  in  electing  all  the  class-conscious  workers 
we  can,  especially  as  mayors,  judges,  sheriffs,  and  as  members 
of  the  state  legislatures  and  the  national  congress. 

From  "A  Plea  for  Solidarity,"  International  Socialist 
Review,  March,  1914": 

At  bottom  all  anti-political  aclionists  are  to  all  intents 
anarchists,  and  anarchists  and  Socialists  have  never  yet  pulled 
together  and  probably  never  will. 

Now  the  industrial  organization  that  ignores  or  rejects  po- 
litical action  is  as  certain  to  fail  as  is  the  political  party  that 
ignores  or  rejects  industrial  action.  L^pon  the  mutually  recog- 
nized unity  and  co-operation  of  the  industrial  and  political 
powers  of  the  working-class  will  both  the  union  and  the  party 
have  to  be  built  if  real  solidarity  is  to  be  achieved. 

To  deny  the  political  equation  is  to  fly  in  the  face  of  past 
experience  and  invite  a  repetition  of  the  disruption  and  disaster 
which  have  already  wrecked  the  organized  forces  of  industrialism. 

The  anti-political  u/nionist  and  the  anti-union  Socialist  are 
alike  illogical  in  their  reasoning  and  unscientific  in  their  eco- 
nomics. The  one  harbors  the  illusion  that  the  capitalist  state  can 
be  destroyed  and  its  police  powers,  court  injunctions,  and  gatling 
guns,  in  short  its  political  institutions,  put  out  of  business  by 
letting  politics  alone,  and  the  other  that  the  industries  can  be 
taken  over  and  operated  b\'  the  workers  without  being  industrially 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  227 

organized  and  that  the  Socialist  republic  can  be  created  by  a 
majority  of  votes  and  by  political  action  alone. 

It  is  beyond  question,  I  think,  that  an  overwhelming  majority 
of  industrial  unionists  favor  independent  political  action  and  that 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  Socialists  favor  industrial  union- 
ism. Now  it  seems  quite  clear  to  me  that  these  forces  can  and 
should  be  united  and  brought  together  in  harmonious  and  effective 
economic  and  political  co-operation. 

Let  us  suppose  in  this  country  a  political  party  with  a  pro- 
gram that  proposes  a  great  and  radical  transformation  of  the 
existing  system  of  society,  and  proposes  it  upon  lofty  grounds  of 
the  highest  welfare  of  mankind.  Let  us  suppose  that  it  is  based 
upon  vital  and  enduring  truth  and  that  the  success  of  its  ideals 
would  mean  the  emancipation  of  the  race. 

If  such  a  party  should  go  into  the  dirty  game  of  practical 
politics  .  .  .  it  would  inevitably  fall  into  the  pit  that  has  engulfed 
all  other  parties.  Nothing  on  earth  could  save  it.  It  would  be 
adopting  the  iron-walled  path  of  the  machine  system  of  govern- 
ment and  down  that  path  it  must  inevitably  go,  for  from  it  there  is 
absolutely  no  escape,  and  at  its  end  is  ruin. 

But  suppose  a  party  that  kept  forever  in  full  sight  the  ulti- 
mate goal  and  never  once  varied  from  it.  Suppose  that  it  strove 
to  increase  its  vote  for  this  object  and  for  none  other.  Suppose 
its  membership  to  be  held  together  by  the  inspiration  of  that 
purpose,  to  be  informed  of  it  and  prepared  to  work  for  it  un- 
swervingly, to  wait  for  it  if  necessary.  Suppose  this  party  at 
all  times  to  insist  in  its  agitation  upon  this  object  and  to  pro- 
claim that  it  would  never  be  content  for  one  moment  with  any- 
thing else;  that  this  reform  and  that  reform  were  well  enough 
for  other  parties  but  for  this  particular  party  nothing  would  be 
accepted  but  the  fullest  measure  of  its  ideals.  Suppose  that  by 
agitation,  propaganda,  education,  literature,  campaigns,  meetings, 
a  party  press,  and  every  means  in  its  power  it  steadily  increased 
its  membership  and  its  vote.  Suppose  it  regarded  its  vote  as  the 
index  of  its  converts  and  sought  for  such  votes  and  for  none 
others.  Suppose  the  entire  body  was  convinced  of  the  party's 
full  program,  aims,  and  philosophy.  Suppose  that  all  other  men 
knew  that  this  growing  party  was  thus  convinced  and  thus  deter- 
mined, and  that  its  growth  menaced  every  day  more  and  more 
the  existing  structure  of  society,  menaced  it  with  overthrow  and 
a  new  structure.    What  then? 


228       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Such  a  party  would  be  the  s^reatest  political  power  that  ever 
existed  in  this  or  any  other  country.  It  would  drive  the  other 
parties  before  it  like  sand  before  a  wind.  They  would  be  com- 
pelled to  adopt  one  after  another  the  expedients  of  reform  to 
head  off  the  increasing  threat  of  this  one  party's  progress  toward 
the  revolutionaiy  ideal.  But  this  one  party  would  have  no  more 
need  to  tcaste  its  time  upon  palliative  measures  than  it  would 
have  to  soil  itself  with  the  dirt  of  practical  politics  and  the  bar- 
gain counter.  The  other  parties  would  do  all  that  and  do  it  well. 
The  one  party  would  be  concerned  with  nothing  but  making  con- 
verts to  its  philosophy  and  preparing  for  the  revolution  that  its 
steadfast  course  would  render  inevitable.  Such  a  party  would 
represent  the  highest  possible  efficiency  in  polities,  the  greatest 
force  in  the  state,  and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  its  full  philosophy 
would  be  beyond  question. 

In  other  words,  and  to  dro})  all  supposition,  we  can  have  a 
vote-getting  machine  and  go  to  perdition  with  it;  or  we  can 
have  the  Co-operative  Commonwealth  and  working-class  govern- 
ment.   But  we  cannot  have  both.     (Our  italics.) 

n.  PARTY  ORGANIZATION 

Several  questions  of  controversy  have  centered  about 
the  matter  of  party  organization,  as  set  forth  in  the  Na- 
tional Constitution.  As  it  is  impossible  to  give  this  consti- 
tution at  length,  we  give  only  those  sections  which  have 
been  the  subjects  of  recent  referendums  or  which  throw 
definite  light  on  the  party  tactics. 

The  portion  of  the  constitution  that  has  caused  most 
serious  discussion  is  Article  II,  Section  6,  relating  to 
sabotage  and  its  advocacy.  The  debate  on  this  section  in 
the  National  Convention  will  be  given  at  some  length 
below.  When  the  constitution  was  submitted  to  refer- 
endum of  the  party,  the  opposition  to  the  section  took  the 
form  rather  of  a  defense  of  free  speech  than  of  a  defense 
of  sabotage,  and  accordingly  the  vote  on  the  referendum 
can  hardly  be  said  to  be  an  index  of  the  party  opinion  of 
sabotage.     The  section  was  carried  by  a  large  majority, 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  229 

but  the  fact  that  a  substitute  section  also  received  a  ma- 
jority has  given  rise  to  still  further  criticism  of  the  vote 
as  a  definitive  expression. 

1.   THE  CONSTITUTION   OF  THE   SOCIALIST  PARTY    (EXTRACTS) 

Amended  by  the  National  Convention  of  the  party,  May,  1912, 
and  approved  by  referendum  August  4, 1912. 


Article  II 
Membership 

Sec.  1.  Every  person,  resident  of  the  United  States  of  the 
age  of  18  years  and  upward,  without  discrimination  as  to  sex, 
race,  color,  or  creed,  who  has  severed  his  connection  with  all 
other  political  parties  and  political  organizations,  and  subscribes 
to  the  principles  of  the  Socialist  Party,  including  political  action 
and  unrestricted  political  rights  for  both  sexes,  shall  be  eligible 
to  membership  in  the  party. 

Sec.  2.  No  person  holdmg  an  elective  public  office  by  gift  of 
any  party  or  organization  other  than  the  Socialist  Party  shall 
be  eligible  to  membership  in  the  Socialist  Party;  nor  shall  any 
member  of  the  party  accept  or  hold  any  appointive  public  office, 
honorary  or  remunerative  (civil  service  positions  excepted),  with- 
out the  consent  of  his  state  organization.  No  part}'  member 
shall  be  a  candidate  for  public  office  without  the  consent  of  the 
city,  county,  or  state  organizations,  according  to  the  nature  of 
the  office. 

Sec.  5.  All  persons  joining  the  Socialist  Party  shall  sign  the 
following  pledge :  "  I,  the  undersigned,  recognizing  the  class 
struggle  between  the  capitalist  class  and  the  working-class  and 
the  necessity  of  the  working-class  constituting  itself  into  a 
political  party  distinct  from  and  opposed  to  all  parties  formed 
by  the  capitalist  class,  hereby  declare  that  I  have  severed  my 
relations  with  all  other  parties,  and  I  indorse  the  platform  and 
constitution  of  the  Socialist  Party,  including  the  principle 
of  political  action,  and  hereby  apply  for  admission  to  said 
party." 

See.  6.    Any  member  of  the  party  who  opposes  political  action 


230       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

or  advocates  crime,  sabotage,  or  other  methods  of  violence  as  a 
weapon  of  the  working-class  to  aid  in  its  emancipation  shall  be 
expelled  from  membership  in  the  party.  Political  action  shall  be 
construed  to  mean  participation  in  elections  for  public  office  and 
practical  legislative  and  administrative  work  along  the  lines  of 
the  Socialist  Party  platform.* 


Article  X 

See.  3.  The  platform  of  the  Socialist  Party  shall  be  the  su- 
preme declaration  of  the  party,  and  all  state  and  municipal  plat- 
forms shall  conform  thereto.  Ne  state  or  local  organization  shall 
under  any  circumstances  fuse,  combine,  or  compromise  with  any 
other  political  party  or  organization,  or  refrain  from  making 
nominations,  in  order  to  favor  the  candidate  of  such  other  organ- 
izations, nor  shall  any  candidate  of  the  Socialist  Party  accept  any 
nomination  or  indorsement  from  any  other  party  or  political 
organization. 

No  member  of  the  Socialist  Party  shall,  under  any  circum- 
stances, vote  in  primary  or  regular  elections  for  any  candidate 
other  than  Socialists  nominated,  indorsed,  or  recommended  as 
candidates  by  the  Socialist  Party.  To  do  otherwise  will  constitute 
party  treason  and  result  in  expulsion  from  the  party. 

Sec.  4.  In  states  and  territories  in  which  there  is  one  central 
organization  affiliated  with  the  party,  the  state  or  territorial  organ- 
izations shall  have  the  sole  jurisdiction  of  the  members  residing 
within  their  respective  territories,  and  the  sole  control  of  all 
matters  pertaining  to  the  propaganda,  organization,  and  financial 
affairs  within  such  state  or  territory';  pi'ovided  such  propaganda 
is  in  htarmony  with  the  national  platform  and  declared  policy  of 
the  party. 

Sec.  8.  All  state  organizations  shall  provide  in  their  consti- 
tutions for  the  initiative,  referendum,  and  imperative  mandate. 

All  sections  and  paragraphs  of  the  constitution,  platform,  and 
resolutions  were  adopted,  most  of  them  by  large  majorities. 

*  The  vote  on  Article  II,  Section  6,  of  the  constitution,  the 
original  section  as  adopted  by  the  Convention,  was.  Yes,  13,215; 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  231 

No,  4,196.    The  vote  on  the  alternative  or  substitute  section  was, 
Yes,  8,216;  No,  7,371.*     (Our  italics.) 


2.   AMENDMENTS  TO  THE   CONSTITUTION 

During  the  year  1914  two  important  amendments  to  the 
constitution  were  passed.  The  first  of  these  related  to 
the  party  press. 

a.  The  Party-Owned  Press 

All  fear  of  the  party-owned-press  bugaboo  was  practically 
wiped  out  when  the  Socialist  Party  national  committee  meeting 
here  voted  45  to  10  to  convert  The  Party  Builder,  the  official 
party  organ,  into  a  weekly  Socialist  paper. 

The  motion  of  Committeeman  Hillquit  as  adopted  was: 

That  it  be  the  sense  of  this  committee  that  The  Party  Builder 
be  converted  into  a  weekly  Socialist  paper  along  the  line  suggested 
by  the  committee  and  that  the  national  executive  committee  be 
directed  to  make  inquiries  as  to  the  cost  and  feasibility  of  the 
undertaking  and  to  proceed  with  it  as  soon  as  practical  in  view 
of  the  financial  situation  of  the  party.  {The  Party  Builder,  May 
16,  1914.) 

In  harmony  with  the  above  action,  Article  VII,  Section 
3,  was  amended  so  as  to  read  as  follows : 

The  executive  secretary  shall  cause  to  be  published  in  the  official 
organ  of  the  party  all  important  official  reports  and  announce- 
ments; a  monthly  report  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the  party; 
a  summary  of  the  conditions  and  the  membership  of  the  several 
states  and  territorial  organizations;  the  principal  business  trans- 
acted by  the  national  officials,  and  such  other  matters  pertaining 
to  the  organization  of  the  party  as  may  be  of  general  interest  to 
the  membership. 

As  a  result  of  this  amendment  The  Party  Builder  has 
*  S.  P,  Bulletin,  September,  1912. 


232       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

been  converted  into  a  weekly  paper,  The  American  So- 
cialist. 

b.  Change  in  the  Members'  Pledge 

The  following  change  in  the  membership  pledge  was  also 
adopted : 

New  Article  II — Section  5 

All  persons  joining  the  Socialist  Party  shall  sign  the  following 
pledge : 

APPLICATION-   FOR   MEMBERSHIP   IN   THE   SOCIALIST  PARTY 

I,  the  undersigned,  recognizing  the  class  struggle  between  the 
capitalist  class  and  the  working-class,  and  the  necessity  of  the 
working-class  organizing  itself  into  a  political  party  for  the  pur- 
pose of  obtaining  collective  ownership  and  democratic  adminis- 
tration and  operation  of  the  collectively  used  and  socially  neces- 
sary means  of  production  and  distribution,  hereby  apply  for  mem- 
bership in  the  Socialist  Party. 

I  have  no  relations  (as  member  or  supporter)  with  any  other 
political  party. 

I  am  opposed  to  all  political  organizations  that  support  and 
perpetuate  the  present  capitalist  profit  system,  and  I  am  opposed 
to  any  form  of  trading  or  fusing  with  any  such  organizations  to 
prolong  that  system. 

In  all  my  political  actions  while  a  member  of  the  Socialist 
Party  I  agree  to  be  guided  by  the  constitution  and  platform  of 
that  party. 

III.   PROPOSED   UNION    OF   AMERICAN    SOCIALIST   PARTIES 

Since  1900  there  have  been  two  Socialist  Parties  in  the 
United  States,  the  present  Socialist  Party,  with  a  mem- 
bership of  about  one  hundred  thousand,  and  the  Socialist 
Labor  Party,  from  which  the  former  is  an  offshoot,  but 
which  has  dwindled  to  about  one  thousand  members.  For 
a  generation  the  leader  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  was 
the  late  Daniel  De  Leon,  editor  of  the  official  organ,  The 


POLICY  AND  TACTICS  233 

People.  (From  the  Report  of  the  Socialist  Party  Delega- 
tion to  the  International  Socialist  Congress,  Copenhagen, 
1910.) 

Daniel  Be  Leon,  speaking  on  the  Unity  resolution,  charged  that 
the  Socialist  Labor  Party  had  made  offers  of  unity  to  the  So- 
cialist Party,  but  that  they  had  been  rejected  by  the  Socialist 
Party. 

Morris  Hillquit  replied  to  Be  Leon.  In  part,  he  said :  "  The 
Socialist  Party  in  America  stands  for  the  union  of  all  Socialist 
forces  in  the  United  States.  It  does  not  stand  for  this  simply  in 
a  platonie  manner,  but  has  shown  its  sincerity  by  its  deeds.  Our 
party  is  itself  the  product  of  unity.  In  1900  the  Socialist  move- 
ment of  America  was  split  into  various  parties  and  groups.  The 
Socialist  Party  became  the  center  of  unity  and  invited  all  So- 
cialist organizations  to  send  delegates  to  the  Unity  Convention  of 
1901.  All  such  organizations  responded  with  the  exception  of 
that  wing  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  which  was  headed  by 
De  Leon." 

Replying  also  to  Be  Leon,  Victor  L.  Berger  said:  "The 
American  Socialists  are  unanimous  for  unity.  We  will  vote  for 
the  Unity  resolution  and  promise  you  that  within  the  next  three 
years  we  will  completely  solve  the  unity  question,  for  by  that 
time  only  Be  Leon  himself  will  stand  outside  the  party.  We  in 
America  are  also  working  all  the  time  for  unity."    (Our  italics.) 

Daniel  De  Leon,  leader  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party,  died 
in  the  spring  of  1914. 

In  1914  the  Socialist  Party  of  New  Jersey  passed  reso- 
lutions urging  the  union  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  and 
the  Socialist  Party. 

The  following  paragraph  is  from  Eugene  V,  Debs'  arti- 
cle, "A  Plea  for  Solidarity,"  in  the  International  So- 
cialist Review,  March,  1914 : 

On  the  political  field  there  is  no  longer  any  valid  reason  why 
there  should  be  more  than  one  party.  I  believe  that  a  majority 
of  both  the  Socialist  Party  and  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  would 
vote  for  consolidation,  and  I  hope  to  see  the  initiative  taken  by 


234      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  rank  and  file  of  both  at  an  early  day.  The  unification  of 
the  political  forces  would  tend  to  clear  the  atmosphere  and  pro- 
mote the  unification  of  the  forces  on  the  industrial  field. 

A  referendum  has  been  proposed  by  certain  locals,  and 
is  now  under  consideration,  to  the  effect  that  a  committee 
of  five  from  the  Socialist  Labor  Party  be  invited  to  meet 
a  similar  committee  from  the  Socialist  Party,  with  a  view 
to  union. 

(See  also  ''Militarism,"  "Trusts,"  "Proportional  Rep- 
resentation," "Woman  Suffrage,"  "Tariffs,"  "Govern- 
ment Ownership,"  "Labor  Unions,"  "Labor  Legisla- 
tion," "Co-operation,"  "Immigration  and  the  Eace  Ques- 
tion," "The  Drink  Question.") 


CHAPTER  XVI 
.    SOCIALISM  IN  CANADA 

I.   HISTORY  OF   CANADIAN   SOCIALIST  PARTY 

In  the  year  1890  a  group  of  men  dissatisfied  with  both 
Liberal  and  Conservative  program  and  methods  gathered 
in  Montreal  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  new  political 
organization,  and  organized  a  local  of  the  Socialist  Labor 
Party  of  America.  This  is  the  first  group  of  men  known 
to  have  organized  under  the  banner  of  Socialism.  Locals 
were  afterwards  formed  in  other  cities.  The  executive  was 
established  in  Montreal. 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1899,  the  Canadian  Socialist 
League  was  organized  in  Montreal  as  a  result  of  dissatis- 
faction with  the  methods  of  the  executive  of  the  Socialist 
Labor  Party  in  New  York,  and  also  as  a  result  of  a  desire 
to  establish  a  Canadian  Socialist  movement.  The  move- 
ment grew  rapidly,  about  60  leagues  being  established  in 
Ontario.  The  executive  was  moved  from  Montreal  to 
Toronto  and  afterwards  to  Vancouver. 

In  1901  the  Socialist  Party  of  British  Columbia  was 
formed,  and  made  good  progress.  In  1905  the  Socialist 
Party  of  Canada  was  established  as  a  result  of  a  coalition 
between  the  Socialist  Party  of  British  Columbia  and  the 
Canada  Socialist  Leagues.  The  headquarters  of  the  party 
was  in  Vancouver.  The  Western  Clarion  became  the  of- 
ficial organ. 

The  growth  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  Canada  is  shown 

235 


236      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

by  a  table  of  the  vote  since  1903,  compiled  by  "W.  Watts 
for  the  Western  Clarion.    The  table  is  as  follows : 

Votes  Votes 

Dates  received  Dates  received 

1903 3,507  1910 10,929 

1907 3,670  1911 15,852 

1908 8,697  1912 15,857 

1909 9,688  1913 17,071 

"The  first  notable  election  took  place  in  the  Province 
of  British  Columbia  in  1903.  From  then  on  the  elections 
have  been  contested  stoutly  and  with  excellent  results,  till 
in  the  election  of  1913  the  Socialists  cast  15  per  cent  of 
the  total  vote. 

"The  movement  has  unusual  difficulties.  Not  the  least 
of  these  is  the  Labor  Party.  Another  is  the  strong  influ- 
ence of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  Dominion  and  the  gen- 
eral state  of  agricultural  prosperity." 

II.    THE   SOCIALIST   PARTY    OF   CANADA   IN    1914 

By  J.  H.  Borough,  Dominion  Secretary 
"At  present  we  have  no  parliamentary  representatives. 
In  the  past  we  have  had  four  in  the  legislature  of  British 
Columbia,  these  being  gradually  reduced  by  the  unscrupu- 
lous tactics  of  the  capitalist  politicians  in  whose  hands 
rests  the  administration  of  the  election  acts,  and  by  the 
action  of  the  large  employers  of  labor  in  the  mining  cen- 
ters of  the  province  in  shutting  down  their  works  about 
a  month  previous  to  election,  in  order  that  our  supporters 
might  be  compelled  to  leave  the  district  in  search  for  other 
jobs.  This  has  been  done  repeatedly,  with — to  them — sat- 
isfactory results.  In  addition  to  this  difficulty,  this  prov- 
ince contains  the  largest  proportion  of  migratory  workers 
of  any  in  the  Dominion.  .   .   . 

"The  vote  has  increased  from  3,500  in  1903  to  approxi- 


SOCIALISM  IN  CANADA  237 

mately  9,000  in  1912  in  British  Columbia,  the  Vancouver 
vote  rising  from  1,611  in  1903  to  5,767  in  1912. 

"In  Alberta,  the  second  province  in  membership  and 
first  in  organization,  we  have  only  secured  as  yet  one  seat. 
This  was  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  district,  partly  a  mining 
and  partly  an  agricultural  district.  The  seat  was  cap- 
tured in  March,  1909,  by  Comrade  C.  M.  O'Brien  by  a 
small  majority.  In  the  succeeding  election  (1913)  the 
seat  was  lost,  the  boundaries  having  been  especially  al- 
tered to  secure  that  result.  The  majority  of  the  miners 
were  out.  In  the  Dominion  elections  of  1908,  the  party  in 
Alberta  ran  two  candidates  and  received  1,300  votes.  In 
the  provincial  elections  of  1909  it  ran  two,  receiving  1,400 
votes.  In  the  provincial  elections  of  1911,  three  candidates 
were  placed  on  the  ticket,  receiving  2,300  votes.  ,   .   . 

"At  the  general  elections  in  Manitoba  in  July,  1914,  the 
party  nominated  two  candidates  in  center  Winnipeg,  who 
received  928  and  921  votes  respectively,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  it  had  to  encounter  the  opposition  of  all  kinds 
of  reform  candidates  with  and  without  the  misleading 
cognomen  of  'Labor.'  " 

in.  EXTRACT  FROM  PLATFORM  OF  THE  SOCIALIST  PARTY  OP 
CANADA 

(Extract) 

We  call  upon  all  workers  to  organize  under  the  banner  of  the 
Socialist  Party  of  Canada,  with  the  object  of  conquering  the  pub- 
lic powers  for  the  purpose  of  setting  up  and  enforcing  the  eco- 
nomic program  of  the  working-class,  as  follows : 

1.  The  transformation,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  of  capitalistic 
property  in  the  means  of  wealth  production  (natural  resources, 
factories,  mills,  railroads,  etc.)  into  the  collective  property  of 
the  working-class. 

2.  The  democratic  organization  and  management  of  industry 
by  the  workers. 


238       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

3.  The  establishment,  as  speedily  as  possible,  of  production 
for  use  instead  of  production  for  profit. 

The  Socialist  Party  when  in  office  shall  always  and  everywhere 
until  the  present  system  is  abolished,  make  the  answer  to  this 
question  its  guiding  rule  of  conduct :  Will  this  legislation  advance 
the  interests  of  the  working-class  and  aid  the  workers  in  their 
class  struggle  against  capitalism?  If  it  will,  the  Socialist  Party 
is  for  it;  if  it  will  not,  the  Socialist  Party  is  absolutely  opposed 
to  it. 

In  accordance  with  this  principle  the  Socialist  Party  pledges 
itself  to  conduct  all  the  public  affairs  placed  in  its  hands  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  working-class  alone. 


IV,   HISTORY   OF   THE   SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

The  provincial  convention  of  the  Socialist  Party  held  at 
Toronto  on  May  24,  1910,  gave  birth  to  a  new  party  in 
Ontario,  which  has  since  spread  from  Atlantic  to  Pacific. 
Owing  to  the  autocratic  position  taken  by  the  executive 
of  the  Socialist  Party  of  Canada  at  Vancouver  in  expelling 
the  Toronto  local,  consisting  of  210  members,  13  other 
locals  seceded  with  about  700  members,  and  in  April,  1911, 
at  Toronto,  was  organized  the  present  Social  Democratic 
Party  of  Canada.  This  organization  has  spread  to  almost 
every  province,  until  to-day  it  consists  of  230  locals,  82  in 
Ontario,  46  in  British  Columbia,  45  in  Alberta,  20  in 
Saskatchewan,  28  in  Manitoba,  8  in  Quebec,  and  1  in  Nova 
Scotia.  The  headquarters  is  at  Berlin,  Ontario.  It  has  a 
membership  of  over  five  thousand  and  a  paid  secretary.  In 
British  Columbia  two  members  have  been  elected  to  the 
House,  Jack  Place  for  Nanaimo  and  Parker  Williams  for 
Ladysmith,  both  members  of  the  party. 

In  1912  the  party  affiliated  with  the  International  Bu- 
reau. James  Simpson  is  a  member  of  the  board  of  control 
of  Toronto.  Niagara  Falls  has  one  Socialist  alderman.  At 
Lindsay  a  member  of  the  party  has  been  mayor  for  two 


SOCIALISM  IN  CANADA  239 

years.  In  the  Ontario  election  held  on  June  29,  1914,  the 
total  vote  ran  over  6,000,  with  14  candidates  in  the  field. 
In  July  the  Social  Democratic  Party  candidate  in  Winni- 
peg, Manitoba,  received  2,000  votes  to  2,500  for  the  Lib- 
eral and  3,000  for  the  Conservative. 

V.  EXTRACT  FROM  PLATFORM  OF  THE  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC 
PARTY    OF    CANADA 

As  a  means  of  preparing  the  minds  of  the  working-class  for 
the  inauguration  of  the  co-operative  commonwealth,  the  Social 
Democratic  Party  of  Canada  will  support  any  measure  that  will 
tend  to  better  conditions  under  capitalism,  such  as: 

(1)  Reduction  of  hours  of  labor. 

(2)  The  elimination  of  child  labor. 

(3)  Universal  adult  suffrage  without  distinction  of  sex  or  re- 
gard to  property  qualifications;  and 

(4)  The  initiative,  referendum,  and  right  of  recall. 

VI.   THE  LABOR   MOVEMENT  IN   CANADA  * 

"It  has  often  been  a  matter  of  surprise  to  political  ob- 
servers that  the  labor  movement  has  made  such  compara- 
tively little  progress  in  Canada;  its  political  success,  at 
any  rate,  has  been  relatively  small.  At  present  it  is  repre- 
sented by  one  member  in  the  Dominion  House  and  by  one 
in  each  of  the  Ontario  and  British  Columbia  Legislatures. 
Once  the  great  western  city  of  Winnipeg  elected  a  labor 
representative,  through  the  co-operation  of  the  Liberals, 
but  on  the  whole  the  political  influence  of  the  Labor  Party 
is  slight.  While  the  electoral  strength  which  it  exhibits 
at  the  polls  increases  year  by  year,  its  actual  effect  upon 
the  monopoly  of  the  two  historic  parties  has  been  sadly 
limited.  What  are  the  reasons  to  account  for  the  backward- 
ness of  the  labor  movement  in  Canada  as  compared  with 

*  The  New  Statesman,  July  18,  1914— signed  J.  A.  S. 


240       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

its  progress  and  strength  in  the  other  Dominions?  They 
are  many. 

"In  the  first  place,  the  trade-unions  in  Canada  are  all 
more  or  less  affiliated  to  the  American  labor  organizations. 
The  geographical  condition  of  the  two  countries  necessi- 
tates this.  Unless  a  Canadian  union  had  the  guarantee  of 
the  co-operation  of  its  coordinate  American  union  its 
powers  of  negotiating  or  striking  would  be  definitely  lim- 
ited and  in  the  end  ineffective.  But  what  is  a  benefit  for 
economic  warfare  is  a  barrier  to  political  success,  inasmuch 
as  it  brings  the  labor  movement  into  definite  opposition 
to  the  sentiment  of  Canadian  nationalism.  There  are  a 
great  many  of  the  Canadian  working-classes  who  have  a 
strong  sense  of  prejudice,  often  ill-founded,  against  Amer- 
ican institutions,  and,  believing  that  the  Canadian  trade- 
unions  are  more  or  less  subservient  to  the  vaster  American 
organizations,  hold  aloof  from  them.  .   .   . 

"The  Labor  Party,  too,  has  suffered  too  often  by  the 
defection  of  its  leaders  to  the  capitalist  ranks.  If  they 
were  clever  men  they  saw  before  them  facile  opportunities 
of  making  money  and  speedily  acquired  an  economic  se- 
curity which  put  them  out  of  sympathy  with  their  less 
fortunate  brethren.  Great  corporations,  too,  assist  in  this 
process,  and  if  they  see  any  young  man  coming  forward 
as  a  leader  of  his  fellow-employees  they  have  a  wise  habit 
of  offering  him  a  comfortable  executive  job  which  removes 
him  to  another  sphere.  All  these  causes  have  contributed 
to  the  comparative  failure  of  the  Labor  Party  to  make  the 
same  headway  that  it  has  achieved  in  the  other  overseas 
democracies. 

"But  there  are  signs  that  a  change  is  now  in  sight.  Can- 
ada has  been  suffering  from  a  period  of  financial  stringency 
and  her  expansion  has  been  very  severely  curtailed.  .  .  . 
The  workingman  may  have  higher  wages  than  in  the  older 


SOCIALISM  IN  CANADA  241 

countries,  but  the  advantage  is  completely  destroyed  by  the 
tremendous  cost  of  living.  Labor  in  Great  Britain  com- 
plains that  within  the  last  decade  the  cost  of  living  has 
gone  up  15  per  cent,  but  during  the  same  period  in  Canada 
it  has  increased  51  per  cent,  and  there  has  been  no  propor- 
tionate increase  in  wages.  Most  ominous  of  all  is  it  that 
while  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  the  most 
recent  index  tables  show  some  decrease  in  the  cost  of  living, 
in  Canada  the  upward  rise  relentlessly  continues.  Ten 
years  ago  it  was  possible  for  workingmen  in  Winnipeg  to 
secure  comfortable  houses  at  a  rent  of  $8  per  month ;  now 
the  meanest  abode  costs  at  least  $16  per  month.  All  these 
factors  have  begun  to  bring  the  laboring-class  to  a  sense 
of  their  true  position  and  to  realize  that  migration  to  a 
new  country  of  vast  undeveloped  resources  has  in  many 
cases  failed  to  improve  their  economic  position.  There  is 
now  a  decided  demand  for  better  terms  for  labor,  and  labor 
is  beginning  to  realize  that  better  terms  can  only  be  secured 
by  political  action.  Neither  of  the  existing  parties  shows 
any  decided  inclination  to  meet  these  demands,  and  as 
a  result  labor  is  beginning  to  strike  out  for  itself.  There 
have,  of  course,  been  many  active  and  capable  leaders  of 
Canadian  labor,  and  if  the  parliamentary  success  of  such 
as  have  been  elected  to  Parliament  has  been  inconspicuous 
it  was  largely  due  to  the  lack  of  a  real,  driving,  well- 
organized  force  behind  them.  But  in  every  city  there  are 
signs  of  an  awakening.  In  Montreal,  Mr.  Alphonse  Ber- 
ville,  who  is  a  Liberal-Labor  representative  and  a  very 
outspoken  democrat,  represents  by  a  huge  majority  Mais- 
soneuve,  which  is  the  largest  constituency  in  Canada,  and 
held  it  at  the  reciprocity  election  in  face  of  determined 
attacks.  At  the  last  municipal  election  in  Toronto  a  So- 
cialist was  elected  as  one  of  the  city  controllers,  and  in 
Winnipeg  Mr.  R.  A.  Rigg,  the  leader  of  the  Labor  Party, 


242       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

was  chosen  as  an  alderman.  In  Vancouver  and  other 
Pacific  coast  communities  there  has  always  been  a  strong 
Socialist  element  which  elects  some  representatives  to  the 
local  House  and  municipal  offices.  .   .   .  "  * 

*In  1912  the  "Independent  Labor  Party"  elected  a  Socialist,  Allan 
Studholme,  to  the  provincial  parliament  of  Ontario.  The  member  of 
the  Dominion  Parliament  above  referred  to  vs^as  a  member  of  the 
"Labor  Party." 


CHAPTER  XVII 
CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA 

I.   MEXICO 
1.   ADDRESS   OF  GUITTERREZ  DE  LARA   OF  MEXICO,   1912  * 

"Comrade  Chairman  and  Comrades,  I  come  here  to  this 
convention  as  a  fraternal  delegate  of  the  Socialist  Party  in 
Mexico.  I  have  a  mission  in  coming.  .  .  .  Our  comrades 
in  Mexico  have  indorsed  the  principles  of  the  revolu- 
tion. .  .  .  They  called  on  me  to  come  here  and  explain  to 
you  about  our  revolution,  and  to  ask  you  to  pass  some 
energetic  resolutions  in  regard  to  it. 

"Comrades,  the  revolution  in  Mexico  is  a  fight  of  the 
past  hundred  years.  It  is  the  fight  of  the  farmers,  the 
tillers  of  the  soil,  who  became  the  owners  of  the  lands  that 
they  are  tilling.  A  hundred  years  ago  the  revolution  in 
Spain  was  carried  out  by  the  tillers  of  the  soil  to  get  the 
lands  from  the  big  landowners  in  Mexico  at  that  time. 
The  big  landowners  were  the  church  and  the  aristocracy. 
After  10  years  of  revolution,  independence  was  recognized. 
But  the  revolutionists  were  not  wise  enough  to  carry  out 
the  revolution  in  a  practical  way.  They  were  tender  and 
satisfied  to  have  an  independent  country  and  a  flag.  But 
soon  they  realized  that  they  had  not  been  fighting  for  such 
a  small  question  as  that.  So  they  went  ahead  with  the 
revolution,  and  about  15  years  later,  that  is,  in  the  year 
1834,  they  were  very  nearly  in  a  position  to  take  away  the 

*  The  following  address  was  delivered  at  the  1912  convention  of  the 
Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States. 

243 


244       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  AVORLD 

land  of  the  church  and  give  it  to  the  common  people.  If 
they  did  not  accomplish  this,  why  not?  Because  the 
church  was  not  only  the  big  landowner  in  Mexico,  but  also 
controlled  the  conscience  in  that  country,  and  you  know 
how  hard  it  is  for  the  agitator  to  take  away  from  a  man 
the  idea  of  his  wealth  in  heaven  and  his  poverty  on 
earth.  .  .   . 

"The  church  went  to  work,  and  was  able  to  elect  as 
president  a  man  that  came  to  enforce  its  rights  of  the 
church  and  the  aristocracy.  But  this  man  found  that  he 
was  unable  to  destroy  the  rights  of  the  revolutionists ;  that 
the  people  had  a  higher  passion  in  their  hearts,  the  pas- 
sion of  patriotism,  and  that  patriotism  was  arousing  the 
Mexican  people  to  become  an  American  nation. 

' '  In  the  meantime,  in  the  United  States  the  slave-holders, 
who  needed  to  increase  the  power  of  slavery,  tried  to  arouse 
the  patriotism  of  the  American  people  by  an  international 
war.  There  was  a  common  understanding  between  the 
slave-owners  in  the  United  States  and  the  landowners  in 
Mexico  that  an  international  war  would  make  the  common 
people  of  Mexico  forget  the  issue  of  the  ownership  of  the 
Mexican  lands  and  make  the  American  people  forget  the 
issue  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slave.  .   .   . 

''After  the  war  was  over,  the  Mexican  people,  defeated, 
were  unable  to  carry  on  the  revolutionary  issue  of  the 
ownership  of  the  land  by  the  toilers  of  the  soil.  .  .  . 

"  So  .  .  .  another  revolution  started  in  Mexico.  .  .  .  This 
new  revolution  of  the  fifties  was  for  the  purpose  of  .  .  . 
framing  a  new  constitution  that  would  embody  the  necessi- 
ties and  the  aspirations  of  the  common  people  in  Mexico. 
That  new  constitution,  which  is  the  constitution  of  to-day, 
was  proclaimed  on  the  5th  of  February,  1857,  and  .  .  . 
gave  to  us  all  the  freedom  that  we  needed;  free  speech, 
free  press,  and  free  compulsory  education.    But  the  great 


CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  245 

point  .  .  .  was  that  it  took  away  the  land  from  the  church, 
proclaiming  that  the  church,  being  a  divine  institution,  had 
not  the  right  to  own  anything  else.  So  about  two  and  a 
half  to  three  millions  of  toilers  of  the  soil  thus  became 
owners  of  independent  lands. 

"Immediately  on  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  the 
wealthy  class  of  Mexico,  the  church  and  the  aristocracy, 
found  that  a  tremendous  blow  had  been  struck  against 
them.  The  church  and  aristocracy  claimed  the  army  in 
Mexico  in  those  years.  .  .  .  There  was  a  civil  war  of  three 
years  between  the  church  and  army  and  the  common  peo- 
ple, and  after  it  the  common  people  were  able  to  entirely 
defeat  the  church  and  the  aristocracy.  When  the  church 
and  aristocracy  surrendered,  then  they  sent  delegates  to 
Europe  to  ask  help  in  order  that  the  European  powers 
might  send  their  armies  to  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
storing the  lands  to  the  church  and  to  the  aristocracy. 

"In  the  year  1861,  England,  France,  and  Spain  agreed 
to  send  their  armies  to  Mexico,  and  those  armies  were  sent. 
But  as  soon  as  England  and  Spain  realized  their  mistake 
and  the  trouble  they  were  likely  to  have  on  their  hands, 
they  withdrew  their  armies.  But  Prance  .  .  .  invaded 
Mexico  and  placed  Emperor  Maximilian  in  power.  This 
invasion  was  nothing  else  but  a  tool  used  by  the  Mexican 
church  and  Mexican  aristocracy,  and  a  tool  also  used  by 
the  Pope  of  Rome  and  the  Emperor  of  France  in  order 
that  they  might  come  and,  in  the  name  of  some  farcical 
laws,  take  away  the  lands  from  the  common  people  and 
restore  them  to  the  church  and  aristocracy. 

* '  This  international  war  lasted  about  nine  years,  and  you 
who  read  Mexican  history  from  an  economic  standpoint 
can  see  how  by  this  time  the  Mexican  people  had  twice  been 
able  to  accomplish  the  fact  of  giving  the  lands  to  the 
common  people.    A  foreign  invader  had  come  into  Mexico, 


246       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

but  had  been  compelled  to  surrender  after  having  come  to 
give  back  the  lands  to  the  church  and  aristocracy.  That 
has  been  the  only  purpose  of  Mexican  foreign  wars.  After 
the  French  war  was  over,  the  Mexican  people  were  entirely 
broken  down  by  those  nine  years  of  war.  A  republic  was 
established,  and  the  people  began  to  take  up  the  question 
of  the  lands. 

' '  But  after  a  few  years  the  church  took  back  the  stranger 
and  allied  with  the  aristocracy  and  the  army.  .  .  .  After 
a  while  they  succeeded  and  gained  power,  but  they  were 
foxy  enough  to  understand  that  by  this  time  the  church 
was  not  in  condition  to  become  the  owner  of  the  land, 
and  then  they  took  this  land  from  the  common  people  and 
gave  it  back  to  the  favorites.  That  was  the  only  cause  of 
the  despotism  maintained  by  Diaz  during  the  30  years  in 
which  he  carried  on  his  military  despotic  autocracy. 

"Comrades,  a  year  and  a  half  ago  another  revolution 
started,  with  the  same  old  question,  the  lands  for  the 
common  people.  That  was  the  only  purpose  of  the  revolu- 
tion, and  will  be  the  only  purpose  of  any  revolution  in 
Mexico.  Mr.  Madero,  to-day's  president  of  Mexico,  came 
to  the  revolutionary  movement  at  the  last  moment.  .  .  . 
We,  the  old  revolutionists,  the  pioneers  of  the  revolution, 
know  that  Madero  will  be  unwilling  and  unable  to  accom- 
plish a  solution  of  the  question  of  the  ownership  of  the 
lands  by  the  common  people.  .    .    . 

"Madero  belongs  to  a  very  wealthy  family  of  multi- 
millionaires. They  own  immense  tracts  of  land  in  Mexico ; 
and  does  anybody  suppose  that  Mr.  Madero  and  his  .  .  . 
relatives  are  going  graciously  to  give  up  their  lands  to  the 
common  people?  They  are  not.  So  the  revolution  is  now 
in  a  critical  moment.  .   .   . 

"Comrades,  the  revolution  is  going  to  succeed.  In  the 
next  two  or  three  months  there  will  be  a  beginning,  at 


CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  247 

least,  in  the  division  of  the  lands,  and  before  the  revolu- 
tion is  ended  the  division  of  the  lands  will  be  accomplished. 
After  that  .  .  .  will  come  a  government,  elected,  of  course, 
by  these  small  landowners,  and  this  government  will  legal- 
ize this  part  of  the  revolution  that  has  been  accomplished. 
It  is  not  a  question  of  the  government's  dividing  the  land. 
The  lands  are  going  to  be  taken  by  the  men  themselves, 
and  the  government  after  that  will  legalize  what  has  been 
done.  That  is  the  scheme;  that  is  the  plan  of  the  revo- 
lution. .  .   . 

"So  the  issue  is  very  clear  now.  The  division  of  the 
lands  will  be  accomplished.  The  revolution  will  be  suc- 
cessful, but  there  is  the  threat  of  the  old  times,  the  Amer- 
ican Government  doing  everything  possible  to  interfere  in 
Mexico,  with  the  only  purpose  to  compel  the  Mexican  work- 
ers to  serve  their  masters  and  to  protect  the  property  of 
American  citizens.  They  say  that  the  intervention  of  the 
American  Government  will  be  only  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting American  life  and  American  property  in  Mexico, 
but  it  will  be  with  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  issue 
so  that  it  is  well  understood  by  the  master  class,  and  that 
issue  is  that  the  class-conscious  master  class  in  the  United 
States  feel  the  necessity  of  helping  their  brothers,  the 
master  class  of  Mexico." 

II.    PROCLAMATION   ON   THE   MEXICAN   SITUATION  BY   THE   SO- 
CIALIST  PARTY   OF   AMERICA,   APRIL   25,    1914 

Again  we  are  being  lashed  into  war  by  those  who  profit  from 
war. 

Capitalist  drums  are  beating,  trumpets  blaring,  and  forces  re- 
cruiting. 

All  this  that  the  nation  may  be  goaded  into  war  and  the 
workers  made  to  consent  to  shoot  and  be  shot. 

For  centuries  the  resources  of  Mexico  have  lain  dormant.  Of 
late  that  country  has  been  touched  by  the  magic  wand  of  capital- 


248       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

ism  and  the  same  development  is  taking  place  there  that  always 
takes  place  when  modern  capitalism  clashes  with  backward 
feudalism. 

Ninety  per  cent  of  her  population  are  still  landless  and  prop- 
ertyless.  For  hundreds  of  years  the  Mexican  people  have  strug- 
gled against  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  to  overthrow 
tyrants  who  have  ruled  and  ruined  them. 

For  hundreds  of  years  the  Mexican  people  have  been  in  a 
state  of  continuous  revolt  because  the  great  majority  are  in  con- 
dition of  peonage.  Robbed  of  their  land  in  an  agricultural 
country,  the  change  from  the  Spanish  rule  to  an  independent 
republic  avails  the  Mexican  people  little  or  nothing.  So  long  as 
peonage  remains,  revolt  must  follow  revolt. 

In  vain  did  the  Mexican  people  elevate  Madero  to  the  presi- 
dency. Their  hope  that  he  would  recognize  their  need  and 
restore  the  land  to  the  people  was  not  fulfilled.  They  are  still 
fighting  to  win  Mexico  for  the  Mexicans. 

In  Sonora,  Durango,  and  Chihuahua,  where  the  revolutionists 
are  in  control,  the  people  are  taking  possession  of  the  land.  Now, 
when  the  revolutionists  believe  that  victory  is  in  sight,  the  great 
American  republic,  controlled  by  sinister  capitalist  interests  and 
without  a  declaration  of  war,  lands  an  armed  force  on  Mexican 
soil.  No  nation  in  modern  times  has  ever  begun  hostilities  upon 
a  pretext  so  shallow  as  the  flag  incident  at  Tampico. 

The  war  will  inevitably  unite  all  factions  in  Mexico  against 
the  invaders  of  their  country.  Their  resistance  to  the  forces  of 
the  United  States  must  fail,  yet  it  will  cost  thousands  of  lives 
through  bullet,  bayonet,  and  disease. 

In  order  to  subdue  Mexico,  the  American  army  must  march 
across  that  country  like  Sherman  marched  to  the  sea.  Our  army 
"will  leave  behind  a  path  of  desolation,  ruined  homes,  and  death. 

And  finally,  when  American  arms  have  triumphed,  who  will 
be  the  winners'?  The  American  people  will  not  win.  The  Mex- 
ican people  will  not  win.  German,  English,  and  American  cap- 
italists, backed  up  by  our  army,  will  exploit  Mexico  and  the 
Mexican  peon  as  capitalism  always  exploits  the  working-people 
everywhere. 

Moreover,  the  effect  of  the  war  on  our  own  country  will  be 
deplorable. 

War  strengthens  every  force  hurtful  to  civilization,  every  force 
hurtful  to  labor.    While  war  lasts  there  will  be  no  social  legisla- 


CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  249 

tion.  Enough  money  will  be  used  up  in  dealing  death  to  human 
beings  to  provide  old-age  pensions,  accident,  sickness,  and  unem- 
ployed insurance  for  every  worker  in  America  for  a  generation. 

Every  piratical  power  will  seize  this  opportunity  to  prey  upon 
our  people.  Exploiting  capitalism  will  meet  every  attack  by 
wrapping  the  American  flag  around  its  plunder. 

Remember  that  the  capitalist  class  in  Colorado,  destroying  with 
machine  guns  American  workers  struggling  for  better  conditions, 
is  the  very  same  class  that  seeks  to  rule  Mexico. 

The  Socialist  Party  is  opposed,  as  a  matter  of  principle,  to 
every  war  of  aggression.  We  believe  that  there  is  but  one  justi- 
fication for  war,  and  that  is  to  fight  for  freedom.  Our  freedom 
has  not  been  assailed  by  the  Mexicans.  There  is  no  reason  why 
American  workingmen  should  leave  their  homes  and  families  to 
have  their  bodies  mangled  on  Mexican  battlefields. 

In  the  name  of  two  million  American  Socialists,  in  the  name 
of  thirty  million  Socialists  throughout  the  world,  in  the  name  of 
humanity  and  civilization,  we  protest  against  the  war  with 
Mexico. 

By  the  National  Executive  Committee  of  the  Socialist  Party. 

Victor  Berger, 
Adolph  Germer, 
Geo.  H.  Goebel, 
James  H.  Maurer, 
J.  Stitt  Wilson. 
Attest:    Walter  Lakfersiek, 

Executive  Secretary. 

I.   THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 

The  Socialist  Party  was  formed  in  1896,  but  elected  its 
first  deputy,  Alfredo  Palacios,  from  Buenos  Ayres,  in 
1904,  with  1,257  votes.  This  number  rose  to  7,006  in  1910. 
In  1912  the  suffrage  laws  were  changed,  Palacios  was 
elected  with  32,000  votes,  and  Dr.  Juan  Justo  with  23,000 
votes— also  in  Buenos  Ayres.  In  1914  the  Socialists  elected 
all  seven  candidates  in  that  city— which,  added  to  the 
above  two,  re-elected  in  1913,  when  half  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  was  voted  upon,  gives  a  total  of  nine. 


250       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  election  for  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  shows  that  the 
Socialist  vote  ranged  from  40,014  to  43,336  for  the  seven 
men  the  workers  elected,  with  their  Radical  opponents 
polling  only  from  32,074  to  37,517,  and  the  other  two 
bourgeois  parties  trailing  hopelessly  in  the  rear. 

The  seven  Socialists  elected  to  the  Chamber  are  Fran- 
cisco Cuneo,  Mario  Bravo,  Nicolas  Repetto,  Enrique  Dick- 
mann,  Antonio  De  Tomaso,  Antonia  Zaccagnini,  Angel  M. 
Jimenez. 

All  of  these  men  are  active  workers  for  the  Socialist 
cause,  Dickmann  being  editor-in-chief  of  La  Vanguardia, 
the  big  Socialist  daily  of  this  city,  and  De  Tomaso  national 
secretary  of  the  Socialist  Party. 

In  the  election  of  1913  the  Socialists  cast  48,024  votes 
for  their  highest  candidate,  but  the  total  vote  then  was 
larger  and  the  Socialists  elected  but  four  candidates. 

The  total  membership  of  the  Argentine  Chamber  is  120, 
and  the  reaction  is  in  control  in  the  provinces  outside  of 
Buenos  Ayres. 

Besides  the  43,000  votes  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Ayres,  the 
Socialists  secured  in  1914,  8,700  votes  in  the  province  of 
that  name,  2,000  in  Santa  Fe,  and  1,500  in  other  districts 
— a  total  of  55,000.  The  votes  for  the  other  parties  in 
Buenos  Ayres  were :  Radical,  37,000 ;  Civic  Party,  20,000 ; 
Constitutionalists,  13,000. 

The  following  were  the  chief  planks  of  the  Socialist 
platform : 

Abolition  of  the  taxes  that  increase  the  cost  of  living,  the 
application  of  progressive  taxes  upon  land. 

Limitation  of  the  compulsory  military  service  to  three  months. 

Abolition  of  the  law  permitting  the  expulsion  of  foreigners 
without  trial. 

Laws  providing  for  hygienic  and  safe  conditions  in  factories 
and  compensation  for  accidents. 

Maximum  working  day  of  eight  hours,  and  minimum  wage  of 


CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  251 

seven   shillings  per  day  for   all   workers   employed  directly  or 
indirectly  by  the  state  or  municipalities. 

Universal  suffrage  in  municipal  elections. 

Separation  of  church  and  state;  amendment  of  the  divorce  laws. 

Abolition  of  the  penalty  of  death. 


II.    THE  ARGENTINE   PARTY   AND   NATIONALISM 

By  W.  Thiessen 

The  development  of  the  Socialist  Party  in  the  Argen- 
tine Republic  is  described  by  W.  Thiessen  (of  La  Plata) 
in  the  Neue  Zeit.  Its  origin  is  purely  international,  the 
party  at  first,  some  25  years  ago,  being  composed  of  three 
groups — a  German  group,  called  the  Vorwdrts;  a  French 
group,  Les  Egaux;  and  the  Italian,  Fascio  dei  Lavoratori. 

The  Spanish-speaking  Argentine  Socialists  were  only 
a  small  group  at  the  commencement,  but  from  1894  on- 
wards, when  the  paper.  La  Vanguardia,  was  started,  have 
increased  in  numbers  and  now  form  the  bulk  of  the  party. 
This  development  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  economic 
facts,  Argentine  industry,  or,  rather,  industry  in  the  Argen- 
tine, being  almost  entirely  the  result  of  the  introduction 
of  European  capital  and  of  European  labor,  both  skilled 
and  unskilled.  Even  now  this  is  apparent  at  a  glance  at 
a  business  directory  of  Argentine  towns,  where  Italian, 
German,  and  French  names  can  be  found  in  abundance. 

As  a  party  of  foreign  workmen,  it  could,  of  course, 
have  no  influence  on  the  politics  of  the  country,  and  only 
as  the  membership  was  drawn  more  and  more  from  the 
Argentinos  did  the  voting  strength  of  the  party  increase. 
In  1903,  of  884  paying  members  in  the  city  of  Buenos 
Ayres,  467  were  Argentinos  and  417  foreigners;  in  the 
provinces,  the  proportion  was  373  Argentinos  to  479  for- 
eigners. At  the  present  time  the  foreigners  are  still  about 
30  per  cent  of  the  membership.    At  the  Congress  held  last 


252       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

May  in  Rosario,  the  delegates  represented  organizations 
with  a  membership  in  Buenos  Ayres  city  of  1,201  and  in 
the  provinces  of  2,310. 

In  the  National  Congress  the  party  has  nine  repre- 
sentatives, in  the  Senate  one,  in  the  Provincial  Assembly 
of  Buenos  Ayres  tvro,  and  in  Mendoza  one.  .    .   . 

While  in  1903  half  the  party  members  vrere  of  for- 
eign birth,  in  1914  this  was  true  only  of  one-third. 

The  party  has  still  a  hard  task  in  front  of  it,  as  the 
industrial  working-class,  upon  which  it  must  rely  in  the 
main,  is  still  largely  cosmopolitan,  the  Italians  predom- 
inating. In  order  to  increase  its  membership  in  full  citi- 
zens from  that  class,  a  rule  of  the  party  says  that  for- 
eigners cannot  become  members  of  the  party  unless  they 
get  themselves  naturalized,  an  exception  being  made  only 
in  the  case  of  those  workers  to  whom  the  authorities  refuse 
naturalization,  a  not  unusual  occurrence. 

At  the  elections  other  sections  of  the  population  have 
contributed  largely  to  the  success,  such  as  state  and  munici- 
pal officials  of  the  lower  ranks,  private  employers,  and  a 
certain  proportion  of  the  smaller  shopkeepers  and  trades- 
men. Among  these,  as  indeed  is  the  case  with  all  Argen- 
tinos,  the  nationalist  feeling  is  very  strong.  One  prom- 
inent Socialist  and  former  Senator,  Manuel  Ugarte,  who 
for  some  years  represented  Argentina  on  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau,  seems  to  have  gone  over  entirely  to  the 
Nationalist  Patriotic  Party,  and  devotes  himself  now  to  the 
advocacy  of  the  idea  of  an  America  latino,  a  movement  di- 
rected against  the  growing  influence  of  the  United  States 
in  the  South  American  republics.  Arising  out  of  some 
article  in  Vangiiardia,  the  party  organ,  which  to  him 
seemed  to  be  derogatory  of  the  dignity  of  the  Latin  races, 
as  they  described  the  backwardness  of  Central  America, 
he  commenced  a  campaign  in  the  capitalist  press  against 


CENTRAL  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  253 

the  party,  accused  it  of  being  anti-patriotic,  etc.,  and 
finally  challenged  a  Socialist  deputy,  Palacios,  to  fight  a 
duel.  Ugarte  was  thereupon  expelled  by  his  organization 
and  is  now  no  longer  to  be  considered  as  a  Socialist. 

The  Vanguardia  had  merely  declared  that  the  opening 
of  the  Panama  Canal  would  bring  a  new  life  to  Central 
America.  Hereupon  a  furious  nationalistic  onslaught  was 
unchained.  It  vdiolly  dominated  the  electoral  agitation 
of  1914,  and  the  party  was  forced  to  take  a  definite  stand 
on  the  question,  Nationalism  and  Socialism.  A  part  of  the 
comrades  then  made  considerable  concessions  to  national- 
ism. Another  part  arose  vigorously  against  it.  These  dif- 
ferences were  the  chief  feature  of  the  Party  Congress  in 
May  (1914).    No  important  decision  was  reached,  however. 


SECTION  IV 
SOCIALISM  IN  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 

(Excluding  Canada) 
CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  BRITISH  INDEPENDENT  LABOR  PARTY 
AND  THE  BRITISH  SOCIALIST  PARTY 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 
1.   THE   BRITISH   LABOR  PARTY — EXCERPTS   FROM   CONSTITUTION 

The  Socialist  political  movement  in  Great  Britain  finds 
its  chief  expression  in  the  British  Labor  Party,  which  is 
primarily  a  federation  of  those  trade-unions  which  stand 
for  progressive  labor  legislation,  with  the  Independent 
Labor  Party,  which  is  definitely  committed  to  Socialism, 
and  with  the  Fabian  Society,  an  educational  Socialist  or- 
ganization. The  British  Socialist  Party,  the  third  of  the 
leading  Socialist  organizations  in  Great  Britain,  which,  for 
many  years,  stood  apart  from  this  federation,  applied  for 
membership  in  May,  1914,  as  a  result  of  the  suggestion  of 
a  committee  on  unity,  appointed  by  the  International  So- 
cialist Congress. 

The  constitution  of  the  party  declares  (1914)  that  its 
object  is  "To  organize  and  maintain  in  Parliament  and 
the  country  a  political  Labor  Party,"  and  provides  that 
"Candidates  and  members  must  .  .  .  appear  before  their 
constituencies  under  the  title  of  labor  candidates  only; 
abstain  strictly  from  identifying  themselves  with  or  pro- 
moting the  interests  of  any  other  party;  and  accept  the 
responsibilities  established  by  parliamentary  practice. 

255 


256       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"Before  a  candidate  can  be  regarded  as  adopted  for  a 
constituency,  his  candidature  must  be  sanctioned  by  the 
national  executive;  and  where  at  the  time  of  a  by-election 
no  candidate  has  been  so  sanctioned,  the  national  executive 
shall  have  power  to  withhold  its  sanction." 

The  constitution  further  provides  that  "The  national 
executive  shall  consist  of  16  members,  11  representing  the 
trade-unions,  1  the  trades-councils,  women's  organizations, 
and  local  labor  parties,  and  3  the  Socialist  societies,  who 
shall  be  elected  by  ballot  at  the  annual  conference  by  their 
respective  sections,  and  the  treasurer,  who  shall  also  be 
elected  by  the  conference." 

2.   GROWTH   OF   THE  BRITISH   LABOR  PARTY 

In  1912  the  membership  of  the  Labor  Party  was  esti- 
mated at  1,895,498.  The  trade-unions  contributed  the  bulk 
of  the  membership — 1,858,178.  The  Independent  Labor 
Party  and  the  Fabian  Society  contributed  31,237,  of  which 
the  I.  L.  P.  possessed  nearly  30,000. 

The  executive  committee  of  the  Labor  Party  gave  in 
1913  the  following  estimate  of  growth : 

Socialist 
Trade-union  societies  Total 

membership  membership 

1900-1  353,070  22,861  375,931 

1901-2  455,450  13,861  469,311 

1902-3  847,315  13,835  861,150 

1903-4  956,025  13,775  969,800 

1904-5  855,270  14,730  900,000 

1905-6  904,496  16,784  921,280 

1906-7  975,182  20,885  998,338 

1907  1,049,673  22,267  1,072,413 

1908  1,127,035  27,465  1,158,565 

1909  1,450,648  30,982  1,486,308 

1910  1,394,402  31,377  1,430,539 

1911  1,501,783  31,404  1,539,092 

1912  1,858,178  31,237  1,895,498 


BRITISH  LABOR  AND  SOCIALIST  PARTY        257 
The  report  of  the  Executive  Committee  for  1913  declares : 

The  Labor  Party  is  .  .  .  primarily  a  political  organization 
controlled  by  the  British  labor  unions.  But  [with  the]  affiliation 
of  the  British  Socialist  Party  .  .  .  there  will  be  nearly  50,000 
Socialist  Party  members,  who  are  also  members  of  the  Labor 
Party.  Though  less  than  three  per  cent  of  the  total  membership, 
they  have  furnished  [1913]  7  of  the  40  Labor  Party  mem- 
bers of  Parliament.  .   .   . 

n.    THE   INDEPENDENT   LABOR   PARTY    (SOCIALIST) 
1.   PROGRAM 

The  true  object  of  industry  being  the  production  of  the  require- 
ments of  life,  the  responsibility  should  rest  with  the  community 
collectively,  therefore : 

The  land  being  the  storehouse  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life 
should  be  declared  and  treated  as  public  property. 

The  capital  necessary  for  the  industrial  operations  should  be 
owned  and  used  collectively. 

Work,  and  wealth  resulting  therefrom,  should  be  equitably  dis- 
tributed over  the  population. 

As  a  means  to  this  end  we  demand  the  enactment  of  the  fol- 
lowing measures : 

1.  A  maximum  of  48  hours  working  week,  with  the  retention 
of  all  existing  holidays,  and  Labor  Day,  May  1,  secured  by  law. 

2.  The  provision  of  work  to  all  capable  adult  applicants  at 
recognized  trade-union  rates,  with  a  statutory  minimum  of  6d. 
per  hour. 

In  order  to  remuneratively  employ  the  applicants,  parish,  dis- 
trict, borough,  and  county  councils  to  be  invested  with  powers  to : 

(a)  Organize  and  undertake  such  industries  as  they  may  con- 
sider desirable; 

(b)  Compulsorily  acquire  land;  purchase,  erect,  or  manu- 
facture buildings,  stock,  or  other  articles  for  carrying  on  such 
industries ; 

(c)  Levy  rates  on  the  rental  values  of  the  district,  and  borrow 
money  on  the  security  of  such  rates  for  any  of  the  above  pur- 
poses. 

3.  State  pensions  for  every  person  over  50  years  of  age,  and 


258       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

adequate  provision  for  all  widows,  orphans,  sick,  and  disabled 
workers. 

4.  Free,  secular,  moral,  primary,  secondary,  and  university 
education,  with  free  maintenance  while  at  school  or  university. 

5.  The  raising  of  the  age  of  child  labor,  with  a  view  to  its 
ultimate  extinction. 

6.  Municipalization  and  public  control  of  the  drink  traffic. 

7.  Municipalization  and  jDublic  control  of  all  hospitals  and 
infirmaries. 

8.  Abolition  of  indirect  taxation  and  the  gradual  transference 
of  all  public  burdens  on  to  unearned  incomes,  with  a  view  to 
their  ultimate  extinction. 

9.  The  Independent  Labor  Party  is  in  favor  of  adult  suffrage, 
with  full  political  rights  and  privileges  for  women,  and  the 
immediate  extension  of  the  franchise  to  women  on  the  same 
terms  as  granted  to  men;  also  triennial  Parliaments  and  second 
ballot. 

2.    ACTIVITIES   OF   THE   I.    L.    P.    MEMBERS   OF   PARLIAMENT 

The  report  to  the  Party  Congress  of  1914  dwells  upon  the 
Socialists'  fight  for  woman  suffrage  and  for  a  better  finance 
bill,  and  their  agitation  against  the  increase  of  armament, 
the  action  of  the  Dublin  police,  the  deportation  of  trade- 
union  leaders,  etc.  The  report  deals  with  the  manner  in 
which  present  parliamentary  procedure  leads  to  ineffective- 
ness.   It  reads : 

The  relations  of  the  I.  L.  P.  members  of  the  Labor  Party  with 
their  trade-union  colleagues  continue  cordial.  The  composite 
character  of  the  Labor  Party  and  the  differences  of  political 
training  and  economic  views  to  be  found  among  the  members  of 
the  Labor  Party  should  be  kept  in  mind. 

So  long  as  the  House  of  Lords  exists  in  its  present  form, 
with  power  to  suspend  legislative  measures  for  a  period  of  two 
years  or  more,  necessitating  such  measures  being  passed  by  the 
House  of  Commons  in  at  least  three  successive  sessions,  there 
will  be  a  great  deal  of  time  wasted  which  might  otherwise  be 
devoted  to  new  measures,  and  there  Avill  be  a  natural  disposition 
not  to  throw  away  the  advantage  which  has  been  won  by  stages 


BRITISH  LABOR  AND  SOCIALIST  PARTY         259 

already  passed  on  the  road  to  the  final  enactment  of  measures. 
The  Parliament  Act,  while  restricting  the  powers  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  has  created  new  difficulties  for  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  the  present  situation  is  one  which  cannot  be  permanently 
endured.  .   .  . 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  Government  will  endeavor  to  pass  a 
comprehensive  reform  bill  in  this  Parliament,  but  should  they  do 
so,  we  shall  do  all  we  can  to  secure  the  enfranchisement  of 
women  in  it  on  a  comprehensive  basis,  or  failing  that  we  shall 
oppose  the  further  extension  of  the  male  franchise.  The  position 
of  the  Woman  Suffrage  question,  though  for  the  moment  par- 
liamentary interest  in  it  is  quiet,  is  hopeful.  If  nothing  is  done 
further  in  this  Parliament  it  will  be  necessary  to  make  this  a 
prominent  issue  at  the  next  general  election,  so  that  the  Gov- 
ernment will  not  be  able  to  make  the  excuse  that  there  is  no 
popular  mandate  for  the  reform. 

The  Labor  Party  has  been  extremely  active  during  the  present 
session.  It  has  raised  debates  of  first-class  importance  on  the 
action  of  the  Dublin  police  and  the  deportation  of  the  South 
African  trade-union  leaders,  accidents  in  mines  and  on  railways, 
the  condition  of  the  blind,  and  other  matters.  Neither  in  regard 
to  Dublin  nor  South  Africa  was  any  satisfaction  obtained  from 
the  Government,  but  promises  of  legislation  or  inquiry  were 
made  in  regard  to  the  other  matters. 

The  Government's  extravagance  in  naval  affairs  continues,  and 
this  year  the  Admiralty  have  presented  navy  estimates  of  over 
£50,000,000.  The  I.  L.  P.  members  have  offered  a  united  and 
strong  opposition  to  this  expenditure.  The  opposition  to  this 
criminal  extravagance  was  left  mainly  to  the  Labor  Party.  The 
Radicals  seem  to  have  forsaken  all  the  principles  of  economy 
in  Avhieh  they  have  been  trained.  We  shall  continue  to  oppose 
this  expenditure  on  armaments,  not  only  because  of  the  waste  of 
national  wealth  which  is  involved,  but  in  the  interests  of  inter- 
national goodwill. 

A  vast  amount  of  very  useful  work  has  been  done  by  the  I.  L.  P. 
members  in  quiet  and  unobtrusive  ways,  on  commissions  and 
committees,  and  in  attending  to  complaints  about  the  adminis- 
tration of  laws. 

We  do  not  submit  to  you  this  short  and  incomplete  report 
of  the  work  of  the  past  year  with  a  feeling  of  complete  satis- 
faction with  our  achievements.     On  the  contrary  we  are  very 


260       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

fully  aware  of  how  small  and  inadequate  it  is  compared  with 
what  we  should  like  to  see  accomplished.  We  are  hampered  by 
the  special  circumstances  of  the  parliamentary  situation,  and 
by  the  smallness  of  our  numbers;  and  as  I.  L.  P.  members,  whose 
aim  is  to  advance  the  cause  of  Socialism,  by  the  variety  of 
economic  thought  and  political  sympathy  in  the  Labor  Party. 
We  recognize  the  advantages  of  labor  generally  by  .such  a  com- 
bination of  Trade-Unionists  and  Socialists  as  we  have  in  the 
Labor  Party,  but  we  have  never  been  blind  to  the  fact  that  if 
we,  as  Socialists,  are  to  get  the  benefit  of  the  support  of  our 
trade-union  allies  it  must  involve  some  sacrifice  of  our  own  inde- 
pendent action  as  an  I.  L.  P.  We  are  constantly  having  to 
consider  cases  where  the  opinions  of  the  Labor  Party  and  the 
I.  L.  P.,  as  expressed  by  the  resolutions  of  the  two  conferences, 
differ  or  conflict. 

Occasionally  loyalty  to  the  Labor  Party  alliance  involves  the 
sacrifice  of  I.  L.  P.  resolutions.  This  difference  sometimes,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Plural  Voting  Bill  and  the  Insurance  Bill, 
leads  to  divisions  among  ourselves.  This  is  a  difficult  situation, 
and  one  which  is  perhaps  inherent  in  the  present  stage  of  the 
development  of  a  parliamentary  labor  party,  but  it  would  be 
well  if  the  Conference  at  its  special  sitting  to  discuss  parlia- 
mentary policy  would  give  some  attention  to  this  matter. 

J.  R.  Clynes, 
J.  Keir  Hardie, 

F.    W.    JOWETT, 

J.  Ramsay  MacDonald, 
James  Parker, 
Thos.  Richardson, 
Philip  Sxowden. 

3.  criticism  and  defense  of  the  labor  party  by  the  i.  l.  p, 
party  conference,  1914 

The  chief  criticism  in  the  Party  Conference  of  1914  cen- 
tered around  the  rumored  alliance  between  the  Labor 
Party  and  the  Liberal  Party.  In  the  British  Parliament, 
if  the  House  of  Lords  vetoes  a  bill,  this  bill  must  be  passed 
three  times  in  succession  by  the  House  of  Commons  before 
it  becomes  a  law.     If  the  Government  Party — in  recent 


BRITISH  LABOR  AND  SOCIALIST  PARTY        261 

years,  the  Liberal  Party— should  be  defeated  in  any  meas- 
ures proposed  by  it,  the  Cabinet  usually  resigns  and  an- 
other election  is  called.  If  the  Government  Party  is  ousted 
before  the  bill  is  passed  the  third  time,  the  bill  must  go 
again  through  the  same  course.  The  three  most  important 
bills  before  Parliament,  prior  to  this  conference,  supported 
by  the  Liberal  and  Labor  parties  and  vetoed  by  the  House 
of  Lords,  were  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  the  Plural  Voting  Bill 
(which  purports  to  make  it  impossible  for  any  man  to 
vote  more  than  once),  and  the  Welsh  Disestablishment  Bill. 
It  was  often  necessary  for  the  Labor  Party  to  support  the 
Liberal  Party  in  its  proposed  measures  if  it  desired  to 
retain  the  Government  in  power  and  thus  to  save  the  three 
foregoing  bills.  This  support,  among  other  things,  led  to 
rumors  of  an  alliance. 

Robert  Smillie,  president  of  the  Miners'  Federation,  de- 
clared in  the  Conference  that  he  would  rather  have  a 
parliamentary  party  of  7  which  refused  to  enter  an  alli- 
ance than  one  with  40  which  joined  hands  with  the  Lib- 
erals; that  if  such  a  calamity  as  an  alliance  occurred, 
neither  he  nor  the  miners'  organization  would  be  any  party 
to  it,  even  though  the  party  conceded,  as  an  inducement, 
the  installment  of  satisfactory  life-saving  apparatus  in  the 
mines  or  the  fixing  of  a  minimum  wage  by  law. 

Philip  Snowden,  M.  P.,  said  that  whether  or  not  there 
was  any  alliance,  understanding,  or  agreement  with  the 
Liberal  Party,  the  policy  of  the  Labor  Party  was  in  very 
little  sense  different  from  that  which  it  would  have  been 
if  there  had  been  an  open  and  acknowledged  alliance. 
Whenever  a  resolution  tabled  for  introduction  to  the 
House  was  discussed  by  the  Parliamentary  Party,  he 
stated,  it  was  minutely  scrutinized  to  see  whether  it  could 
possibly  be  supported  by  the  Tories  and  thus  endanger  the 
existence  of  the  Government. 


262       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

When  Mr.  Hardie  was  chairman  of  the  Labor  group 
he  had  said  he  would  not  go  cap  in  hand  to  the  Govern- 
ment; the  Labor  Party  room  was  number  40,  and  if  the 
Government  whips  wanted  him,  he  was  there.  That,  Mr. 
Snowden  declared,  was  the  only  self-respecting  attitude  to 
adopt. 

He  had  not  lost  faith  in  the  Labor  Party,  he  said,  but 
it  had  to  face,  as  alternatives,  either  subservience  to  a 
capitalist  government  or  independence.  As  for  him,  he 
believed  that  a  small  party  of  six,  if  determined,  class- 
conscious,  and  self-conscious,  would  be  worth  the  whole 
of  the  present  party. 

J.  Eamsay  Macdonald,  M.  P.,  chairman  of  the  Labor 
Party,  defended  the  position  taken  by  the  parliamentary 
group.  He  declared  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  an 
alliance  with  the  Liberals;  that  there  had  not  even  been 
any  discussion  of  such  an  alliance,  and  as  far  as  he  was 
concerned,  no  approach  to  an  agreement  had  been 
made  between  the  Labor  Party  and  the  Liberal  Party 
which  meant  the  change  by  one  hair-breadth  of  the 
policy  of  the  Labor  Party.  There  had  been  talks  be- 
tween individual  members,  perhaps,  but  no  official  con- 
sultations. 

It  was  not  a  question  of  agreements,  he  declared,  but 
the  Labor  Party  was  bound  to  take  into  consideration 
whether  it  was  going  to  undo  by  its  electoral  policy  what 
it  had  asked  the  Labor  members  to  do  during  the  life  of 
the  present  Parliament. 

4.   RESOLUTION  AGAINST  THE   BRITISH   SYSTEM   OP  PARTY 
LEGISLATION 

W.  Leach,  of  Bradford,  introduced  the  following  resolu- 
tion, urging  the  parliamentary  group  to  disregard  certain 
of  the  so-called  exigencies  of  parliamentary  rule : 


BRITISH  LABOR  AND  SOCIALIST  PARTY         263 

That  cabinet  rule,  which  involves  the  suppression  of  the  rights 
of  the  private  member  to  any  adequate  voice  in  the  policy  of 
his  party,  and  which  implies  the  resignation  of  the  Ministry  and 
the  dissolution  of  Parliament  when  proposals  of  the  cabinet  are 
negatived,  besides  making  almost  impossible  the  free  consid- 
eration of  proposals  which  have  not  received  the  cabinet  hall- 
mark, is  inimical  to  the  good  government  of  the  country;  that 
with  a  view  to  the  ultimate  break-up  of  this  system,  the  Par- 
liamentary Labor  Party  be  asked  to  take  no  account  of  any  such 
considerations  and  to  vote  on  all  issues  only  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  for  which  the  party  stands. 


Speech  hy  F.  W.  Jowett,  M.  P.  {the  new  chairman  of  the 

I.  L.  P.) 

F.  W.  Jowett,  M.  P.  (Bradford),  supporting  the  resolu- 
tion, pointed  out  that  the  Radical  Party  had  once  been  told 
that  if  they  did  not  accept  the  estimates  they  could  not 
destroy  the  veto  of  the  House  of  Lords ;  and  that  the  Irish 
Party  had  been  told  that  if  they  did  not  accept  them  the 
Government  would  be  turned  out  of  office  and  they  would 
not  get  Home  Rule;  the  AVelsh  Party  had  been  told  that 
if  they  did  not  vote  for  the  Government  they  would  not 
get  "Welsh  Disestablishment ;  and  the  Labor  Party  had  been 
told  they  would  not  get  the  Osborne  Bill  or  insurance 
against  unemployment  if  they  failed  to  support  the  Gov- 
ernment.   He  continued: 

If  the  Labor  Party  [he  added]  were  in  the  position  of  the 
Irish  Party  with  one  outstanding  measure,  caring  nothing  for 
the  general  ruck  of  legislation  and  intent  on  one  measure  alone, 
they  could  say  to  the  Government,  "  We  hold  39  votes.  Give  us 
this  measure  and  we  will  keep  you  in  power:  we  will  keep  you 
in  even  if  by  doing  so  we  have  to  give  a  vote  against  21  shillings 
a  week  for  railwaymen." 

Of  course  we  cannot  do  it.  We  cannot  carry  out  such  a  con- 
tract, and  consequently  that  system  of  bargaining  openly  is  not 
possible  to  the  Labor  Party.     The  Bradford  resolution  did  not 


264      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

merely  suggest  ignoring  a  bad  system,  but  it  called  for  the 
application  of  common  honesty  to  public  government.  The 
present  system  would  be  absolutely  punctured  if  any  large  body 
of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  determined  to  vote 
on  the  merits  of  bills  that  were  introduced,  to  treat  of  ques- 
tions as  questions  of  conscience  and  to  vote  accordingly. 

Let  me  say  here,  I  don't  want  a  cabinet  system  under  even 
labor  domination.  I  have  no  wish  to  see  ministerial  control  ap- 
plied to  any  department  of  state  even  if  the  minister  be  a 
Socialist — because  it  means  bureaucracy;  because  it  means  the 
people  are  not  having  control.  .  .  .  Even  if  it  were  a  labor 
government  I  should  regard  a  government  of  ministers,  each  with 
sole  control  of  a  public  department,  as  exceedingly  bad  for  the 
public.  .  .  .  Certainly  we  will  not  go  so  far  as  to  say  we  will 
cover  up  the  iniquities  of  a  government  with  which  we  do  not 
agree  in  other  matters  in  order  to  get  the  things  we  desire.  The 
history  of  the  past  few  years  shows  that  there  have  been  votes 
which  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  for  us  to  defend.  Those  votes 
would  not  have  been  given  had  it  not  been  for  the  fact  that 
we  were  doing  this  for  the  deliberate  purpose  of  keeping  the 
Government  in  office  in  order  that  they  might  pass  home  rule 
or  some  other  measure.  .   .   . 

Are  we  to  be  deprived  of  the  right  to  register  a  solemn  censure 
on  one  question  because  of  a  bigger  question  for  which  the  Gov- 
ernment stands?  If  so,  in  my  judgment  neither  in  your  day 
nor  in  mine  shall  we  be  free  of  some  great  political  question 
which  will  keep  us  bond-slaves.  I  for  one  refuse  to  be  a  bond- 
slave.   I  will  be  free. 

The  resolution  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  233  to  78. 


in.    THE   BRITISH   SOCIALIST   PARTY 

The  British  Socialist  Party  was  formed  at  the  end  of 
1911,  from  the  amalgamation  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  (founded  in  1884)  and  several  other  Socialist  organ- 
izations. 

The  following  resolution  was  carried  unanimously  at  the  Unity 
Conference  at  Manchester  on  September  30,  1911 : 


BRITISH  LABOR  AND  SOCIALIST  PARTY         265 

"  This  conference  of  Socialist  organizations,  believing  that  the 
difference  of  opinion  and  the  adoption  of  dissimilar  tactics,  which 
have  hitherto  characterized  the  various  sections  of  the  British 
Socialist  movement;  have  arisen  from  circumstances  peemliar  to 
its  initial  stages,  is  convinced  that  the  time  is  now  ripe  for  the 
formation  of  a  United  Socialist  Party,  and  the  delegates  pledge 
their  organizations  to  co-operate  in  the  unification  of  their  forces 
on  the  following  basis  of  common  agreement: 

"  The  Socialist  Party  is  the  political  expression  of  the  working- 
class  movement,  acting  in  the  closest  co-operation  with  industrial 
organizations  for  the  socialization  of  the  means  of  production  and 
distribution — that  is  to  say,  the  transformation  of  capitalist  so- 
ciety into  a  collectivist  or  communist  society.  Alike  in  its 
objects,  its  ideals,  and  in  the  means  employed,  the  Socialist  Party 
is  not  a  reformist  but  a  revolutionary  party,  which  recognizes 
that  social  freedom  and  equality  can  only  be  won  by  fighting 
the  class  war  through  to  the  finish,  and  thus  abolishing  for  ever 
all  class  distinctions." 


CHAPTER  XIX 
THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY 

I.    THE   BRITISH   LABOR   PARTY   IN   PARLIAMENT,    1912 

At  the  Party  Conference  in  1913,  the  Labor  Party  sub- 
mitted its  parliamentary  report,  describing  the  order  in 
which  the  group  in  Parliament  decided  to  submit  its  bills, 
and  its  continued  ill  fortune  in  securing  an  acceptable 
place  in  the  balloting.  It  also  dealt  with  the  activity  of 
the  group  in  the  coal  and  Port  of  London  strikes,  and  in 
connection  with  the  home  rule,  Welsh  disestablishment, 
franchise,  trade-union,  railway,  education,  and  other 
measures. 

The  report  reads  in  part  as  follows : 

It  was  decided  the  following  bills  should  be  balloted  for  in  the 
order  given:  Trade-Union  Law  Amendment;  Right  to  Work; 
Education  (Administrative  Provisions)  ;  Eight  Hours'  Day;  Rail- 
way Nationalization;  Compulsory  Weighing;  Eviction  of  Work- 
men during  Trade  Disputes;  Blind  Aid;  and  Local  Authorities 
(Enabling). 

The  party's  ill  fortune  in  the  ballot  in  previous  sessions  was 
continued  in  this.  .  .  .  The  Trade-Union  Law  Amendment,  Right 
to  Work,  and  Education  (Administrative  Provisions)  bills  were 
reintroduced,  but  made  no  progi-ess.  The  short  bill  to  legalize  the 
feeding  of  school  children  during  holidays,  introduced  last  ses- 
sion, was  again  brought  forward,  but  although  the  Government 
declared  their  agreement  with  it,  no  time  was  allotted  to  secure 
its  passage.  .   .   . 

The  Coal  Strike  and  the  Coal  Mines  {Minimum  Wage)  Bill 

A  very  important  part  of  the  party's  work  during  the  session 
was  in  connection  with  the  national  strike  of  miners.    Throughout 

266 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  267 

the  dispute  the  party  was  in  close  touch  with  the  Miners'  Fed- 
eration and  carried  out  all  the  wishes  of  the  Federation  to  the 
best  of  its  ability.  In  order  to  settle  the  strike  the  Government 
brought  forward  a  bill  to  establish  a  minimum  wage  for  miners, 
but  no  precise  figures  were  set  forth.  The  party  therefore  moved 
an  amendment  fixing  the  minimum  at  five  shillings  a  day  for 
adults  other  than  piece-workers,  and  two  shillings  a  day  for  boys. 
The  Government  refused  to  accept  this  proposal  and  it  was 
rejected.  Other  amendments  were  moved  with  a  view  to  improv- 
ing the  bill,  and  some  were  carried.  In  consequence  of  the  defeat 
of  the  five  shillings  and  two  shillings  amendment,  however,  the 
miners  in  conference  advised  opposition  to  the  third  reading  of 
the  bill  and  the  party  acted  accordingly. 

The  Port  of  London  Strike  and  the  Industrial  Agreements  Bill 

This  dispute  also  played  an  important  part  in  the  work  of  the 
session,  and  it  is  a  matter  for  regret  that  the  result  was  unsatis- 
factory. The  party  did  all  it  could  to  help  the  men,  and  during 
the  latter  part  of  the  dispute  had  a  representative  on  the  strike 
committee.  The  strike  was  really  due  to  certain  employers  in 
the  port  not  obsenang  agreements  come  to  between  representa- 
tives of  the  employers  and  employed.  In  consultation  with  the 
Transport  Workers'  Federation,  the  party  put  fonvard  a  proposal 
that  where  an  agreement  had  been  come  to  between  representa- 
tives of  employers  and  employed  it  should  be  made  legally  binding 
on  the  whole  of  the  trade  in  the  district,  and  a  bill  on  these 
lines  applying  to  the  Port  of  London  only  was  subsequently 
introduced.  It  should  be  clearly  understood  that  the  sole  object 
of  the  bill  was  to  enforce  an  existing  voluntary  agreement  on 
any  section  in  the  district  that  was  unorganized  and  unrepre- 
sented at  the  conference  where  such  agreement  was  come  to. 
The  agreement  would  presumably  be  for  a  certain  term,  and  the 
workmen  would  not  or  need  not  accept  any  agreement  which 
would  render  them  powerless  in  the  event  of  a  new  situation 
arising.  Therefore,  the  right  to  strike  was  in  no  way  infringed 
except  in  so  far  as  an  agreement  voluntarily  come  to  might 
specify.    The  bill  made  no  progress.  .   .   . 

Government  of  Ireland  Bill  and  Established  Church  {Wales)  Bill 

The  session  has  been  mainly  taken  up  with  fulfilling  pledges 
given  in  respect  to  three  big  political  measures,  two  of  which 


268      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

were  the  Home  Rule  and  Welsh  Disestablishment  Bills.  In 
respect  to  these  the  party  generally  had  made  most  definite 
promises  to  the  constituencies  and  it  did  its  best  to  get  the  meas- 
ures carried  and  put  out  of  the  way. 

Franchise  and  Registration  Bill 

.  .  .  The  party  has  amendments  down  to  secure  fviU  adult 
suffrage,  a  three  months'  qualification,  and  the  repeal  of  the 
pauper  disqualification.  .   .   . 

Trade-Unions  Bill 

From  the  party's  special  point  of  view  the  chief  bill  of  the 
session  was  the  Trade-Unions  (No.  2)  Bill.  This  bill  did  not 
seek  to  reverse  the  Osborne  Judgment,  but  it  gave  the  unions 
power  to  add  political  objects  to  their  rules,  provided  that  a 
majority  of  the  members  by  ballot  had  so  decided.  It  also  gave 
to  members  who  objected  to  pay  to  the  Parliamentary  Fund  the 
right  to  withhold  payment  altogether.  .  .  .  The  party  exerted 
every  effort  to  improve  the  bill  and  to  secure  its  passage  .  .  . 
should  it  be  acceptable  to  the  movement.  [A  special  national 
conference  of  delegates  was  called  to  consider  the  matter.] 

Railways  Bill 

In  pursuance  of  a  promise  given  by  the  Government  to  the 
railway  companies  at  the  time  of  the  railway  strike,  a  bill  was 
introduced  empowering  the  companies  to  increase  their  rates  and 
charges  to  an  extent  sufficient  to  cover  any  extra  cost  entailed 
by  the  improved  conditions  of  service  of  the  employees.  The 
bill  as  it  was  worded  threw  the  onus  of  proof  on  anj"  aggrieved 
person  that  an  increased  rate  or  charge  was  [excessive],  and 
there  were  other  objectionable  proposals.  .  .  .  The  bill  was  sub- 
sequently withdrawn.  Another  bill  [was]  substituted  and  it  pro- 
vides that  it  shall  lie  with  the  company  to  prove  that  any  pro- 
posed increase  is  justifiable.  .  .  .  But  the  party  has  decided  to 
oppose  it  on  the  ground  that  the  railway  companies  have  largely 
recouped  themselves  for  any  concessions  they  may  have  given 
to  their  employees.  In  addition  the  party  is  opposed  to  giving 
further  powers  to  monopolies  because  trade-union  action  has 
resulted  in  securing  improved  conditions  of  service  for  the  em- 
ployees. 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  269 

Education 

At  the  Birmingham  Conference  a  resolution  was  carried  re- 
questing the  party  to  appoint  a  committee  to  consider  the  general 
question  of  educational  reform  and  draw  up  a  report  thereon. 
The  committee  was  to  consider 

(1)  A  modification  of  the  curriculum  in  primary  schools,  in 
order  that  in  the  later  years  of  school  life  more  time  may  be 
given  to  instruction  in  the  duties  of  citizenship; 

(2)  The  raising  of  the  school-leaving  age  to  16  years,  and  the 
right  of  children  in  primary  and  secondary  schools  to  mainte- 
nance allowances; 

(3)  The  limiting  of  the  hours  of  boy  and  girl  labor  up  to  the 
age  of  18  to  30  per  week,  so  as  to  provide  20  or  more  hours  per 
week  for  physical,  technological,  and  general  training; 

(4)  The  establishment  of  medical  treatment  centers  in  connec- 
tion with  each  primary  school  or  gi'oup  of  schools. 

Policy  and  Propaganda 

The  party  has  considered  the  political  situation  and  its  bearing 
upon  parliamentary  action  and  energetic  propagandist  efforts 
throughout  the  country  in  the  immediate  future.  Committees 
have  been  appointed  to  consider  the  drafting  and  introduction 
of  bills  dealing  with  the  nationalization  of  mines  and  railways, 
the  problem  of  poverty  on  the  lines  of  the  recommendation  of 
the  minority  report  of  the  Poor  Law  Commission,  the  abolition 
of  sweating  by  the  development  of  the  Trade  Boards  Act,  ex- 
tensive housing  reform,  a  further  application  of  the  taxation 
of  unearned  incomes,  the  compulsory  feeding  and  medical  treat- 
ment of  school  children  throughout  the  year,  and  a  general  reduc- 
tion in  the  hours  of  labor. 

A  committee  is  considering  the  problem  of  rural  housing, 
the  importance  and  practicability  of  fixing  a  minimum 
wage  for  agricultural  laborers,  the  extension  of  small  hold- 
ings, the  putting  of  land  to  its  best  use,  and  the  questions 
of  taxation  and  public  ownership.  In  order  that  the  in- 
quiry may  be  full  and  complete  the  committee  is  taking 
evidence  and  examining  schemes  in  the  hope  that  the  pro- 


270       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

posals   in   its   report   may   be   practical   and   comprehen- 
sive. 

The  group  also  opposed  an  investigation  into  the  causes 
of  industrial  unrest,  on  the  ground  that  these  causes  are 
already  known.  It  urged  legislation  securing  the  right  to 
work,  unemployment  insurance,  a  maximum  eight-hours' 
working  day,  a  minimum  wage,  and  the  nationalization  of 
the  railways,  mines,  land,  and  other  monopolies,  to  remedy 
the  situation. 

n.   PARTY    CONFERENCE   OF   1913 

Chairman  Roberts  dealt,  in  his  address,  with  a  number 
of  the  salient  issues  before  the  party,  including  the  value 
of  political  vs.  direct  action,  and  the  desirability  of  legisla- 
tion dealing  with  the  franchise  for  men  and  women,  with 
housing,  the  condition  of  the  agricultural  worker,  and  rail- 
road nationalization.    His  speech,  in  part,  was  as  follows : 

Recently  we  have  witnessed  a  recrudescence  of  the  allegation 
that  political  action  is  futile  and  direct  industrialism  the  only 
certain  means  of  realizing  working-class  aims  and  aspirations. 
The  Labor  Party  challenges  that  view  with  the  assertion  that 
both  means  are  necessary.  None  can  avoid  a  sense  of  disap- 
pointment at  the  results  of  political  action.  And  is  it  not  equally 
so  with  the  strike  policy?  The  truth  is  that  while  the  highest 
expectations  formed  of  either  are  unfulfilled,  yet  considerable 
advantage  has  accrued  from  both.  In  either  case  the  comparative 
failure  is  identical.  .  .  .  Given  a  more  thorough  education  and 
organization  of  the  workers,  their  political  and  industrial  activi- 
ties would  be  correspondingly  the  more  productive.  .    .    . 

Direct  actionists  affect  to  repudiate  the  representative  govern- 
ment of  modern  democi'aey,  and  have  aroused  the  suspicion  that 
they  favor  violence  rather  than  discussion  and  reason.  My  sub- 
mission is  that  polities  cannot  be  dispensed  with,  and  that  the 
perfect  state  will  only  come  through  well-ordered  effort  and 
schemes,  and  not  through  a  purely  economic  outburst.  Let  it  be 
remembered  that  the  state  is  as  yet  imperfectly  democratized. 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  271 

Our  object  is  to  make  the  state  synonymous  with  the  people. 
When  a  popular  franchise  is  attained,  the  people  by  political 
organization  can  master  the  state  and  use  it  for  popular  pur- 
poses. .  .  .  When  industries  are  brought  under  public  control 
political  methods  ■will  be  necessary  to  determine  principles  of 
administration.  Again,  the  attainments  of  force  can  only  sub- 
sist by  the  sanction  of  force.  If  Parliament  is  vacated  by  labor 
the  control  by  opponents  of  public  revenue,  the  naval,  military, 
and  civil  forces  would  speedily  encompass  the  downfall  of  the 
new  system.  Neither  is  it  wise  to  stake  everything  on  a  single 
policy  of  forceful  action.  This  is  a  reckless  gamble.  Moreover, 
do  not  direct  actionists  minimize  the  resisting  jDower  of  employers 
and  possessors?  Simultaneously  with  the  cessation  of  labor  occurs 
a  cruel  aggravation  of  the  hardship  and  suffering  of  women  and 
children — a  risk  which  cannot  be  lightly  encountered. 

.  .  .  While  heartily  Avelcoming  the  movement  towards  less 
unions  and  more  unity,  together  with  the  closer  federation  of 
workers,  there  is  need  to  emphasize  the  point  that  salvation 
evolves  from  the  use  of  both  arms — the  industrial  and  the  po- 
litical. .   .    . 

An  example  substantiating  the  foregoing  is  found  in  the  miners' 
strike  of  last  year.  Having  exhausted  every  conciliatory  and 
negotiatory  means  without  avail,  no  alternative  remained  to  the 
Miners'  Federation  but  to  call  upon  their  members  to  "  down 
tools."  This  soon  paralyzed  industry  and  transit.  The  owners 
were  implacable  and  unyielding.  Confronted  by  this  crisis  the 
Government  was  comiDelled  to  seek  a  solution.  Its  intervention 
took  the  form  of  a  Minimum  Wage  Bill.  Throughout,  the  Par- 
liamentary Party  had  kept  in  contact  with  the  Miners'  Federation. 
Immediately  legislation  was  contemplated  they  placed  themselves 
unreservedly  at  the  disposal  of  the  miners.  That  valuable  aid  was 
rendered  in  fashioning  this  measure  is  gratefully  acknowledged 
by  the  miners.  With  all  its  shortcomings  and  disappointments 
the  act  bears  eloquent  testimony  to  the  worth  of  political  repre- 
sentation. .   .   . 

In  the  succeeding  Transport  Workers'  strike  the  influence  of 
the  party  unquestionably  frustrated  the  full  use  of  armed  and 
civil  powers  being  placed  as  heretofore  on  the  side  of  the  em- 
ployers and  in  the  protection  of  blacklegs.  Further,  as  the  strike 
was  traceable  to  the  refusal  of  certain  firms  to  conform  to  agi'ee- 
ments  entered  into  between  the  several  unions  and  employer's 


272       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

representatives  the  party,  in  conjunction  with  the  men's  leaders, 
gave  careful  consideration  to  that  point.  As  a  result  a  bill  was 
introduced  to  give  legal  sanction  to  agreements  voluntarily  made 
between  bodies  appropriately  representative  of  employers  and 
organized  workmen.  The  proposal  in  no  way  conflicts  with  the 
right  to  strike.  It  would  simply  make  obligatory  on  all  em- 
ployers in  a  given  industry  the  conditions  negotiated  by  cus- 
tomary trade-union  practice.  .  .  .  Admittedly  some  apprehension 
exists  respecting  the  operations  of  such  a  measure.  .  .  .  Extreme 
care  must  be  exercised  in  making  agreements,  and  nothing  be 
accepted  that  vitiates  the  principles  or  freedom  of  trade-unions. 
Having  secured  this,  no  danger  arises  in  compelling  workmen 
and  employers  alike  to  conform  thereto.  .    .   . 

Acknowledging  as  I  do  that  contractual  obligations  should  be 
honored,  and  that  only  in  the  case  of  great  provocation  should 
agreements  be  broken,  I  nevertheless  view  with  grave  misgiving 
the  prominence  accorded  compulsoiy  arbitration.  This  device 
would  assuredly  prove  disastrous  to  effective  industrial  activity. 
The  swift  and  mobile  disposition  of  forces  is  a  strategic  necessity 
in  labor  struggles  as  in  actual  warfare.  Delays  imposed  by 
arbitrative  proceedings  might  seriously  jeopardize  the  prospects 
of  victory.  Constituted  as  the  state  is  at  present,  restrictions 
of  this  character  must  be  resisted,  for  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
a  tribunal  that  would  merit  our  whole-hearted  confidence.  .  .  . 
Believing  that  the  strike  .  .  .  will  increase  in  efficiency  as  more 
workers  pay  into  unions,  I  would  jealously  preserve  all  existing 
faculties.  .  .  .  The  right  to  relinquish  work  is  the  heritage  of 
every  free  worker.  .   .   . 

To  win  back  for  trade-unions  the  right  of  political  action  has 
constituted  the  chief  duty  of  the  session.  That  a  complete  re- 
versal of  judge-made  law  is  not  yet  attained  is  regretted,  and 
must  still  be  pursued.  .  .  .  Comprehensive  political  work  can  be 
undertaken,  and  appeal  must  be  made  to  those  invested  with 
exemption  thereunder  to  recognize  that  as  political  action  is  a 
necessary  form  of  trade-union  equipment,  none  should  shirk  their 
responsibilities,  especially  as  none  would  deny  the  benefits 
gained.  .   .    . 

Whilst  regretting  the  abandonment  of  the  Franchise  and  Regis- 
tration Bill,  we  must  now  prepare  for  the  future.  That  it  has 
been  proposed  to  base  the  right  to  vote  on  a  simple  residential 
qualification ;    to    abolish    the    anomalies    of   plural    voting   and 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  273 

university  representation;  to  aim  at  continuous  registration,  ac- 
companied by  a  general  systematization  and  simplification  of 
electoral  machinery,  is  commendable.  .  .  .  The  Conference  should 
decide  on  the  principles  it  favors  for  insuring  that  while  ma- 
jorities shall  rule,  minorities  get  due  representation.  .  .  .  The 
second  ballot  is  now  discarded  for  the  alternative  vote.  This 
contemplates  a  system  of  universal  single-numbered  constitu- 
encies, whereunder  voters  would  be  required  to  declare  a  second 
preference  to  take  effect  in  the  event  of  their  first  choice  being 
unsuccessful.  Whilst  this  would  secure  that  a  majority  in  a 
constituency  would  win  the  seat,  it  affords  no  guarantee  that  the 
smaller  parties  would  get  fair  representation.  .  .   . 

The  question  of  women's  enfranchisement  is  unfortunately  still 
undecided.  The  labor  movement  has  consistently  urged  that  all 
adult  persons,  regardless  of  sex,  should  enjoy  the  full  rights  of 
citizenship.  In  accord  therewith  the  party  strives  to  secure  the 
enfranchisement  of  women  on  the  same  terms  as  now  suggested 
for  men,  that  is,  for  adult  suffrage.  .   .   . 

Every  Socialist  and  Laborist  will  agree  that  adequate  remunera- 
tion is  the  title  of  every  worker.  If  an  industry  does  not  yield 
that  it  is  parasitic  in  character,  its  deficiencies  having  to  be  borne, 
in  various  forms,  by  other  industries.  Thus  we  insist  that  the 
agricultural  laborer,  with  all  other  workers,  shall  have  a  reward 
equal  to  meeting  the  whole  necessities  of  life.  Placing  this  obliga- 
tion upon  agriculture  will,  it  is  believed,  compel  cultivators  to 
adopt  more  scientific  methods,  whereby  the  productivity  of  land 
can  be  enormously  increased. 

No  less  urgent  is  the  question  of  housing.  The  agricultural 
laborer  is  frequently  tied  to  a  house  as  a  condition  of  employ- 
ment. From  this  he  must  be  released,  as  it  fetters  his  action 
and  restricts  his  liberty.  There  is  no  hope  that  this  problem  can 
be  dealt  with  without  state  aid.  Private  enterprise  has  particu- 
larly failed  in  rural  parts.  True,  this  proposal  of  state  assist- 
ance cuts  athwart  the  preconceived  economic  notions  of  some, 
who  see  in  it  nothing  but  a  subsidy  to  employers  and  landlords. 
These  overlook  the  moral  factor.  Give  the  rural  worker  a  rea- 
sonable wage,  with  a  free  home  in  place  of  the  tied-house,  then 
he  acquires  a  sense  of  manliness  and  freedom  which  eminently  fits 
him  for  progressive  developments.  The  experiment  of  the  Irish 
Laborers'  Acts,  under  which  some  42,600  houses  have  been  built 
by  state  aid,  gives  confirmation  to  this  theory. 


274       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Were  all  sections  of  labor  to  unite,  definite  steps  in  the  direction 
of  public  ownership  could  be  taken.  Railway  nationalization, 
for  instance,  is  a  practicable  proposition.  With  the  pooling  of 
interests,  and  the  amalgamation  of  rival  companies,  great  admin- 
istrative economies  are  being  effected  and  a  huge  trust  being 
created.  Labor  is  speeded  up,  its  status  reduced,  prospects  of 
promotion  decreased,  and  the  railwayman  tends  to  become  chained 
to  a  subsistence  level.  Trade  and  commerce  are  in  the  grip  of 
a  great  menace,  being  unable  to  contemplate  either  lowered  rates 
or  enhanced  facilities.  Transit  is  a  public  necessity  which  should 
not  be  privately  exploited.  Last  year  the  telephone  service  was 
transferred  from  company  to  public  ownership,  with  scarcely  a 
ripple  disturbing  the  country.  A  similar  transference  of  rail- 
ways could  be  as  orderly  and  easily  accomplished.  .   .    . 

The  manner  in  which  consumers  suffer  in  the  prices  of  coal 
make  it  desirable  that  the  same  principle  be  applied  to  mines 
and  coal  suppl3\  ...  A  demand  for  land  stimulated  by  a  Small 
Holdings  Act  causes  an  unwarranted  rise  in  price.  The  only 
effective  remedy  is  to  enable  public  authorities  to  acquire  land 
on  the  basis  of  public  valuation.  Whilst  holding  the  time  oppor- 
tune for  the  acquisition  of  rural  lands,  I  would,  as  a  temporary 
expedient,  place  higher  taxation  on  urban  values.  This  does  not 
imply  acceptance  of  the  single  tax  theory.  The  only  defensible 
single  tax  is  that  of  graduated  income  tax,  for  here  is  assuredly 
reflected  a  person's  ability  to  pay.  Yet  one  exclusive  form  of 
taxation  is  not  expedient.  Other  considerations  enter,  such  as 
the  moral  desirability  of  limiting  consumption  in  the  case  of 
intoxicating  liquors,  and  with  land  taxation  the  forcing  of  land 
into  use.  Unearned  increment  exists  in  all  forms  of  swollen 
wealth.  Wherever  found,  these  social  values  should  more  and 
more  be  diverted  to  social  utility. 


m.  THE  LABOR  PARTY  IN  PARLLVMENT,  1914 

Very  much  the  same  measures  were  discussed  in  the 
report  before  the  1914  Labor  Conference  as  in  that  of  1913. 
The  question  of  education  receives  extensive  treatment. 
The  report  in  part  is  as  follows ; 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  275 

Bills 

It  was  decided  that  the  party  should  ballot  for  the  Right  to 
Work  Bill,  but  unfortunately  not  a  single  member  secured  a 
place  that  would  give  this  bill  an  opportunity  of  a  second  reading 
debate. 

The  following  bills  were  introduced  officially  during  the  session : 

Agricultural  Laborers  (Wages  and  Hours). 

Education  (Administrative  Provisions). 

Education  (Provision  of  Meals). 

Labor  (Minimum  Conditions). 

Nationalization  of  Coal  Mines  and  Minerals. 

Prevention  of  Unemplojonent, 
and  others  were  introduced  by  members  of  the  party. 

None  of  the  bills  made  any  progress.  .   .   . 

King's  Speech 

The  king's  speech,  ...  in  referring  to  the  estimates  for  the 
year,  stated  that  they  could  be  recommended  for  favorable  con- 
sideration with  the  more  confidence  in  view  of  the  sustained  pros- 
perity which  .   .   .  the  people  continued  to  enjoy. 

The  party  thereupon  moved  the  following  amendment : 

"  But  humbly  regret,  having  regard  to  the  existing  industrial 
and  social  conditions  of  large  masses  of  the  people  arising  from 
a  deplorable  insufficiency  of  wages,  which  has  persisted  notwith- 
standing the  sustained  prosperity  as  reflected  in  the  statistics  of 
trade  and  employment  and  a  great  expansion  of  national  wealth, 
conditions  which  have  been  aggravated  by  a  considerable  increase 
in  the  cost  of  living,  that  your  Majesty's  gracious  speech  con- 
tains no  specific  mention  of  legislation  securing  a  minimum  living 
wage  and  for  preventing  a  continuance  of  such  unequal  division 
of  the  fruits  of  industry  by  the  nationalization  of  land,  railways, 
mines,  and  other  monopolies." 

The  Government's  reply  to  this  was  that  a  bill  would  be  intro- 
duced extending  the  Trade  Boards  Act  to  the  trades  of  shirt- 
making,  linen  embroidery,  sheet  steel,  and  iron  hollow-ware,  and 
sugar  confectionery  and  fruit-preserving.  This  was  as  far  as  the 
Government  would  commit  itself,  and  in  the  division  on  the 
amendment  41  voted  for  and  199  against.  The  majority  was 
composed  of  both  Liberals  and  Tories. 


276       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Motions 

The  party  was  almost  as  unsuccessful  in  the  ballots  for  mo- 
tions as  in  that  for  bills,  only  one  evening  being  secured.  The 
motion  moved  was  as  follows: 

"  That  the  right  of  every  family  in  the  country  to  an  income 
sufficient  to  enable  it  to  maintain  its  members  in  decency  and 
comfort  should  be  recognized;  and  this  House  is  therefore  of 
opinion  that  the  Trade  Boards  Act  should  be  so  extended  as  to 
provide  for  the  establishment  of  a  minimum  wage  of  at  least  30 
shillings  per  week  for  every  adult  worker  in  urban  areas  and  a 
minimum  wage  that  will  secure  an  approximately  equal  standard 
of  life  for  every  adult  worker  in  rural  areas;  and  this  House 
also  declares  that  the  Government  should  set  an  example  by 
adopting  the  minimum  of  30  shillings  per  week  in  its  own  work- 
shops and  insert  it  as  a  condition  in  all  contracts." 

The  motion  was  "  talked  out  "  and  no  division  on  it  was  pos- 
sible, but  the  frequent  presentation  by  the  party  of  the  case 
for  a  living  wage  is  making  it  more  and  more  a  practical  issue. 

Finance 

The  cost  of  living  and  the  burden  of  taxation  on  the  working- 
classes  were  again  raised  on  the  second  reading  of  the  Finance 
Bill,  the  party  moving  the  following  amendment : 

"  That  this  House  declines  to  assent  to  the  second  reading  of 
a  bill  which  continues  the  system  of  taxing  the  food  of  the  people, 
whereby  the  unfair  proportion  of  taxation  imposed  upon  the 
poorer  classes  is  aggravated,  instead  of  abolishing  such  injurious 
and  indefensible  forms  of  taxation  and  raising  the  necessary 
revenue  by  increasing  the  direct  taxes  on  unearned  incomes  and 
large  estates." 


Government  of  Ireland  and  Established  Church  (Wales)  Bills 

These  bills  were  again  put  through  their  stages  in  the  Com- 
mons, and  on  being  sent  to  the  Lords  were  rejected  a  second 
time.  The  bills  are  important  in  themselves,  but  a  point  of  the 
very  greatest  weight  for  the  party  is  that  they  are  now  under 
the  Parliament  Act,  and  their  final  passing  becomes  a  matter  of 
special  importance.    The  party  thought  the  Parliament  Act  cum- 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  277 

bersome  (as  indeed  it  has  been  proved  to  be),  but  the  authority 
of  the  elected  House  ought  to  be  maintained  in  the  teeth  of  the 
strenuous  opposition  which  vested  interests  are  offering  to  it. 
The  bills  will  have  to  be  passed  through  the  Commons  again 
next  session  and  will  then  become  law  in  spite  of  the  Lords  and 
irrespective  of  their  opinion. 

Plural  Voting  Bill 

The  Government  introduced  and  passed  through  the  Commons 
a  small  bill  to  abolish  plural  voting  at  general  elections.  The 
weakness  of  the  bill  is  that  it  does  not  apply  to  by-elections,  but 
the  reason  given  by  the  Government  for  the  narrow  scope  of  the 
bill  was  that  a  measure  to  deal  completely  with  the  question 
would  require  more  time  than  could  be  found  in  the  already 
congested  session.  This  view  thp  party  did  not  indorse,  and  it 
protested  against  it  during  the  debate  on  the  second  reading. 
However,  the  bill  was  rejected  by  the  Lords  and,  like  Home  Rule 
and  Welsh  Disestablishment,  is  now  going  through  the  stages 
of  the  Parliament  Act. 

Education 

In  pursuance  of  a  resolution  carried  at  the  Birmingham  Con- 
ference, a  committee  of  the  party  has  drawn  up  a  Memorandum 
on  Education.     The  resolution  was  as  follows : 

"  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  education  of  the  mass  of  working- 
class  children  to-day  begins  and  ends  at  the  elementary  school, 
this  conference  is  of  opinion  that  there  is  urgent  need  for  a 
generous  measure  of  educational  reform  in  the  direction  of  pro- 
viding facilities  for  liberal,  as  distinct  from  technical,  education, 
thus  laying  the  basis  of  the  national  life  in  an  educated  democ- 
racy. This  conference  therefore  directs  the  party  in  Parliament 
to  appoint  a  small  committee  to  consider  the  general  question  of 
educational  refonn  and  draw  up  a  report  thereon.  In  this  con- 
nection, the  committee  appointed  is  specially  directed  to  consider: 

"  (1)  A  modification  of  the  curriculum  in  primary  schools,  in 
order  that  in  the  later  years  of  school  life  more  time  may  be 
given  to  instniction  in  the  duties  of  citizenship ; 

"  (2)  The  raising  of  the  school-leaving  age  to  16  years,  and 
the  right  of  children  in  primary  and  secondary  schools  to  main- 
tenance allowances; 


278       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"  (3)  The  limiting  of  the  hours  of  boy  and  girl  labor  up  to 
the  age  of  18  to  30  per  week,  so  as  to  provide  20  or  more  hours 
per  week  for  physical,  technological,  and  general  training; 

"  (4)  The  establishment  of  medical  treatment  centers  in  con- 
nection with  each  primary  school  or  groups  of  schools, 

"  Further,  this  conference  urges  the  party  to  press  the  Govern- 
ment to  appoint  a  royal  commission  to  consider  the  matter  of 
university  endowments,  with  a  view  to  their  adaptation  to  the 
educational  requirements  of  the  people." 

The  report,  prepared  and  presented  by  the  education  committee, 
was  adopted  by  the  party  as  a  whole,  and  is  as  follows: 

It  is  impossible  within  the  limits  of  a  report  of  this  character 
to  do  anything  more  than  indicate  the  general  lines  along  which 
it  appears  most  desirable  the  educational  policy  of  labor  should 
be  developed.  The  matters  to  be  dealt  with  may  be  conveniently 
divided  under  three  heads: 

(1)  Those  concerning  elementarj'  education; 

(2)  Those  concerning  continued  and  secondary  education; 

(3)  Those  concerning  university  education. 

(1)  The  matters  relating  to  elementary  education  which  ap- 
pear to  be  of  special  importance  and  most  urgent  in  character 
are : 

(a)  The  raising  of  the  school  age.  The  reports  of  the  Poor 
Law  Commission,  the  Committee  on  Partial  Exemption,  and  the 
Consultative  Committee  of  the  Board  of  Education,  as  well  as 
previous  decisions  of  the  Conference  render  it  unnecessary  to 
advance  arguments  for  the  raising  of  the  school  age.  The  only 
question  is  how  this  can  be  done  with  least  disturbance  of  existing 
arrangements.  The  best  course  would  appear  to  be  to  secure 
legislative  enactment  for  the  immediate  abolition  of  partial  ex- 
emption and  at  the  same  time  determine  in  advance  the  dates  at 
which  the  age  of  full-time  attendance  is  to  be  further  raised  in 
the  future. 

(b)  An  extension  of  the  powers  of  local  education  authorities 
in  the  matter  of  regulating  the  employment  of  children  and  of 
street  trading  generally.  It  is  recommended  that  local  authori- 
ties should  be  empowered  to  make  regulations  with  regard  to  the 
emplojTnent  of  children  in  any  occupation,  and  to  place  the 
licensing  of  street  traders  in  the  hands  of  education  authorities. 

(c)  The  development  of  medical  inspection  and  treatment,  so 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  279 

as  to  include  the  provision  of  school  clinics,  school  baths,  open-air 
schools,  and  an  extension  of  the  provision  of  meals  for  school 
children.  For  this  purpose  the  present  inadequate  grants  from 
thevBoard  of  Education  should  be  considerably  increased. 

(2)  (a)  Continued  Education. — At  whatever  age  full-time  at- 
tendance ceases,  it  will  still  be  necessary  to  provide  continued 
education  for  the  vast  majority  who  do  not  pass  to  a  secondary 
school.  A  system  of  compulsory  half-time  attendance  at  a  con- 
tinuation school  is  required  after  the  age  of  exemption  from  full- 
time  attendance  has  been  reached.  This  compulsory  attendance 
at  continuation  classes,  however,  is  out  of  the  question  unless  the 
hours  of  labor  are  reduced. 

(6)  Secondary  Education. — At  present  the  passage  of  children 
from  elementary  to  secondary  schools  is  hindered  by  a  variety  of 
causes : 

(i)  Because  in  some  districts  only  those  children  are  likely 
to  win  scholarships  from  the  elementary  school  who  have 
been  prepared  for  the  scholarship  examination. 

(m)   Children   who   win   scholarships   are   constantly   pre- 
vented from  accepting  them  by  the  poverty  of  their  parents. 
{Hi)   The  rule  as  to  the  provision  of  25  per  cent  of  free 
places  in  secondary  schools  for  children  from   elementary 
schools  is  sometimes  evaded. 
The  only  satisfactory  method  of  dealing  with  these  difficulties 
is  a  gradual  extension  of  the  system  of  providing  free  places  in 
secondary  schools  until  they  are  entirely  free  and  maintenance 
grants  made  available  in  cases  of  necessity. 

(3)  Universities. — What  is  specially  required  in  connection  with 
the  older  universities  is : 

(a)  A  reform  in  the  constitutions  of  the  governing  bodies  which 
would  place  popularly  elected  representatives  of  the  public  upon 
them. 

(&)  A  reduction  in  the  cost  of  living  in  colleges,  and  a  change 
in  the  award  of  scholarships  so  that  only  those  students  who 
require  financial  assistance  may  receive  advantage  from  endow- 
ments expended  in  monetary  grants. 

(c)  The  extension  of  the  non-collegiate  systems  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  entrance  into  Oxford  and  Cambridge  of  men  who 
do  not  desire  to  reside  in  college. 

In  accordance  with  the  resolution  of  Conference,  a  deputation 
from  the  party  has  waited  upon  the  pi'ime  minister  to  urge  the 


280       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

appointment  of  a  royal  commission  to  inquire  into  the  admin- 
istration and  finances  of  the  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge. Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  demand  of  the  deputa- 
tion was  not  acceded  to,  it  is  recommended  that  the  party  con- 
tinue to  press  for  an  inquiry  and  also  that  its  scope  should  be 
enlarged  to  include  inquiiy  into  the  administration  and  finances 
of  the  endowed  public  schools. 


National  Insurance  Act  Amendment  Bill 

The  party  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  consideration  of  this 
bill  to  amend  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  National  Insurance 
Act.  It  contained  11  clauses  when  introduced,  and  provided  addi- 
tional money  being  granted  from  the  treasury,  the  repeal  of  the 
provision  for  reduced  benefits  for  those  over  50  years  of  age, 
and  one  or  two  other  matters. 

Conclusion 

The  Labor  Party  left  important  marks  on  both  the  Insurance 
Bill  and  the  Trade  Boards  Bill.  It  has  once  more  drawn  atten- 
tion to  the  unsatisfactory  condition  of  the  Factory  Department, 
to  the  burden  of  armaments,  and  many  other  details  of  wrong 
suffered  by  the  common  people,  many  of  which  it  has  succeeded 
in  remedying.  Its  vigilance  in  connection  with  private  bills — like 
Railway  and  Harbor  Bills — has  produced  excellent  results.  ,  .  . 

IV.    CONFERENCE   OF    1914 

Party  tactics  was  also  a  feature  of  this  conference.  Sev- 
eral members  contended  that  the  parliamentary  labor  group 
had  not  shown  proper  militancy,  while  others  protested 
that  it  was  far  more  militant  than  the  majority  of  its  trade- 
union  constituency. 

The  official  report  of  the  discussion  was,  in  part,  as 
follows : 

Mr.  W.  C.  Anderson  [Independent  Labor  Party]  said  he  was 
glad  that  an  opportunity  had  been  given  for  what  he  hoped  would 
be  a  quite  frank  and  friendly  discussion  of  labor  policy.  .  .  .  He 


THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  281 

knew  the  feeling  among  a  large  number  of  members — not  only 
I.  L.  P.  members — was  that  the  policy  of  the  party  in  the  House 
of  Commons  was  not  sufficiently  distinctive  from  the  policy  of 
other  parties  in  the  House.  Recently  in  Liberal,  Torj^,  and  Nation- 
alist newspapers  the  Labor  Party  had  been  referred  to  as  part  of 
the  coalition  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  word  was  not 
used  in  the  sense  that  the  party  had  betrayed  its  independence. 
The  idea  was  that  those  questions  before  Parliament  which  loomed 
large  in  the  minds  of  Liberals  and  Nationalists  were  also  the  ques- 
tions that  loomed  large  in  the  mind  of  the  Parliamentary  Labor 
Party.  Many  people  felt  that  the  only  thing  that  could  justify  the 
existence  of  a  Labor  Party  separate  from  the  other  political  parties 
was  an  unwearied  championship  of  working-class  questions.  In 
the  last  two  or  three  years  the  workers'  battle  had  been  more 
strongly  fought  by  industrial  methods  outside  than  by  political 
methods  inside  the  House  of  Commons,  and  he  thought  there  ought 
to  be  a  reflection  in  the  House  of  Commons  of  the  heat  and  pas- 
sionate indignation  that  had  moved  large  masses  of  work-people  to 
revolt.  If  that  was  not  done  the  party  was  not  going  to  win  over 
the  large  mass  of  trade-unionists  who,  as  revealed  by  recent  bal- 
lots, were  indifferent  or  hostile  to  the  party.  They  had  not  con- 
vinced the  average  trade-unionist  that  in  his  battles  he  ought 
to  look  to  the  Labor  Party  to  do  his  political  work  just  as  he 
looked  to  his  union  to  do  his  industrial  work.  It  was  sometimes 
said  that  the  party  was  not  so  free  to  fight  because  Home  Rule 
or  something  else  was  in  the  way.  He  was  as  anxious  to  see 
Home  Rule  passed  as  anyone,  but  he  felt  that  those  directly  con- 
cerned about  Home  Rule  had  a  responsibility  towards  labor  just 
as  labor  had  a  responsibility  towards  Home  Rule,  and  the  sacrifice 
ought  not  to  be  all  on  one  side.  .  .  .  The  party  might  give  in  too 
much  to  parliamentary  exigencies  and  parliamentary  expedi- 
ences. .   .   . 

Mr.  W.  S.  Sanders  [Fabian  Society]  said  that  .  .  .the  party 
had  to  convince  not  only  the  other  members  in  the  House  of 
Commons  by  their  quiet  work,  but  convince  the  country  outside 
by  a  strong  and,  if  necessary,  dramatic  work  that  the  party  was 
a  necessary  and  permanent  institution.  He  wished  to  give  one  or 
two  concrete  instances.  They  would  all  remember  how  gratified 
they  were  with  the  first  two  years'  work  of  the  Labor  Party. 
All  the  papers  in  the  country,  Tory  and  Liberal  as  well  as  Labor, 
said  truly  that  the  gi-eat  Liberal  Party,  on  three  measures,  had 


282       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

had  to  do  what  the  Labor  Party  wanted.  In  a  word,  it  was  the 
Labor  Party  justifying  itself  as  the  new  pioneer  in  legislation. 
Why  did  they  do  that?  Because  their  victories  were  forced 
openly  from  the  Liberal  Government.  .  .  .  They  had  got  to  get 
back  to  the  old  position  of  fighting  in  public  and  forcing  things 
from  the  Government,  otherwise  they  would  be  looked  upon  as  a 
mere  body  of  people  who  followed  in  the  wake  of  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  instead  of  making  Lloyd  George  follow  them. 

Mr.  Tom  Shaw  [United  Textile  Factory  Workers]  pointed  out 
that  the  party  consisted  roughly  of  two  millions  of  members, 
less  than  35,000  of  whom  were  avowed  Socialists  or,  at  any 
rate,  organized  Socialists.  In  the  minds  of  those  35,000  people 
the  policy  of  the  party  was  not  militant  enough,  but  was  there 
any  Socialist  present  who  believed  that  the  policy  was  not  mili- 
tant enough  for  the  remaining  1,900,000  members?  If  it  was 
admitted  that  the  policy  was  as  militant  as  those  1,900,000  mem- 
bers desire,  what  was  meant  by  the  statement  that  the  rank  and 
tile  were  disaffected?  He  knew  something  of  the  mind  of  the 
rank  and  file,  and  he  knew  that  so  far  as  the  rank  and  file  of 
his  acquaintance  went  their  opinion  was  that  the  policy  was  too 
militant. 

1.   RESOLUTION    ON    SOCIALISM 

(Conference  of  1914) 

J.  Bruce  Glasier,  of  the  I.  L.  P.,  introduced  a  resolution 
at  this  conference  which  practically  indorsed  the  Socialist 
program  of  collective  ownership.  The  resolution  was  car- 
ried.   The  report  of  the  conference  is,  in  part,  as  follows : 

Mr.  J.  Bruce  Glasier  [I.  L.  P.],  moved  the  following  reso- 
lution : 

"  That  this  conference  expresses  satisfaction  at  the  growth  of 
political  organization  among  the  workers  of  our  own  and  other 
lands,  which  has  advanced  the  whole  sphere  of  social  and  indus- 
trial legislation.  It  again  affirms  that  the  aim  of  the  labor  move- 
ment is  to  abolish  poverty  and  class  oppression  by  bringing  land 
and  industrial  capital  under  the  ownership  and  control  of  the 
community  for  the  collective  good  of  all,  believing  that  only  by 
this  means  and  by  establishing  complete  political  freedom  will 


THE  BKITISH  LABOR  PARTY  283 

society  be  placed  on  a  true  human  basis  and  the  higher  individual 
and  social  capacities  of  the  race  have  freedom  to  evolve." 

He  said  .  .  .  the  object  of  the  resolution  was  not  to  impose  a 
creed  en  the  party;  it  simply  meant  a  public  confession  of  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  Conference.  .    .   . 

Mr.  J.  Battle  [United  Textile  Factory  Workers]  said  he  was 
exceedingly  anxious,  especially  as  regarded  land,  .  ,  .  but  he 
could  not  agree  in  every  detail  with  the  .  .  .  proposal  .  .  .  that 
a  tax  should  be  placed  on  land  and  that  the  money  which  thereby 
accrued  should  go  to  the  repurchase  of  the  land  of  their  birth. 
He  held  the  view  that  the  land  of  every  country  undoubtedly 
belonged  to  the  people  of  that  country,  and  .  .  .  the  necessary 
conclusion  was  that  the  people  had  a  right  to  resume  control 
without  being  compelled  to  purchase.  He  suggested  that  a  tax 
should  be  placed  on  land  so  high  as  ultimately  to  take  possession 
of  the  value  of  the  land,  and  the  present  owners  would  then  see 
no  use  in  holding  it  any  longer. 

Mr.  R.  Clements  [Birmingham  L.  R.  C]  supported  the  resolu- 
tion, and  said  that  by  means  of  a  tax  thej'  might  regain  possession 
of  the  value  of  the  land,  but  the  most  important  thing  was 
control  of  the  land. 

The  resolution  was  put  and  declared  carried. 

2.  THE  LABOR  PARTY  AND  A  PROGRAM 

(Conference  of  1914) 
Several  efforts  have  been  made  to  get  the  Labor  Party 
to  adopt  a  definite  program.    A  motion  to  that  effect  was 
put  at  the  1914  Conference : 

Mr.  J.  Brand  [Railwaymen]  moved  the  following: 
"  That  in  order  to  give  the  working-classes  of  this  country  an 
opportunity  of  clearly  understanding  the  fundamental  differences 
between  the  aims  of  the  Labor  Party  and  those  of  the  capitalist 
parties  under  legislation,  this  conference  decides  to  draft  a  pro- 
gram to  be  adopted  by  the  party,  the  same  to  consist  of  such 
items  as  shall  tend  to  strengthen  the  working-class  in  their 
struggle  for  emancipation." 

He  said  the  framing  of  a   program  would  stimulate  public 


284      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

opinion  and  further  the  interests  of  the  party  in  the  country. 
It  would  materially  assist  the  propaganda  work. 

The  previous  question  was  moved  and  seconded  .    .    .  the  re- 
sult was  as  follows: 

For   1,078,000 

Against    785,000 


CHAPTER  XX 
THE  FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY 

1.  INTRODUCTORY 

The  Fabian  Society  is  not  primarily  a  political  organiza- 
tion, although  it  has  exerted  a  considerable  influence  on 
British  politics  and  especially  on  the  Socialist  movement. 

The  Fabian  Society  was  founded  in  1889  for  the  pur- 
pose of  Socialist  education  and  propaganda.  It  is  demo- 
cratically organized  and  open  to  the  public,  but  has  never 
had  more  than  a  few  thousand  members.  Its  influence, 
however,  is  far  greater  than  its  numbers  would  indicate, 
as  the  names  of  its  two  best-known  organizers,  Bernard 
Shaw  and  Sidney  Webb,  will  prove.  Besides  these,  it  has 
on  its  roll  the  names  of  hundreds  of  writers  and  lecturers 
well-known  in  Great  Britain  and  a  considerable  number 
internationally  known  also. 

The  society  has  always  sent  delegates  to  the  Interna- 
tional Socialist  Congresses  and  takes  an  active  part  in  elec- 
tions. Though  it  ofScially  supports  the  Labor  Party,  its 
members  are  free  to  vote  for  whomsoever  they  choose  in 
elections.  They  must,  however,  sign  the  following  "Basis" 
on  joining  the  society : 

2.   BASIS  OF   THE   FABIAN   SOCIETY 

The  Fabian  Society  consists  of  Socialists. 

It  therefore  aims  at  the  reorganization  of  society  by  the 
emancipation  of  land  and  industrial  capital  from  individual  and 
class  ownership,  and  the  vesting'  of  them  in  the  community  for 

285 


28G       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

the  general  benefit.  In  this  way  only  can  the  natural  and 
acquired  advantages  of  the  country  be  equitably  shared  by  the 
whole  people. 

The  society  accordingly  works  for  the  extinction  of  private 
property  in  land  and  of  the  consequent  individual  appropriation, 
in  the  form  of  rent,  of  the  price  paid  for  permission  to  use  the 
earth,  as  well  as  for  the  advantages  of  superior  soils  and  sites. 

The  society,  further,  works  for  the  transfer  to  the  community 
of  the  administration  of  such  industrial  capital  as  can  con- 
veniently be  managed  socially.  For,  owing  to  the  monopoly  of  the 
means  of  production  in  the  past,  industrial  inventions,  and  the 
transformation  of  surplus  income  into  capital  have  mainly  en- 
riched the  proprietary  class,  the  worker  being  now  dependent 
on  that  class  for  leave  to  earn  a  living. 

If  these  measures  be  carried  out,  without  compensation  (though 
not  without  such  relief  to  expropriated  individuals  as  may  seem 
fit  to  the  community),  rent  and  interest  will  be  added  to  the 
reward  of  labor,  the  idle  class  now  living  on  the  labor  of  others 
Avill  necessarily  disappear,  and  i^ractical  equality  of  opportunity 
will  be  maintained  by  the  spontaneous  action  of  economic  forces 
with  much  less  interference  with  personal  liberty  than  the  present 
system  entails. 

For  the  attainment  of  these  ends  the  Fabian  Society  looks 
to  the  spread  of  Socialist  opuaions,  and  the  social  and  political 
changes  consequent  thereon.  It  seeks  to  promote  these  by  the 
general  dissemination  of  knowledge  as  to  the  relation  between 
the  individual  and  society  in  its  economic,  ethical,  and  political 
aspects. 

3.   QUESTIONS   FOR   CANDIDATES 

The  following  questions  are  addressed  to  parliamentary- 
candidates  by  the  Fabians: 

Will  you  press  at  the  first  opportunity  for  the  following 
ref  oi-ms : 

I. — A  Labor  Program 

1.  The  extension  of  the  Workmen's  Compensation  Act  to 
seamen,  and  to  all  other  classes  of  wage-earners? 

2.  Compulsory  arbitration,  as  in  New  Zealand,  to  prevent 
strikes  and  lockouts? 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY        287 

3.  A  statutory  minimum  wage,  as  in  Victoria,  especially  for 
sweated  trades'? 

4.  The  fixing  of  "  an  eight  hours'  day  "  as  the  maximum  for 
all  public  servants;  and  the  abolition,  wherever  possible,  of 
overtime  ? 

5.  An  Eight  Hours'  Bill,  without  an  option  clause,  for  miners ; 
and,  for  railway  servants,  a  forty-eight  hours'  week? 

G.  The  drastic  amendment  of  the  Factory  Acts,  to  secure 
(a)  a  safe  and  healthy  work-place  for  every  worker,  (h)  the 
prevention  of  overwork  for  all  women  and  young  persons,  (c) 
the  abolition  of  all  wage-labor  by  children  under  14,  {d)  com- 
pulsory technical  instruction  by  extension  of  the  half-time  ar- 
rangements to  all  workers  under  18? 

7.  The  direct  employment  of  labor  by  all  public  authorities 
whenever  possible;  and,  whenever  it  is  not  possible,  employment 
only  of  fair  houses,  prohibition  of  subcontracting,  and  payment 
of  trade-union  rates  of  wages? 

8.  The  amendment  of  the  Merchant  Shipping  Acts  so  as  (a) 
to  secure  healthy  sleeping  and  living  accommodation,  (6)  to 
protect  the  seaman  against  withholding  of  his  wages  or  return 
passage,  (c)  to  insure  him  against  loss  by  shipwreck? 

II. — A  Democratic  Budget 

9.  The  further  taxation  of  unearned  incomes  by  means  of  a 
graduated  and  differentiated  income-tax? 

10.  The  abolition  of  all  duties  on  tea,  cocoa,  coffee,  currants, 
and  other  dried  fruits? 

11.  An  increase  of  the  scale  of  graduation  of  the  death  duties 
so  as  to  fall  more  heavily  on  large  inheritances? 

12.  The  appropriation  of  the  unearned  increment  by  the  taxa- 
tion and  rating  of  ground  values? 

13.  The  nationalization  of  mining  rents  and  royalties? 

14.  Transfer  of  the  railways  to  the  state  under  the  Act  of 
1844? 

III. — Social  Eeform  in  Town  and  Country 

15.  The  extension  of  full  powers  to  parish,  town,  and  county 
councils  for  the  collective  organization  of  the  (a)  water,  (b)  gas, 
and  (c)  electric  lighting  supplies,  (d)  hydraulic  power,  (e) 
tramways  and  light  railways,    (/)   public  slaughter-houses,    {g) 


288       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

pawnshops,  (h)  sale  of  milk,  (i)  bread,  (j)  coal,  and  such  other 
public  services  as  may  be  desired  by  the  inhabitants? 

16.  Reform  of  the  drink  traffic  by  («)  reduction  of  the  number 
of  licenses  to  a  proper  ratio  to  the  population  of  each  locality, 
(b)  transfer  to  public  purposes  of  the  special  value  of  licenses, 
created  by  the  existing  monopoly,  by  means  of  high  license  or 
a  license  rate,  (c)  grant  of  power  to  local  authorities  to  carry  on 
municipal  pubhc  houses,  directly  or  on  the  Gothenburg  system? 

17.  Amendment  of  the  Housing  of  the  Working-Classes  Act 
by  (a)  extension  of  period  of  loans  to  one  hundred  years,  treat- 
ment of  land  as  an  asset,  and  removal  of  statutory  limitation 
of  borrowing  powers  for  housing,  (6)  removal  of  restrictions 
on  rural  district  councils  in  adopting  Part  III  of  the  Act,  (c) 
grant  of  power  to  parish  councils  to  adopt  Part  III  of  the  Act, 
(d)  power  to  all  local  authorities  to  buy  land  compulsorily  under 
the  allotments  clauses  of  the  Local  Government  Act,  1894,  or  in 
any  other  effective  manner? 

18.  The  grant  of  power  to  all  local  bodies  to  retain  the  free- 
hold of  any  land  that  may  come  into  their  possession,  without 
obligation  to  sell,  or  to  use  for  particular  purposes? 

19.  The  relief  of  the  existing  taxpayer  by  (a)  imposing,  for 
local  purposes,  a  municipal  death  duty  on  local  real  estate,  col- 
lected in  the  same  way  as  the  existing  death  duties,  ( b )  collecting 
rates  from  the  owners  of  empty  houses  and  vacant  land,  (e) 
power  to  assess  land  and  houses  at  four  per  cent  on  the  capital 
value,  (d)  securing  special  contributions  by  way  of  "better- 
ment "  from  the  OAvners  of  property  benefited  by  public  im- 
provements? 

20.  The  further  equalization  of  the  rates  in  London? 

21.  The  compulsory  provision  by  every  local  authority  of  ade- 
quate hospital  accommodation  for  all  diseases  and  accidents'? 

IV. — The  Children  and  the  Poor 

22.  The  prohibition  of  the  industrial  or  wage-earning  employ- 
ment of  children  during  school  terms  prior  to  the  age  of  14? 

23.  The  provision  of  meals,  out  of  public  funds,  for  neces- 
sitous children  in  public  elementary  schools? 

24.  The  training  of  teachers  under  public  control  and  free 
from  sectarian  influences? 

25.  The  creation  of  a  complete  system  of  public  secondary 
education  genuinely  available  to  the  children  of  the  poor? 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY        289 

26.  State  pensions  for  the  support  of  the  aged  or  chronically 
infirm  ? 

V. — Democratic  Political  Machinery 

27.  An  amendment  of  the  registration  laws,  with  the  aim  of 
giving  every  adult  man  a  vote,  and  no  one  more  than  one  vote? 

28.  A  redistribution  of  seats  in  accordance  with  population? 

29.  The  grant  of  the  franchise  to  women  on  the  same  terms 
as  to  men? 

30.  The  admission  of  women  to  seats  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons and  on  borough  and  county  councils? 

31.  The  second  ballot  at  parliamentary  and  other  elections? 

32.  The  payment  of  all  members  of  Parliament  and  of  par- 
liamentary election  expenses,  out  of  public  funds? 

33.  Triennial  Parliaments? 

34.  All  parliamentary  elections  to  be  held  on  the  same  day? 

4.   THE   FABIANS   AND   SOCIALIST  UNITY 

On  December  11,  1914,  the  Fabian  Society  took  the 
stand  on  the  unity  question  indicated  in  the  following 
report  (from  The  Fabian  News,  January,  1915)  : 

The  following  was  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  meet- 
ing by  the  Executive  Committee: 

The  following  resolution  was  passed  at  the  Conference  of  the 
executives  of  the  I.  L.  P.,  the  B.  S.  P.,  and  the  Fabian  Societj^, 
held  on  December  13,  1913,  at  the  request  of  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau :  "  That  in  view  of  the  desirability  of  securing 
Socialist  unity  on  the  basis  of  common  action  with  the  Labor 
Party,  this  conference  requests  the  representatives  of  the 
three  bodies  to  lay  before  their  members  the  question  of  putting 
forward  a  proposal  to  the  Labor  Party  Conference  in  1915,  per- 
mitting any  candidate  who  may  wish  it  to  describe  himself  as  a 
Labor  and  Socialist  candidate." 

W.  Stephen  Sanders  stated  that  the  resolution  passed  at  the 
Conference  of  the  executives  of  the  L  L.  P.,  the  B.  S.  P.,  and  the 
Fabian  Society  was  simply  a  request  that  the  proposal  that 
candidates  of  the  Labor  Party  might  be  permitted  to  describe 
themselves  as  Labor  and  Socialist  candidates,  if  they  desire  to 


290       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

do  so,  should  be  submitted  to  the  members  of  the  three  bodies. 
It  was  not  binding  on  the  three  organizations  to  accept  the  pro- 
posal, and  it  was  therefore  open  for  the  meeting  to  accept  or 
reject  it. 

Miss  Susan  Lawrence  moved  that  no  action  be  taken.  She 
stated  that  if  the  present  arrangement,  under  which  candidates 
of  the  Labor  Party  were  always  described  as  Labor  candidates, 
was  upset,  a  great  deal  of  fi-iction  and  waste  of  time  would 
result  in  connection  with  the  selection  of  Labor  candidates. 
Local  labor  parties  would  find  that  lengthy  discussions  would 
arise  with  regard  to  the  title  under  which  their  candidates  were 
to  run,  with  the  result  that  real  unity  would  be  hindered. 

IVIrs.  Sidney  Webb  seconded  the  motion. 

Bernard  Shaw  objected  to  no  action  being  taken.  He  urged 
that  the  name  Socialist  ought  not  to  be  buried.  In  every  coun- 
try in  Europe  there  was  a  Socialist  Party,  and  Great  Britain 
ought  not  to  be  the  exception. 

On  a  vote  being  taken  there  were :  for  the  motion,  "  No 
action,"  25;  against,  20.     The  motion  was  therefore  carried. 


5.    THE   ANNUAL    CONFERENCE,    1914 

This  conference  was  held  at  Clifford's  Inn  Hall,  Fleet 
Street,  on  Saturday,  July  4,  1914.  It  was  attended  by  11 
delegates  from  9  local  Fabian  societies,  13  delegates  from 
9  university  societies,  1  delegate  from  1  London  group, 
11  delegates  from  4  subject  groups,  and  17  members  of  the 
Executive  Committee,  in  all  53  delegates  and  24  organiza- 
tions, including  the  executive  committee. 

The  Conference  voted  down  a  resolution  proposing  a 
revision  of  the  Fabian  Basis. 

Perhaps  its  most  important  action  was  the  adoption,  by 
the  unanimous  vote,  of  the  following  resolution  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee: 

That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  conference,  it  would  be  of  advan- 
tage to  the  Socialist  movement  if,  in  order  to  secure  more  united 
action  among  Socialists  in  each  country,  and  among  the  Socialist 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY       291 

movements  in  the  different  countries,  the  International  Socialist 
Congi-ess  and  its  Bureau  could  devote  some  attention  to  the 
problem  of  how  industry  and  public  services  may  best  be  organ- 
ized so  as  to  secure  the  utmost  freedom  and  the  best  results 
for  producers  and  consumers  alike;  and  that  the  British  section 
be  requested  to  do  their  best  to  insure  the  passing  at  the  Inter- 
national Socialist  Congress  of  the  resolution  on  this  subject  which 
the  section  has  sent  it. 

In  The  New  Statesman,  Sidney  Webb  had  issued  two 
studies  of  this  question  in  1913  and  1914  (the  third  and 
final  study  appearing  in  1915).  The  Fabian  Society, 
therefore,  through  its  Research  Department,  was  prepared 
with  a  preliminary  report  on  "The  Control  of  Industry" 
— which  amounts  to  an  entirely  new  and  independent  in- 
ductive foundation  for  Socialist  policy.  The  three  studies 
take  up  collectivism,  the  organization  of  producers,  and 
the  organization  of  consumers — the  latter  being  chiefly  con- 
cerned with  labor-unionism  and  co-operation  respectively. 


n.  SOCIALIST  UNITY  ON  THE  BASIS  OF  COMMON  ACTION  WITH 
THE   LABOR   PARTY 

1.   MANIFESTO   OP  THE  INTERNATIONAL   SOCIALIST   BUREAU 

In  accordance  with  its  general  principle  of  unifying  the 
Socialist  parties  of  the  various  countries,  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau  appointed  a  committee  on  unity  to  in- 
vestigate the  British  situation,  and  to  find  out  under  what 
conditions  it  would  be  advisable  for  members  of  the  British 
Socialist  Party  to  affiliate  with  the  Labor  Party.  The 
Bureau,  on  January  13,  1914,  issued  the  following 
manifesto : 

13th  January,  1914. 

Comrades  : 

We  address  this  Manifesto  to  you  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
International. 


292       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

When  we  met  your  delegates  at  the  preliminary  conference 
on  the  18th  July,  1913,  the  executive  committee  of  the  Interna- 
tional Socialist  Bureau  was  already  acting  in  the  name  of  all 
the  afBliated  parties,  in  pursuance  of  the  resolution  of  Amster- 
dam on  Socialist  unity.  The  International  as  a  whole  showed 
its  desire,  by  the  presence  of  all  its  delegates  in  London  on 
13th  December,  to  give  open  approval  and  encouragement  to  our 
efforts  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  Socialist  unity  in  Great 
Britain. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  in  principle  all  convinced  Socialists 
recognize  the  utility  and  the  necessity  of  opposing  to  the  gi-ow- 
ing  concentration  of  the  capitalist  forces  the  effective  concen- 
tration of  the  forces  of  the  working-class. 

This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  as  long  ago  as  1904,  at  the 
Congress  at  Amsterdam,  the  British  delegates,  without  dis- 
tinction of  shades  of  opinion,  unanimously  adopted  the  well- 
known  resolution  of  unity,  which  was  signed  by  Bebel,  Adler, 
Kautsky,  Troelstra,  and  Vandervelde. 

The  Executive  Committee  of  the  bureau  was  then  in  duty  bound 
to  seize  the  most  favorable  moment  for  bringing  about  an  under- 
standing, and  it  cannot  be  reproached  with  having  attempted  to 
"  rush  "  matters,  since  it  has  waited  nine  years  before  taking 
any  action. 

Great  Britain  has  presented  to  the  world  the  spectacle  of  a 
country  where  capitalist  evolution  has  taken  place  more  rapidly 
than  anywhere  else.  The  hope  was  justified  that  Socialism  would 
follow  a  similar  evolution.  But  unfortunately  it  has  turned  out 
that  regrettable  differences  have  arisen,  and  even  to-day  it  seems 
that  in  certain  quarters  there  is  more  inclination  to  cultivate  a 
sectarian  spirit  than  to  march  in  common  agreement  against  the 
common  enemy.  Such  a  mistaken  policy  must  not  continue !  The 
consequences  would  be  ruinous  for  the  class-conscious  proletariat, 
for  more  and  more  we  are  finding  that  all  over  the  world  So- 
cialism only  plays  a  part  worthy  of  itself  when  it  is  solidly 
united. 

From  a  practical  point  of  view,  moreover,  we  cannot  see  that 
the  differences  of  outlook  are  greater  in  your  country  than 
elsewhere. 

Look  at  France.  Has  she  not  given  to  the  Socialist  world 
an  admirable  example?  The  French  Socialists,  in  spite  of  old 
quarrels   now   forgotten,    have   established    a    powerful,    unified 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY       293 

party — thus  giving  to  all  an  example  of  political  wisdom  and  of 
loyalty  to  the  principles  so  solemnly  affirmed  by  the  congresses 
of  the  International  at  which  you  were  represented. 

Socialism  must  not  be  obscured,  and  the  Socialist  movement 
must  not  be  hindered,  even  temporarily,  by  considerations  of 
secondary  importance,  by  personal  differences,  by  a  sectarian 
spirit,  or  by  divergent  conceptions  of  political  methods.  Those 
who  are  guilty  in  this  respect  commit  a  real  crime  against  the 
working-class,  for  they  retard  the  hour  of  complete  victory. 

The  delegates  of  your  three  parties  have  realized  this.  Their 
unanimous  vote  proves  that  there  no  longer  exists  any  plausible 
reason  for  refusing  the  necessary  agreement.  The  Executive 
Committee  of  the  B.  S.  P.  has  already  recommended  to  its  mem- 
bers that  they  should  affiliate  to  the  Labor  Party  on  condition 
that  the  Labor  Party  recognizes  their  position  as  Socialists  aim- 
ing at  the  abolition  of  capitalism. 

We  also  appeal  to  our  comrades  of  the  I.  L.  P.  and  the  Fabian 
Society  to  use  their  influence  within  the  Labor  Party  to  obtain 
for  candidates  at  elections  the  right  to  run  as  Labor  and  Socialist 
candidates.  The  slight  alteration  in  the  constitution  necessary 
for  this  purpose  will  only  mean  the  formal  recognition  of  what 
already  exists  in  fact — the  alliance  of  Socialism  and  Trade- 
Unionism. 

We  renew  our  appeal  to  our  comrades  of  the  B.  S.  P.  to  bear 
in  mind  the  truth,  which  is  recognized  everywhere,  that  trade- 
union  action  can  have  no  other  logical  issue  than  the  abolition 
of  capitalism  and  that  Socialist  ideas  must  inevitably  prevail  in 
organizations  which  are  in  fact  carrying  on  the  class  struggle. 

The  final  request  which  we  make  is  that  you  act  quickly  and 
without  hesitation.  At  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  British  Socialism 
must  speak  with  one  voice.  You  must  give  to  the  Socialist  world 
a  new  example  of  discipline,  in  order  to  enable  us  to  continue 
elsewhere  the  work  of  consolidation  and  harmony,  on  which  de- 
pends the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Socialist  movement. 

For  the  International  Socialist  Bureau   (Executive 
Committee) : 

(Signed)  E,  Anseele, 

E.  Vandervelde, 

L.  Bertrand, 

C.  HuYSMANS,  Secretary. 


294       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

2.   THE  UNITY   CONFERENCE 

(Called  by  the  International  Socialist  Bureau,  December  13, 

1913) 

The  Bureau  held  a  joint  conference  with  the  executives 
of  the  three  national  Socialist  organizations  in  Great 
Britain — the  Independent  Labor  Party,  the  British  Social- 
ist Party,  and  the  Fabian  Society — with  a  view  to  bringing 
about  unity  between  them.  The  differences  which  have 
divided  the  three  British  organizations  have  been  purely 
differences  of  method.  On  the  right  wing,  the  Fabian  So- 
ciety has  pursued  the  policy  of  "permeation,"  and,  whilst 
affiliating  with  the  Labor  Party,  has  not  demanded  that 
its  members  shall  individually  dissociate  themselves  from 
either  the  Liberal  or  the  Conservative  parties.  On  the 
left  wing,  the  British  Socialist  Party  has  adopted  an  atti- 
tude of  strict  independence,  not  only  of  the  Liberal  and 
Conservative  parties,  but  also  of  the  Labor  Party,  since 
the  latter  party  does  not  insist  upon  acceptance  of  So- 
cialism from  affiliated  organizations.  In  the  center,  the 
Independent  Labor  Party  has  declared  its  antagonism  to 
both  the  Liberal  and  Conservative  parties,  but  has  co- 
operated whole-heartedly  with  the  trade-unions  in  the 
Labor  Party,  believing  that  Socialism  can  only  be  attained 
by  the  development  of  Socialist  conviction  in  the  working- 
class  movement.  The  I.  L.  P.  has  a  membership  of  approx- 
imately 50,000,  the  B.  S.  P.  of  10,000,  the  Fabian  Society 
of  5,000. 

After  a  vigorous  discussion,  Mr.  Sidney  Webb  finally 
got  each  section  of  the  British  movement  to  agree  to  the 
following  resolution: 

That  in  view  of  the  desirability  of  securing  Socialist  unity  on 
the  basis  of  common  action  with  the  Labor  Party,  this  conference 
requests  the  representatives  of  the  three  bodies  to  lay  before 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY       295 

their  members  the  question  of  putting  forward  a  proposal  to  the 
Labor  Party  Conference  in  1915,  permitting  any  candidate  who 
may  wish  it  to  describe  himself  as  a  Labor  and  Socialist  can- 
didate. 

3.   DISCUSSION   IN   THE  BRITISH   SOCIALIST  PARTY 

(Conference  of  1914) 

The  British  Socialist  Party,  the  left  wing  of  the  So- 
cialist movement,  held  a  heated  debate  on  the  question 
of  affiliation,  Dan  Irving,  H.  M.  Hyndman,  the  veteran 
leader,  and  others  urging  a  compliance  with  the  request  of 
the  International  Committee,  and  H.  Pearce  and  others  vig- 
orously protesting. 

The  report  of  the  conference  discussion  is  in  part  as 
follows : 

Dan  Irving:  The  International  Socialist  Bureau  was  trustee, 
not  of  Laborism,  but  of  the  Socialist  movement  of  the  whole 
world.  Under  very  much  more  arduous  conditions  m  the  main 
than  ever  we  are  called  upon  to  face  they  proved,  by  a  lifetime 
of  devotion,  service,  and  suffering,  that  they  could  be  trusted  to 
advise  that  which  tended  to  help  forward  the  Socialist  movement. 
They  might  now  say  to  the  B.  S.  P.,  "For  nine  years  you 
have  sought  to  carry  out  the  mandate,  and  are  now  as  far  from 
carrying  your  specific  views  as  at  the  commencement,  if  not 
farther  away.  In  the  interests  of  Socialism  we  call  upon  you, 
who  are  only  a  section  of  the  movement  in  Great  Britain,  and 
the  recalcitrant  section  so  far  as  we  are  concerned,  to  realize  the 
mandate  of  the  Amsterdam  resolution  in  essence  and  spirit,  and 
to  face  every  danger  for  that  vital  consideration,  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  working-class." 

Mr.  H.  Pearce  [N.  West  Ham],  who  followed,  opposed  the 
motion  of  the  executive  to  affiliate,  declaring  that  such  action 
would  mean  affiliation  inside  of  the  House  of  Commons  as  well 
as  outside.  He  described  what  he  considered  to  be  the  short- 
comings of  the  Parliamentary  Labor  group,  and  said  that  the 
I.  L.  P.,  the  Fabian  Society,  and  the  Labor  Party  had  never 
stood  on  the  basis  of  the  class  struggle.  Some  of  the  members 
of  the  Labor  Party,  he  asserted,  had  declared  themselves  anti- 
Socialists  and  most  of  them  acted  as  non-Socialists.     While  he 


296       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

favored  Socialist  unity,  he  did  not  believe  that  unity  of  Socialists 
and  anti-Socialists  could  ever  bring  any  good  to  the  Socialist 
movement.  He  did  not  believe  that  the  B.  S.  P.  would  be  able 
to  force  the  Labor  Party  to  take  the  stand  it  wished  them  to 
take,  but  rather  that  the  B.  S.  P.  would  be  swamped  by  the  other 
forces. 

As  to  the  International  Socialist  Bureau,  he  had  challenged 
some  of  the  advocates  of  affiliation  to  show  him  in  any  part  of 
the  world  a  party  that  the  continental  Social  Democrats  would 
have  w'eleomed  into  their  movement  which  was  comparable  with 
the  Labor  Party. 

H.  M.  Hyndman  said  that  the  S.  D.  F.  was  in  its  early  days 
a  purely  propagandist  body;  but  when  that  propaganda  had 
in  a  measure  succeeded,  he  was  sorry  to  say — although  he  advo- 
cated it  at  the  time — the  S.  D.  F.  left  the  Labor  Party.  Hnd 
we  remained,  that  party  would  have  had  a  different  history.  The 
present  conference  did  not  show  that  the  33  or  34  years  of 
Socialist  propaganda  had  produced  a  satisfactory  result,  and 
the  reason  was  that  we  had  never  got  near  enough  to  those 
we  wanted  to  convert.  To  a  large  extent  they  even  looked 
upon  us  as  enemies.  If  we  went  in  we  should  do  so  with  the 
red  flag  flying,  in  order  to  take  Socialism  to  them  and  help 
them  to  victory.  Our  presence  inside  that  party  would  increase 
our  influence  tenfold  upon  the  working-class  of  this  country, 
who  only  wanted  to  understand  the  truth  to  come  out,  side  by 
side  with  us,  for  the  conquest  of  the  future.  In  these  days 
when  the  capitalist  class  was  banded  together,  we  must  get  all 
the  forces  of  the  proletariat  under  one  flag,  and  take  care  that 
in  the  future  that  flag  should  be  the  Red  Flag. 

A  motion  to  apply  for  affiliation  was  finally  carried. 

4.    DECLARATION    OF    EXECUTIVE    COMMITTEE    OF    BRITISH    SOCIALIST 
PARTY  UPON  APPLYING  FOR  AFFILIATION  IN  THE  LABOR  PARTY 

(May  27,  1914)  : 

To  the  Members  of  the  British  Socialist  Party 
Comrades  : 

The  referendum  of  the  financial  members  of  the  British  So- 
cialist Party  on  the  proposals  submitted  by  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau  has  now  been  taken.  They  have  decided  in 
favor  of  Socialist  unity  and  affiliation  to  the  National  Labor 
Party. 


FABIAN  SOCIETY  AND  SOCIALIST  UNITY        297 

In  taking  this  step  the  British  Socialist  Party  does  not  lose 
its  identity  or  surrender  its  position  in  any  way.  It  retains 
complete  freedom  of  Socialist  action  both  in  the  propagandist  and 
electoral  fields.  It  is  not  committed  to  any  compromise  of  prin- 
ciple or  policy. 

The  Labor  Party  in  the  country  and  its  parliamentary  group 
must  not  be  regarded  as  one  and  the  same  thing.  Already  many 
of  the  trade-unionists  who  constitute  that  party  recognize  that 
the  Labor  Party  in  the  House  of  Commons  has  not  shown  the 
political  independence  which  was  the  main  reason  for  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Labor  Party.  The  growing  demand  within  the  Labor 
Party  itself  for  complete  political  independence  will  unquestion- 
ably be  stimulated  and  strengthened  by  the  addition  of  definite 
Socialist  forces,  determined  to  push  forward  Socialist  principles 
and  ideas  with  vigor  and  persistence.  Within  the  Labor  Party, 
therefore,  our  criticism  of  the  parliamentary  group,  whilst  aiming 
always  at  being  helpful,  must  be  no  less  forceful  and  pointed. 
We  shall  find  that  this  necessary  criticism  will  have  much  greater 
weight  than  hitherto,  now  that  we  shall  form  a  left  wing  of  the 
Labor  Party. 

Comparisons  have  been  made  between  the  situation  in  this 
country  and  abroad.  Whatever  difference  there  may  be  in  the 
situation  arises  from  the  fact  that  on  the  Continent  the  organ- 
ization of  the  trade-unions  has  grown  out  of  the  Socialist  con- 
ception of  the  mission  of  the  working-class;  whereas  in  this 
country  the  trade-unions  arose  out  of  a  vague  feeling  of  working- 
class  solidarity,  coupled  with  the  necessity  for  organization  to 
resist  the  pressure  of  capitalist  exploitation.  The  class  struggle 
abroad  is  far  more  class  conscious  than  it  is  here.  Our  purpose 
now,  as  always,  is  to  convert  the  organized  workers  of  Great 
.Britain  to  our  Social  Democratic  ideals,  and  to  convince  them 
of  the  reality  of  the  class  struggle  and  of  its  revolutionary 
character. 

The  trade-unionists  constitute  the  best,  the  ablest,  and  the 
most  energetic  of  the  British  working-class.  There  is  no  better 
field  for  the  propaganda  of  our  revolutionary  doctrines.  Our 
best  work  has  been  and  must  be  done  among  them;  and  we 
shall  do  it  much  more  successfully  in  the  future  within  the  Labor 
Party  than  hitherto  outside. 

Moreover,  we  shall  help,  as  a  definite  organized  Social  Dem- 
ocratic Party,  the  work  of  those  of  our  members  who,  as  trade- 


298       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

unionists,  have  been  doing  all  they  can  to  secure  thoroughgoing 
political  independence  in  the  Labor  Party  itself.  Affiliation  to 
the  Labor  Party  will  enable  us  now  to  proceed  immediately  to 
establish  the  Joint  Socialist  Council  with  the  I.  L.  P.  and  the 
Fabian  Society,  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  realization  of 
united  Socialist  action.  Here,  again,  patience  and  persistence 
are  both  essential  to  our  work.  The  principles  of  revolutionary 
Social  Democracy,  revolutionary  in  the  sense  of  being  thorough 
and  uncompromising,  will  make  more  rapid  progress  if  we  avoid 
antagonizing  unnecessarily  those  who  may  not  see  altogether  with 
us  at  the  moment. 

Comrades,  you  have  given  us  the  mandate  to  affiliate  to  the 
Labor  Party.  We  shall  carry  out  that  mandate  with  the  su- 
preme confidence  that  by  the  time  of  our  next  annual  conference 
the  B.  S.  P.  will  have  so  strengthened  its  position  and  increased 
its  membership  as  to  encourage  those  who  have  worked  for  this 
step  towards  Socialist  unity,  and  to  remove  all  doubts  from  the 
minds  of  those  who,  sincerely  opposing  it,  will  yet  loyally  abide 
by  the  decision  of  the  majority. 

The  Executi\'e  Committee  of  the  British 
Socialist  Party. 

[Note— Because  of  the  refusal  of  the  Labor  Party  to  allow  any  of  its 
candidates  to  list  themselves  as  Labor  and  Socialist  candidates,  the  pro- 
posed unity  was  not  carried  out.     See  above,  pp.  290  and  294.] 


CHAPTER  XXI 
IRELAND 

I.    THE   POLITICALi   SITUATION   IN   IRELAND 

(From  Vorwaerts,  September  10,  1913) 
''The  recent  events  in  Dublin  will  strongly  promote  the 
split  which  has  been  noticeable  for  some  time  past,  in  the 
apparently  closed  ranks  of  Irish  Nationalism.  This  is  the 
opinion  of  Comrade  Connolly,  now  in  prison,  the  historian 
of  the  Irish  proletariat,  as  well  as  of  Comrade  Sheehy 
Skeffington,  the  biographer  of  Michael  Davitt.  Skeffing- 
ton  prophesies  for  the  coming  Irish  Parliament  the  follow- 
ing political  line  up :  the  reds  against  the  blacks. 

"Up  to  the  present,  Ireland  has  known  but  two  parties, 
separated  from  each  other  by  religion  and  race.  The  Na- 
tionalists have  the  power  in  their  hands  in  three  out  of  the 
four  provinces.  Their  party  membership  consists  almost 
wholly  of  Irish  Catholics,  but  also  contains  a  small  num- 
ber of  Protestants.  ...  In  Ulster,  the  fourth  province,  the 
population  is  half  Nationalistic  and  half  of  Unionistic 
sentiment.  Ulster  is  strongly  industrial.  The  Unionists 
are  the  descendants  of  English  and  Scotch  pioneers,  who 
took  possession  of  the  estates  from  which  the  Irish  Cath- 
olics were  driven  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies. These  form  'the  Protestant  garrison'  of  England 
in  Ireland,  oppressed  for  centuries.  They  favor  the  union 
formed  in  1800  between  the  two  islands,  support  the 
English  Conservatives,  and  are  violent  opponents  of 
Irish  self-government.  They  fear  religious,  political,  and 
economic  oppression  from  a  predominantly  Catholic  Par- 

299 


300       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

liament  in  Dublin.  The  Nationalists,  on  the  other  hand, 
go  with  the  English  Liberals,  who  have  given  them  as  a 
sign  of  gratitude  for  their  support  the  Home  Rule  Bill, 
This  party  struggle  has  lasted,  with  slight  interruptions, 
for  several  centuries. 

"The  future  fate  of  the  Nationalistic  Party  is  of  the 
greatest  interest  to  us.  This  party  has  so  far  been  able 
to  hold  together  the  opposing  elements  of  the  Irish  nation 
by  the  declaration  that  all  class  interests  must  be  checked 
for  the  sake  of  the  holy,  patriotic,  general  cause. 

"How  strong  Nationalism  is  in  the  Irish  capital  can  be 
seen  on  entering  the  town.  The  street  signs  do  not  alone 
show  the  name  of  the  street  in  English,  but  also  in  Irish, 
which  is  spoken  and  understood  only  by  a  few  inhabitants 
in  the  extreme  west  of  the  country.  If  you  ask  a  man  in 
Dublin  to  guide  you  to  Sackville  Street,  he  will  think  you 
are  a  Tory  and  say:  'I  suppose  you  mean  O'Connell 
Street  ? '  The  Dubliner  refuses  to  call  the  principal  street, 
in  which  stands  the  monument  of  the  liberator,  0  'Connell, 
the  emancipator  of  the  Catholics,  by  anything  but  O'Con- 
nell Street.  The  Government,  by  the  way,  has  forbidden 
the  use  of  this  street  to  the  workers  on  Sunday,  although 
the  Nationalistic  leaders  have  frequently  held  undisturbed 
meetings.  This  Nationalism  is  strongly  nursed  by  the  Eng- 
lish Government,  which  never  allows  the  Dubliner  to  forget 
that  he  lives  under  foreign  rule. 

"The  police  of  the  capital,  known  for  its  brutality  to- 
wards the  public,  is  directed  by  the  English  governor,  or, 
better,  the  arrogant  English  bureaucrats,  who  look  down 
upon  the  'wild  Irish,'  live  in  a  part  of  the  town  by  them- 
selves, and  avoid  the  society  of  the  inhabitants.  These 
apparent  signs  of  foreign  rule  are  still  more  noticeable  in 
the  country.  Here  the  trained  Irish  constables  rule  with 
gun  and  bayonet.     The  large  number  of  policemen  bears 


IRELAND  301 

no  proportion  to  the  number  of  crimes,  which  are  smaller 
in  proportion  to  population  than  in  Great  Britain.  It 
were  a  wonder  if  the  Nationalistic  Party,  led  by  the 
bourgeois  elements,  would  not  have  a  hold  on  the  minds 
of  the  people  in  such  a  country. 

' '  But  the  developments  of  the  last  years  have  shown  that 
the  discipline  in  the  ranks  of  the  Nationalistic  Party  has 
become  less,  and  that  portions  of  the  party  have  been  sep- 
arated from  it.  The  land  question  and  the  Home  Rule 
Bill  have  played  the  most  important  part  in  the  politics 
of  Ireland  for  the  last  generation.  But  now,  since  the 
land  question  has  been  solved  for  the  present  by  the  Land 
Act,  and  since  Home  Rule  is  only  a  question  of  months, 
the  people  are  beginning  to  look  around.  The  predom- 
inantly small-bourgeois  Nationalistic  Party  has  for  some 
years  past  been  ready  to  become  entirely  a  Catholic  party. 
Its  former  election  organization,  '  The  United  Irish  League, ' 
the  direct  successor  of  the  land  league,  recedes  more  and 
more  before  the  'Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,'  led  by 
Delegate  Devlin,  who  pretends  to  be  a  believer  in  democ- 
racy. The  United  Irish  League  is  an  organization  which 
has  Catholic  and  Protestant  members,  while  the  rapidly 
growing  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  admits  Catholics 
only.  But  this  gradual  spiritual  change  in  the  party  has 
not  been  the  only  change.  Large  capitalistic,  bourgeois, 
and  proletarian-democratic  elements  have  also  withdrawn 
from  'official'  nationalism. 

"First  mention  must  be  made  of  the  small,  independent 
Nationalistic  Party,  whose  delegate  in  the  Parliament  at 
Westminster  is  the  deputy,  Healy,  most  faithful  to  the 
high  clergy  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  financier  of  this 
party  is  the  Dublin  merchant,  Murphy,  who  has  declared 
war  against  the  working-class  movement.  The  Healyites 
look  and  find  support  among  the  English  Conservatives, 


302       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

in  whose  ranks  are  many  adherents  of  the  high  church,  at 
heart  Catholics,  who  have  a  strong  influence.  According 
to  Healy,  the  English  Conservatives,  not  the  English  Lib- 
erals, are  the  natural  allies  of  Irish  nationalism.  As  an 
example,  he  cites  the  local  administration  acts  of  the  Con- 
servative Party  of  the  year  1898.  The  law  gave  local  home 
rule  to  the  Irish,  whose  local  affairs,  up  to  that  time,  had 
been  attended  to  by  'grand  juries'  made  up  principally  of 
Protestant  landowners. 

"Several  years  ago  bourgeois  and  proletarian  elements 
broke  away  from  the  other  wing  of  the  party  and  founded 
the  all-Irish  movement.  The  new  party,  opposing  the  'of- 
ficial' Nationalistic  Party,  called  itself  Sinn  Fein,  which 
means  'We  ourselves.'  It  was  a  seceding,  radical  Nation- 
alism which  found  expression  in  this  movement.  It  ex- 
pressed itself  in  the  cultivation  of  the  Irish  language  and 
the  Irish  industries,  in  attacks  on  the  parliamentary  party, 
and  even  in  attacks  against  the  clergy.  A  large  number 
of  Socialistically  inclined  workers  joined  this  movement, 
among  others,  Connolly,  Daly  (secretary  of  the  Irish 
Trade-Union  Congress),  and  the  trade-union  secretary, 
Partridge.  The  workers,  who  had  greeted  the  Sinn  Fein 
Party  as  a  democratic  people's  party,  and  had  worked 
hard  to  spread  it,  found  before  long  that  they  had  been 
cheated.  The  leadership  was  gradually  and  quietly  taken 
over  by  Irish  industrials,  who  got  rid  of  the  democratic 
and  anti-clerical  influences  and  changed  the  all-Irish  peo- 
ple's party  into  a  movement  for  the  introduction  of  the 
protective  tariff.  To-day,  now  that  the  Sinn  Fein  Party 
has  lost  its  working-class  leaders,  it  has  deteriorated  into  a 
small  sect  without  a  future. 

"The  Socialist  working-class  movement  has  taken  its 
place.  This  movement  has  so  far  had  little  chance  to  de- 
velop in  Ireland.     The  Irish  'Independent  Labor  Party,' 


IRELAND  303 

which  was  formed  two  or  three  years  ago  from  two  So- 
cialist unions,  has  at  present  about  800  members.  Some 
of  the  best  known  and  most  influential  union  secretaries 
belong  to  it.  Not  much  older  is  the  Irish  Workingmen's 
Party,  which  is  the  acknowledged  representative  of  the 
Irish  unions.  This  party's  effort  to  have  their  representa- 
tives elected  to  various  town  councils  met  with  unexpected 
success.  In  Dublin,  where  the  town  council  consists  of  80 
members,  the  Workingmen's  Party  has  7  representatives; 
of  the  other  members,  10  are  from  the  Union  Party ;  3  or  4 
of  the  Smn  Fein  Party,  and  the  rest  from  the  Nationalist 
Party,  the  United  Irish  League,  and  the  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians.  The  youthful  party  has  6  town  representa- 
tives in  Sligo,  4  in  Wexford,  and  3  in  Waterford.  It  is 
expected  that  larger  results  will  be  obtained  at  the  next 
election.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  party  to  oust  the  Na- 
tionalists at  the  county  elections. 

"All  this  has  created  a  depressed  feeling  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Nationalistic  Party.  This  party  realizes  that  the 
support  of  the  workers  is  lost.  It  has  partly  been  able  to 
check  the  aspirations  of  the  Workingmen's  Party.  After 
the  proposal  for  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  the  greatest  number 
of  seats  available  to  the  representatives  of  the  workers  is 
40  out  of  164.  To  gain  a  larger  representation  the  workers 
would  have  to  go  back  to  the  old  parties.  The  Catholic 
clergy  are  working  strenuously  to  check  the  growth  of  the 
Workingmen's  Party.  Their  fight  is  directed  principally 
against  Socialism.  Comrade  Larkin  and  his  associates  are 
heralded  as  monsters.  The  fight  is  nevertheless  difficult 
for  the  priests.  For  Larkin,  who  is  hated  by  the  prop- 
ertied class,  is  loved  by  the  people.  The  Catholic  worker 
says:  'Jim  Larkin  might  be  a  Socialist,  but  he  is  a  good 
fellow  just  the  same.'  The  clergy  is  striving  hard  to 
dispel  this  opinion. 


304       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

*'The  Nationalistic  Party  has  been  discredited  by  the 
workers.  The  secretary  of  their  strongest  party  organiza- 
tion created  the  yellow  street  car  union,  which  found  so 
much  favor  in  the  eyes  of  Mr.  Murphy.  It  was  the  Govern- 
ment which  the  party  supported  that  trampled  down  the 
representatives  of  the  Dublin  workers,  without  the  public 
protest  of  one  member  of  the  Nationalistic  Party.  Na- 
tionalistic employers  follow  Mr.  Murphy  in  his  attack  on 
the  transportation  workers'  union. 

"It  is  now  quite  apparent  that  a  split  will  occur  in  the 
near  future  in  the  Nationalistic  Party.  Probably  two  par- 
ties, the  Socialist  Party  and  the  Clerical  Party,  will  before 
long  be  opposing  each  other  in  the  future  Irish  Parlia- 
ment. The  fact  that  up  to  the  present  time  the  oppressor 
of  the  Irishmen  was  in  many  instances  their  religious  and 
national  opponent,  gave  little  opportunity  for  the  growth 
of  class  consciousness  among  the  Irish  wage-earners.  The 
new  political  situation  has  cleared  matters  to  a  certain 
extent.  Even  the  union  worker  of  Ulster  will  soon  recog- 
nize who  in  the  new  Ireland  is  his  natural  ally.  A  Dublin 
union  employee  said  to  me:  'When  the  Belf asters  see  that 
home  rulers  have  no  intention  of  bringing  the  pope  to 
Ireland  they  will  become  reasonable  and  unite  with  us.' 

"Comrade  Connolly,  secretary  of  the  Belfast  section  of 
the  Irish  Transport  Workers'  Union,  declared:  'The  Bel- 
fast workers  will  supply  us  with  the  most  able  men  in 
the  workingmen's  movement.' 

"The  clearing  of  the  air  in  the  labor  movement  result- 
ing from  the  struggles  in  Dublin  in  this  time  of  transition 
seems  to  indicate  a  rapid  development  of  the  Irish  workers 
toward  political  independence.  Perhaps  some  of  the  Irish 
comrades  are  too  optimistic  and  undervalue  the  power  of 
the  Catholic  clergy,  which  functions  as  the  most  aristo- 
cratic election  agent  of  the  Nationalistic  Party.    One  thing 


IRELAND  305 

is  certain:  The  stone  has  been  set  rolling  in  Ireland  and 
the  Irish  working-class,  which  has  sacrificed  many  martyrs 
to  nationalism,  has  become  class  conscious." 

THE  FOUNDATION  OF  THE  IRISH  LABOR  PARTY 

Speech  by  James  Larkin,  Chairman 

We  are  living  in  momentous  times,  but  we  who  have  been 
elected  to  take  up  and  carry  still  further  the  banner  which  was 
hoisted  by  the  pioneers  21  years  ago  in  this  city  cannot  afford 
to  make  mistakes.  The  knowledge  gained  in  the  bitter  days  of 
the  past  should  strengthen  us  in  our  deliberations  and  work  in 
the  future.  We  are  now  on  the  threshold  of  a  newer  movement, 
with  a  newer  hope  and  new  inspiration.  The  best  thanks  we 
can  offer  those  who  have  gone  before  and  who  have  raised  the 
Irish  working-class  from  their  knees,  is  to  press  forward  with 
determination  and  enthusiasm  towards  the  ultimate  goal  of  their 
efforts,  viz.,  a  "  Co-operative  Commonwealth  for  Ireland."  In 
the  meantime,  the  immediate  work  to  hand  is  the  establishment 
of  a  new  party — a  Labor  Party — an  industrial  army;  a  political 
party  whose  politics  will  be  the  assurance  of  bread  and  butter 
for  all.  .    .    , 

The  question  of  Home  Rule — the  question  of  what  some  people 
called  religion — has  been  used  to  divide  us  in  the  past.  The 
question  of  religion  is  a  matter  for  each  individual's  conscience, 
and  in  a  great  many  cases  has  been  the  outcome  of  birth  or 
residence  in  a  certain  geographical  area.  Claiming  for  ourselves 
liberty  of  conscience,  liberty  of  worship,  we  shall  see  to  it  that 
every  other  individual  enjoys  the  same  right,  for  intolerance 
has  been  the  curse  of  this  country.  .   .   . 

The  Irish  working-class  are  now  rising  from  their  knees  and 
attaining  full  stature.  The  new  Irish  party  has  come  of  age, 
entered  into  its  inheritance,  and  will  stand  erect  upon  its  feet 
from  this  day  onward.  Looking  back  over  the  immediate  past — ■ 
more  particularly  the  long  months  of  1913  and  the  early  months 
of  1914 — we  see  there  the  attempt  of  an  organized,  unscrupulous 
capitalist  class  composed  of  men  of  different  political  parties  and 
holding  different  sectarian  views,  who  have  combined  together 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  organized  labor  in  Ireland.  The 
lockout  of  1913  was  a  deliberate  attempt  to  starve  the  workers 


306       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

into  submission  and  met  with  well-deserved  failure.  The  workers 
emerged  from  the  struggle  purified  and  strengthened,  with  a 
fierce  determination  and  a  fixed  purpose.  The  employers'  attitude 
was  a  direct  attack  upon  the  essential  principles  of  trades- 
unionism.  The  outcome  of  the  attack  has  been  the  initiating  of 
a  new  principle  of  solidarity  inside  the  unions,  and  for  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  world  the  beautiful  and  more  humane 
principle  has  received  universal  recognition,  viz.,  "  An  injury  to 
one  is  the  concern  of  all."  That  motto  will  be  emblazoned  on  the 
banner  of  labor  the  world  over  in  the  future.  .  .  .  Once  again 
the  Dublin  worker  stands  as  pioneer  in  the  upward  and  onward 
march  of  labor.  .  .  . 

As  much  as  I  respect  the  church  to  which  I  belong,  and  the 
view  of  those  who  are  interpreters  of  the  dogmas  of  that  church, 
and  as  much  as  I  respect  the  opinions  of  members  of  any  and 
every  church,  I  make  this  claim — that  as  long  as  the  working- 
class  allows  any  churchman  to  abuse  his  trust  and  interfere  in 
working  affairs  in  the  industrial  world,  so  long  will  they  have 
to  submit  to  hunger,  privation,  and  wage-slavery.  In  matters 
spiritual  the  workers  will  obey  the  church,  but  on  the  economic 
and  industrial  field  we  will  be  guided  by  knowledge  gained  by 
long  and  hard  servitude.  I  submit  that  the  working-class  have 
as  much  right  as  any  section  or  class  in  the  community  to  enjoy 
all  the  advantages  of  science,  art,  and  literature.  No  field  of 
knowledge,  no  outlook  in  life  should  be  closed  against  the  work- 
ers. They  should  demand  their  share  in  the  effulgence  of  life, 
and  all  that  was  created  for  the  enjoyment  of  mankind.  And 
here  do  I  appeal  to  those  who  cannot  see  eye  to  eye  with  us, 
who  feel  that  they  cannot  come  all  the  way,  to  come  with  us  as 
far  as  their  knowledge  will  permit — come  at  least  to  the  bottom 
of  the  boreen,  and  then,  if  we  must  part,  the  pioneers  will  con- 
tinue on  and  up  the  mountain  to  meet  the  dawning  of  the  new 
to-morrow.  The  working-class  must  be  free,  not  only  econom- 
ically but  intellectually. 

I  desire  to  bring  you  back  for  the  moment,  and  would  speak 
■with  3'ou  on  one  or  two  points  of  the  struggle  in  Dublin  last 
year.  We  saw  too  plainly  then  that  sectionalism  carried  with 
it  defeat  amongst  the  working-class.  We  had  37  unions  engaged 
in  the  struggle,  each  acting  upon  its  own  line  of  defense  and 
attack  and  according  to  its  own  methods.  Those  who  were 
engaged  had  shown  magnificent  courage.    Women  and  men,  aye, 


IRELAND  307 

and  little  children,  had  proved  their  heroism.  Hmiger,  the  jail, 
and  death  itself  did  not  deter  them.  Let  us  not  forget  our 
comrades,  Brady,  Nolan,  and  Byi-ne,  who  were  murdered  in  the 
streets  of  this  city  by  the  hired  hooligans  of  the  capitalist  class — 
the  police.  We  found  that  no  political  party,  no  church,  made 
a  protest  against  the  abuse  of  the  laws  by  the  capitalist  class. 
During  that  period  it  was  shown  clearly  that  there  was  neither 
Unionist  nor  Nationalist  among  the  employing  class.  There  were 
but  two  camps — employers  and  workers.  "We  found  no  Redmond- 
ites,  Carsonites,  or  O'Brienites  then ;  the  enemy  were  all  employers, 
and  every  weapon  they  could  wield — political,  social,  and  admin- 
istrative— they  used  unsparingly. 

Let  us  not  talk  of  wooden  guns  or  tin  guns.  "What  the  working- 
class  wants  is  the  gun  of  intelligence.  Let  solidarity  be  the 
watchword,  and  a  few  years  will  broaden  out  the  liberties  cur- 
tailed by  the  most  unscrupulous  and  most  vindictive  capitalist 
class  that  any  country  ever  was  cursed  with.  Police,  politicians, 
press,  and  the  judges  on  the  bench  are  simply  the  tools  of  the 
capitalist  class.  .    .    . 

The  cursed  lines  of  sectarian  and  political  demarcation  must 
be  wiped  away;  they  must  hunt  the  fomentors  of  such  bigotry 
and  intolerance  out  of  the  trade-union  movement.  No  emploj'er 
ever  asked  a  man  whether  he  was  a  Nationalist  or  a  Catholic, 
Unionist  or  Protestant.  If  a  worker  entered  Queen's  Island  ship- 
building yard  and  stated  that  he  would  not  work  with  an  Orange 
lathe,  a  Protestant  pneumatic  riveter,  or  a  Catholic  anvil,  he 
would  be  fired  out  at  once.  The  workers  must  drop  these  party 
distinctions.  One  union  is  the  way  out,  that  union  to  embrace 
ail  departments  of  industry — engineers,  shipbuilders,  distributive 
trades,  and  transport  workers,  each  of  these  sections  looking 
particularly  after  its  own  work,  but  all  of  them  bound  together 
and  working  for  the  betterment  of  all  men  and  women.  Those 
who  will  not  assist  in  this  one  union  movement  are  on  the  side 
of  the  capitalist ;  they  must  either  be  with  us  or  against  us.  We 
have  no  time  to  argue  further  with  these  men  and  women  who 
stand  for  sectionalism;  we  must  simply  march  over  them  to  the 
conquest  and  control  of  industry  and  our  own  destiny. 

There  is  another  side  of  our  lives  which  has  been  too  long 
neglected — a  line  of  advance  which  has  not  been  taken  seriously 
into  consideration — the  safest  line  of  advance  I  speak  of  now, 
viz.,   the   co-operative  movement.     In   this   city   at  the   pi-esent 


308       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

moment  the  annual  congress  of  the  British  Co-operative  Move- 
ment is  being  held.  It  is  being  attended  by  women  and  men  from 
all  parts  of  the  earth.  It  would  be  news  to  many  to  know 
that  we  here  in  Ireland  were  pioneers  in  co-operation  long  before 
the  Rochdale  pioneers.  There  was  a  communistic  colony  down 
on  Usher's  quay,  but  it  was  crushed  out  by  jealous  and  restrictive 
laws,  like  every  good  thing  Ireland  ever  started.  England  made 
it  its  business  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  The  working-class  of  Ireland 
should  be  compelled  to  understand  the  worth  of  co-operation. 
Through  its  agents  we  could  supply  all  that  life  needs  by  them- 
selves and  for  themselves.  It  needs  no  further  argument  to 
favor  it.    Life  itself  is  co-operation  in  its  truest  sense.  .   .    . 

To-day  we  see  the  birth  of  an  Irish  Labor  Party,  in  which 
there  will  be  no  room  for  the  old  lines  of  cleavage;  no  politics, 
no  disagi-eements,  no  misunderstandings.  Cemented  by  their 
common  needs,  a  working-class  party  that  will  concern  itself  with 
seeing  to  it  that  sufficient  food,  clothing,  and  shelter  are  enjoyed 
by  women,  men,  and  children.  We  have  seen,  too,  during  the 
last  few  months  that  the  lawbreakers  in  Ulster  have  been  allowed 
to  break  every  law  in  the  land,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  when 
labor  held  a  constitutional  meeting,  we  have  witnessed  the  arrest 
and  imprisonment  of  the  leaders.  That  should  be  a  lesson  to 
the  workers;  the  question  of  Redmondites,  O'Brienites,  or  Car- 
sonites  should  be  a  thing  of  the  foolish  past.  We  must  unite 
as  Laborites  in  the  three-leaved  shamrock  of  fellowship,  with 
faith  in  our  cause,  hope  in  the  realization  of  our  cause,  and 
charity  to  all  men. 

Throughout  this  country  we  have  made  a  name  of  which  we 
need  never  be  ashamed.  I  hope  we  will  see  the  day  when  we 
will  take  full  advantage  of  our  opportunities,  cry  finis  to  our 
differences,  obliterate  all  jealousies  from  our  ranks,  when  we 
will  truly  be  Irish  of  the  Irish,  and  give  ear  to  all  men  who  do 
worthy  woi'k.  Let  us  be  comrades  in  the  truest  sense  of  the 
word  and  join  with  our  comrades  the  world  over  to  advance  the 
cause  of  the  class  to  which  we  belong.  On  that  day  we  will 
put  upon  our  escutcheon  a  mark  worthy  of  the  trust  reposed  upon 
us  twenty-one  years  ago.  ...  I  claim  we  have  an  opportunity 
given  us  of  achieving  much  in  the  future  in  our  beloved  country, 
to  work  and  live  for,  and.  if  need  be,  die,  to  win  back,  in  the 
words  of  Erin's  greatest  living  poet,  for  Kathleen  Ni  Houlihan 
her  four  beautiful  green  fields. 


CHAPTER  XXII 
AUSTRALIA 

I.  INTRODUCTORY 
1.  THE  AUSTRALIAN  LABOR  PARTY 

The  Australian  Labor  Party  is  not  a  Socialist  Party. 
But  neither  is  the  British  Labor  Party,  which  the  Aus- 
tralian Party  in  many  respects  resembles.  The  British 
Party,  however,  is  not  only  admitted  to  the  International 
Socialist  Congresses,  but  is  given  a  larger  vote  there  than 
all  the  British  Socialist  parties  combined.  Moreover,  these 
latter  organizations  have  voluntarily  joined  or  applied  for 
membership  in  the  Labor  Party.  We  may  therefore  con- 
clude that  Socialists  are  for  the  most  part  more  than 
friendly  to  all  genuine  Labor  parties.  We  therefore  in- 
clude the  Australian  Labor  Party  in  the  present  volume. 

2.   ELECTIONS  OF  1913 

In  the  elections  of  1911  the  Labor  Party  had  secured 
a  majority  both  in  the  federal  Senate  and  the  federal 
House  of  Representatives.  They  found  themselves  seri- 
ously hampered  by  the  federal  constitution,  especially  since 
it  prevented  both  thoroughgoing  regulation  or  nationaliza- 
tion of  trusts  and  corporations  and  the  extension  to  the 
nation  of  the  governmental  regulation  of  wages  and  labor 
contracts.  A  referendum,  proposing  to  legalize  these  two 
classes  of  national  legislation,  had  been  defeated  in  1910 
by   a   large   majority.     The   Labor   Party,    however,   was 

30» 


310       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

forced  once  more  to  put  forward  these  same  issues,  and, 
at  the  elections  of  1913,  they  were  again  put  to  a  refer- 
endum vote. 

The  Labor  Party  was  opposed  by  a  coalition  of  the  other 
two  parties.  But  in  spite  of  this  it  increased  its  majority 
in  the  Senate,  lost  the  House  by  only  one  vote,  and  was 
defeated  in  the  referenda  by  margins  so  narrow  that  a 
change  of  one  per  cent  of  the  votes  cast  would  have  given 
the  Labor  Party  a  complete  victory — an  astonishing  ad- 
vance in  three  years,  indicating  an  almost  certain  victory 
in  the  near  future. 

The  National  Referenda 

Nearly  1,900,000  votes  were  cast.  The  two  labor  meas- 
ures were  defeated  by  31,000  and  37,000  votes  respectively. 
The  four  measures  dealing  with  the  regulation  of  corpora- 
tions and  the  nationalization  of  monopolies  were  defeated 
by  majorities  varying  from  37,000  to  a  bare  14,000. 


3.   FEDERAL  ELECTIONS   OF   1914 

Senate 


House 


"S  ^  ii  ^ 

PP  W  H  W 

New  South  Wales 0  3  0  6 

Victoria    1  3  2  4 

Queensland    3  3  3  6 

South  Australia   3  3  3  5 

West   Australia    3  3  3  6 

Tasmania   0  3  0  5 

Total     10  18  11  32 

Total  Anti-Labor.  8  0  7  4 


27—11 

17 

12 

13 

21—  4 

10 

9 

11 

10—  4 

6 

7 

7 

7—  4 

4 

4 

4 

5—  2 

2 

2 

2 

5—  1 

3 

3 

75—26     42     37    40 
49    33    38    35 


AUSTRALIA  311 

4.   GROWTH  OF  THE   LABOR  PARTY 

In  the  Federal  Parliament 

The  progress  of  labor  through  the  five  Parliaments  of 
the  Commonwealth  is  as  follows : 

Senate  Representatives 


Tear  -5         a  Year 


h^  •<  E-i                                                  kI  <1  tH 

1901 8  28  36  1901 16  59  75 

1903 14  22  36  1903 25  50  75 

1906 15  21  36  190G 26  49  75 

1910 23  13  36  1910 42  33  75 

1913 29  7  36  1913 37  38  75 

1914 32  4  36  1914 40  35  75 


5.   THE  LABOR  VOTE  IN   1914 

The  federal  elections  of  September  5,  1914,  resulted  as 
follows : 

The  Senate — Votes  in  Thousands 

Labor  Anti-labor 

1913          1914          Gain               1913          1914  Gain 

Queensland   144  to  146          2              107  to  111  4 

New  South  Wales... 324  to  343        19              318  to  341  23 

Victoria    327  to  332          5              285  to  292  7 

South  Australia 108  to  112          4                87  to     90  3 

West  Australia   63  to    67          4                54  to     60  6 

Tasmania 38  to    40          2                36  to     39  3 


1,004     1,040        36  887       933        46 

In  approximately  2,000,000  votes  the  Labor  Party  re- 
ceived over  100,000  majority.  It  carried  all  six  states, 
though  the  vote  was  very  close  in  New  South  Wales  and 
Tasmania  (as  may  be  seen  from  the  table  above).    As  the 


312       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Labor  Party  majority  in  these  two  states  was  considerably 
larger  in  the  previous  year,  it  would  seem  that  it  stands  in 
danger  of  losing  them.  All  the  other  four  states,  however, 
seem  to  be  firmly  held. 


6.  THE  LABOR  PARTY  IN  THE  STATES 

(April,  1914) 

The  following  is  the  position  of  labor  in  the  state  Par- 
liaments : 

State  Legislative  Assemblies 

Total 
State                                                                       Anti-  mem- 
Labor          labor  bers 

New  South  Wales 49            41  90 

Victoria    20            45  65 

Queensland    24            48  72 

South  AustraHa   16            24  40 

Western  Australia  33            17  50 

Tasmania   15            15  30 

All  State  Assemblies 157          190  347 


State  Legislative  Councils 

state 

Labor 

New  South  Wales 6 

Victoria    4 

Queensland    2 

South  Australia   6 

Western  Australia  7 

Tasmania  - 


25 


Anti- 
labor 

Total 
mem- 
bers 

51 

57 

30 

34 

42 

44 

12 

18 

23 

30 

18 

18 

176 


201 


The  State  Legislative  Councils  are  either  appointed  or 
elected  under  restricted  suffrage  laws,  which  have  come 
down  unchanged  from  the  undemocratic  state  constitu- 
tions that  preceded  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Common- 


AUSTRALIA  313 

wealth  in  1901.  If  the  electoral  conditions  were  the  same 
as  for  the  elections  to  the  lower  legislative  assemblies,  the 
Labor  Party  would  control,  as  the  above  figures  show,  not 
only  Tasmania — as  at  present — but  also  New  South  Wales 
and  Western  Australia. 

If  we  judge  by  the  federal  elections  to  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives,  the  Labor  Party  would  control  all  the 
states  except  New  South  Wales. 

Or,  if  we  judge  by  the  federal  elections  to  the  Senate, 
the  Labor  Party  would  firmly  control  Victoria,  Queens- 
land, South  Australia,  and  West  Australia,  and  would 
have  a  bare  majority  also  in  the  other  two  states. 

7.  manifesto  of  labor  party  for  elections  of  1913 

Fellow  Electors: 

On  the  31st  of  May  you  will  be  called  upon  to  elect  a  new 
Parliament,  and  to  vote  upon  six  jjroposals  to  amend  the  con- 
stitution. There  are  but  two  parties  before  the  country,  and 
these  the  same  as  in  1910. 

You  are  again  asked  to  choose  between  the  Labor  Party  and 
the  Fusion  Party.  In  view  of  the  respective  records  of  the  two 
parties,  the  issue — notwithstanding  the  most  desperate  efforts 
to  mislead  the  electors  by  flagrant  misrepresentation,  by  dis- 
tortion, by  suppression  of  the  truth — is  clear,  simple,  and  hardly 
in  doubt.  The  facts  of  the  country's  prosperity,  its  amazing 
strides  in  trade,  manufacture,  banking  assets  and  deposits,  the 
savings  of  the  people,  and  the  increase  of  population,  both 
oversea  and  native  born,  are  before  the  people  and  cannot  be 
explained  away.  They  furnish  the  most  complete  and  crushing 
refutation  of  all  those  dire  prophecies  of  evil  with  which  the 
fusion  leaders  and  the  fusion  press  attempted  to  alarm  the 
people  at  the  last  election  and  which  they  are  again  repeating. 

The  Labor  Party's  Record 
The  Labor  Party  has  been  in  office  three  years.     It  has  been 
a  party  of  action.     Its  record  is  before  the  people.     We  have 
not  space  to  deal  with   that  record  in   detail,  but  may  fairly 
remind  the  electors  of  two  points,  both  of  first  importance. 


314       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

One:  The  fact — rare,  if  not  unique  in  this  country' — that  every 
promise  made  to  the  electors  in  the  1910  manifesto  has  been 
faithfully  performed.  Where  the  constitution  pennitted,  legis- 
lative effect  has  been  given  to  our  policy.  What  we  promised, 
that  we  have  performed. 

The  other:  That  we  have  not  only  put  our  policy  on  the 
statute  book  and  energetically  administered  it,  but  that  its  effects 
have  been  most  salutary. 

The  Fusion's  Tribute  to  Labor's  Record 

The  first  tribute  to  the  value  of  our  policy  is  the  attitude  of 
the  fusion,  which,  after  denouncing  and  abusing  the  Labor  Party 
and  all  its  works,  dare  not  venture  to  say  it  will  repeal  one  act 
of  the  83  which  we  have  passed.  This  is  surely  the  best  testi- 
mony the  electors  can  have  of  the  value  of  the  Labor  Party's 
work,  and  conclusive  proof  of  the  hollowness  of  the  fusion's 
denunciations  and  abuse  of  the  Labor  Party  and  its  platform. 


The  Three  Great  Questions 

The  three  great  questions  that  force  themselves  upon  the  atten- 
tion of  the  people  of  all  civilized  nations  to-day  are:  (1)  Indus- 
trial unrest;  (2)  the  operations  of  trusts  and  combines;  and 
(3)  increased  cost  of  living.  These  three  things  go  down  to 
bedrock.  They  touch  and  condition  the  lives  of  95  per  cent  of 
the  people.  In  every  country  they  exist,  and  exist  alongside  each 
other. 

That  they  are  here  in  Australia  Ave  know  perfectly  well,  and 
any  party  which  seeks  to  govern  a  country  must  not  only  recog- 
nize their  existence,  but  put  forward  a  policy  to  cope  with  them. 
And  as  these  great  factors  have  their  causes  deep  down  in  the 
very  roots  of  modern  industrialism,  no  policy  which  does  not 
deal  with  basic  causes  as  well  as  their  effects  can  help  the  people. 

The  Fusion  Policy 

The  Fusion  Party  does  not  even  attempt  to  put  forward  such 
a  policy.  So  far  as  it  deals  with  industrial  unrest,  and  high 
cost  of  living,  it  declares  them  to  be  purely  local  phenomena 
confined  to  Australia.     It  lays  the  responsibility  for  their  exist- 


AUSTRALIA  315 

ence  at  the  door  of  the  Labor  Party.  As  for  trusts  and  combines, 
it  now  declares  the  existing  law  to  be  amply  sufficient.  And  the 
Fusion  remedy  for  all  these  things,  in  common  with  every  other 
ill  from  which  civilized  man  suffers,  is — to  put  the  Fusion  Party 
into  office. 

The  Power  of  the  Trusts 

Now,  what  are  the  facts  relating  to  industrial  unrest,  the  high 
cost  of  living,  and  the  operations  and  power  of  trusts  and 
combines  ? 

When  we  were  before  the  electors  in  1910,  we  pointed  out 
the  increasing  powers  of  what  are  known  as  trusts  and  combines. 
During  the  last  three  years  many  convincing  proofs  have  been 
given  as  to  the  influence  of  these  great  organizations  of  capital 
and  of  the  world-wide  scope  of  their  operations. 

Although  in  Australia  these  combinations  have  not,  perhaps, 
reached  the  stage  of  development  that  they  have  in  other  coun- 
tries— notably  in  the  United  States — their  existence  and  power 
are  manifested  in  almost  every  part  of  the  commonwealth.  That 
state  of  things  in  which  individual  traders  and  manufacturers 
competed  against  one  another,  and  the  consumer  obtained  the 
goods  at  the  lowest  price  compatible  with  a  fair  and  reasonable 
profit,  has  completely  disappeared  in  many  if  not  in  most  lines. 
There  is,  of  course,  keen  competition  amongst  retailers,  but  the 
prices  at  which  retailers  sell  to  the  public  are  naturally  governed 
by  the  prices  at  which  they  can  buy  of  the  wholesale  merchants. 
And  in  most  eases  wholesale  prices  are  fixed  by  arrangement 
either  by  these  merchants  or  by  the  greater  organizations  who 
really  control  the  output  and  distribution  of  the  goods. 

Exorbitant  Profits  and  High  Prices 

It  therefore  follows  that  the  prices  the  people  pay  for  most 
of  the  things  they  eat,  drink,  wear,  and  use  are  not  "  competitive 
prices,"  but  fixed  and  arranged  prices;  and  as  those  who  fix  or 
arrange  these  prices  are  concerned  chiefly  with  getting  exorbitant 
profit,  these  prices  are  not  "  fair  and  reasonable,"  but  are  con- 
siderably higher  than  would  be  the  case  under  free  competition. 

This  is  only  natural.  When  a  few  practically  control  the 
output  and  distribution  of  any  article  which  the  people  must 
have,  they  are  in  a  position  to  fix  the  highest  price  that  the 


316       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

people  can  possibly  pay.  The  only  limit,  therefore,  to  the  prices 
fixed  by  combines  and  "  honorable  understandings  "  is  the  limit 
of  the  people's  purse.  If  the  trusts  charged  more,  the  people 
could  not  buy.  The  combine  seldom  charges  less  than  the  very 
most  that  the  unfortunate  consumer  can  pay.  This  is  the  present 
position  of  the  people,  not  only  in  the  commonwealth,  but 
throughout  the  world.  It  is  a  position  which,  on  the  face  of  it, 
is  quite  incompatible  with  democratic  government.  Theoretically, 
freedom  of  trade  and  freedom  of  access  to  opportunities  are 
open  to  all,  practically,  where  a  few  men  with  a  tremendous 
amount  of  capital  control  the  means  by  which  modern  production 
and  distribution  must  necessarily  be  carried  on,  the  rest  of  man- 
kind can  only  live  upon  sufferance. 

Control  of  Trusts 

The  present  position  is  intolerable.  The  interests  of  the  people 
must  be  protected,  and  the  policy  of  the  Labor  Party  is  to  take 
whatever  steps  are  necessary  to  protect  them.  .  .  .  We  are  not 
opposed  to  combination.  We  believe  indeed  that  combination 
is  infinitely  better  than  cutthroat  competition,  provided  that  the 
interests  of  the  people  are  properly  safeguarded.  But  to  allow 
a  few  individuals  to  control  the  production  and  distribution  of 
the  necessaries  of  life,  to  fix  what  price  the  people  must  pay  for 
what  they  must  have,  is  to  place  the  whole  community  at  the 
mercy  of  the  few.  Combination  makes  for  efficient  and  econom- 
ical production.  Properly  controlled,  it  is  a  benefit  to  the 
community.  Uncontrolled,  it  is  a  menace  to  the  liberties  and 
the  very  existence  of  democracy. 

Cost  of  Living  and  Industrial  Unrest 

These  are  the  facts,  and  they  are  indisputable,  yet  in  the  face 
of  them  the  Fusion  says  that  the  Labor  Party  is  responsible 
for  the  industrial  unrest  and  the  high  cost  of  living.  Such  a 
statement  is  an  insult  to  the  intelligence  of  the  electors.  Let  us 
prove  it.  Australia  is  the  only  country  m  the  world  where  the 
Labor  Party  is  in  pow'er  and  in  office. 

But  industrial  unrest  is  world-wide.  There  is  not  one  civilized 
country  where  it  has  not  manifested  itself  during  recent  years. 
In  Great  Britain,  America,  France,  Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy, 


AUSTRALIA  317 

upheavals — compared  to  which  those  in  Australia  appear  quite 
insignificant — have  taken  place  in  the  last  three  years. 

The  Cause 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  high  cost  of  living.  This,  too, 
is  a  Avorld-wide  phenomenon.  To  say,  as  the  Fusion  Party  does, 
that  the  Labor  Party  is  responsible  for  it,  is  an  audacious  and 
willful  misrepresentation  of  facts.  The  cost  of  living  in  the 
United  States  is  16  per  cent  higher  than  in  Australia,  but  there 
are  no  wages  boards  in  that  country,  and  no  Labor  Party  in 
office  or  power.  And  the  same  is  true  of  Great  Britain,  where 
the  cost  of  living  has,  according  to  the  board  of  trade  returns, 
gone  up  to  such  an  extent  that  what  cost  20  shillings  in  1909 
costs  23  shillings  in  1912.  The  Fusion  Party  insults  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  electors  by  declaring  that  high  wages  are  the  cause 
of  high  prices.  The  exact  opposite  is  true.  The  people  must 
live,  and  to  live  their  wages  must  be  sufficient  to  purchase  the 
necessaries  of  civilized  life.  High  prices  cause  and  compel  a 
demand  for  higher  wages.  The  endeavor  to  enforce  the  demand 
causes  industrial  unrest. 

High  Prices 

Only  in  Australia  is  the  Labor  Party  in  office.  Only  here  and 
in  New  Zealand  are  there  arbitration  courts  and  boards  for 
fixmg  wages.  But  in  every  country  trusts  and  combines  control 
the  means  of  production.  In  every  country  they  regulate  output, 
they  fix  prices,  they  exploit  the  people.  And  in  America,  where 
they  are  most  powerful,  the  cost  of  living  is  higher  than  in  any 
other  country.  We  have  tracked  the  thing  down.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  main  cause  of  the  increased  cost  of  living  is  the  ex- 
orbitant profits  extracted  from  the  people  by  the  trusts,  and  the 
immediate  cause  of  industrial  unrest  arises  out  of  the  increasingly 
difficult  struggles  of  the  people  to  make  both  ends  meet. 

Amendment  of  the  Constitution 

In  order  to  control  trusts,  combines,  corporations,  and  great 
monopolies,  which  now  exploit  the  public,  and  to  deal  with  indus- 
trial unrest  and  the  high  cost  of  living,  amendment  of  the  con- 
stitution is  imperatively  necessary.  Without  such  amendment 
it  is  futile  to  attempt  to  deal  with  these  great  questions. 


318       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

At  present  the  Commonwealth  is  for  all  practical  purposes 
powerless.  In  order,  therefore,  that  these  great  questions  may 
be  effectively  dealt  with,  the  amendments  of  the  constitution 
now  before  the  people  must  be  made.  .   .   . 

Reasons  for  Amendment 

We  have  not  space  here  to  repeat  the  arguments  there  set 
forth.  But  briefly,  the  reasons  why  the  electors  should  vote  for 
the  six  amendments  are  as  follows: 

Our  constitution,  which  is  copied  from  the  American,  gives 
us  the  same  powers  over  trusts,  industrial  and  other  cognate 
matters  as  that  of  the  United  States.  It  leaves  the  states  the 
same  powers  as  the  United  States  Constitution  leaves  the  states 
of  America.  In  America,  after  20  years  of  the  best  efforts  to 
deal  with  trusts  by  federal  and  state  laws,  the  position,  as  stated 
by  Senator  Chauneey  Depew,  one  of  the  most  notable  American 
statesmen  of  our  day,  is : 

"  There  are  ten  men  in  the  city  of  New  York  who  can  in  24 

hours  STOP  EVERY  V7HEEL  OF  ALL  THE  RAILWAYS,  CLOSE  EVERY 
FACTORY,  LOCK  EVERY  SWITCH  ON  EVERY  TELEGRAPH  LINE,  SHUT 
DOWN   EVERY    COAL   MINE    AND    IRON    MINE   IN    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

What  a  travesty  on  the  declaration  that  this  is  the  government 
of    the    people,    by    the    people,    for    the    people,    when    ten 

MEN    CAN    MAKE    STARVING    BEGGARS    OP    100,000,000    people    in    24 

hours." 

Present  Constitution 

The  net  result  of  all  this  legislation — the  most  drastic  possible 
under  constitutions  like  ours,  and  that  of  America,  is  that  the 
trusts  after  20  years  of  it  are  the  most  numerous  and  powerful 
in  the  world,  gnd  control  not  only  the  industrial,  but  also  the 
commercial,  financial,  and  political  lives  of  the  American  people. 
The  laws,  both  state  and  federal,  have  been  enforced  in  many 
cases,  and  a  great  number  of  convictions  have  followed.  But 
the  trusts  laugh  at  convictions  and  grow  fat  upon  them.  The 
Standard  Oil  Trust,  for  example,  was  only  recently  convicted, 
heavily  fined,  and  solemnly  dissolved  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
America.  This  ought  to  have  been  the  end  of  the  trust,  but  its 
power  to  exploit  the  world  is  not  lessened.  To-day  it  is  as  strong 
as  ever,  and  Rockefeller  and  a  few  of  the  great  shareholders 
have  made  £40,000,000  as  a  direct  result  of  the  conviction! 


AUSTRALIA  319 

The  fact  is  that  while  the  constitution  remains  as  it  is,  no 
power  exists  either  in  America  or  here  that  can  cope  with  trusts. 
State  laws  cannot  do  it,  and  the  federal  arm  is  cramped. 


Protect  the  People 

Every  federation  in  the  world,  except  America,  has  these 
powers.  Canada  has  and  always  has  had  them.  In  the  face  of 
these  facts,  why  should  the  people  of  Australia  hesitate  to  take 
these  powers,  the  lack  of  which  has  placed  America  under  the 
heel  of  the  trusts  to  such  an  extent  that,  to  repeat  the  words  of 
Senator  Chauncey  Depew,  "  Ten  men  can  make  starving  beggars 
of  100,000,000  people  in  24  hours." 


Proposed  Amendments 

1.  Control  of  Trusts. — And  now,  having  stated  the  issues 
before  the  electors  and  the  necessity  for  amending  the  constitu- 
tion, we  come  to  the  policy  of  the  Labor  Party  for  the  next 
Parliament.  If  the  proposed  amendments  are  carried  we  shall 
pass  legislation  to  control  trusts  and  combines  in  the  public 
interest,  and  to  create  machinery  for  reviewing  and,  where 
necessary,  regulating  prices  in  cases  where  effective  compe- 
tition does  not  insure  a  fair  and  reasonable  price  to  the  con- 
sumer. 

The  Fusion  says  that  the  regulation  of  prices  is  impossible. 
But  regulation  of  prices  by  the  trusts  in  their  own  interests 
is  the  dominant  feature  of  our  age.  Why  should  public  regula- 
tion of  prices  in  the  interests  of  the  people  be  impossible?  It 
is  not  impossible,  and  it  is  absolutely  necessary.  Those  who 
know  most  about  the  matter  strongly  favor  it. 

Andrew  Carnegie,  of  the  great  American  Steel  Tmst,  says : 
"  Granted  combination,  there  must  be  regulation,  and  as  no 
judge  the  world  over  is  allowed  to  sit  in  judgment  in  a  ease  in 
which  he  is  personally  interested,  so  no  producer  can  ever  be 
JUDGE  OF  PRICES.  It  follows,  then,  that  an  industrial  court  must 
be  formed  which  shall  fix  the  maximum  prices,  that  the  con- 
sumer may  be  protected  against  extortion."  And  ex-President 
Roosevelt   says:    "This   control    (over   trusts)    should,    if 


320       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

NECESSARY,     BE     PUSHED     IN     EXTREME     CASES     TO     THE     POINT     OF 

EXERCISING  CONTROL  OVER  MONOPOLY  PRICES,  as  rates  On  railways 
are  now  controlled." 

2.  Nationalization  of  Monopolies. — ^With  regard  to  monopolies, 
these  will  be  generally  dealt  with  in  the  same  way  as  trusts  and 
combines.  The  broad  principle  upon  which  legislation  will  be 
based  is  that  where  the  welfare  of  the  people  demands  it,  the 
law  will  exercise  a  vigilant  supervision  over  the  operations  of 
these  great  organizations  of  capital.  We  shall  make  provision 
to  prevent  individual  traders  and  manufacturers  being  crushed 
out  by  combines  or  attempted  monopolies.  We  shall  protect  the 
public  by  regulating  prices  where  these  are  exorbitant.  Where 
the  interest  of  the  Commonwealth  can  in  no  other  way  be  pro- 
tected, w^e  shall  exercise  the  powers  given  by  the  amendment  of 
the  constitution  and  nationalize  the  monopoly. 

3.  General  Company  Law. — We  shall  pass  a  General  Company 
Law  designed  to  encourage  legitimate  trading  and  prevent  unfair 
trading,  and  to  protect  the  interests  of  shareholders  and  the 
public.  At  present  there  is  no  power  to  pass  such  a  law,  and 
yet  no  legislation  is  more  badly  needed. 

New  Protection 

We  shall  introduce  at  an  early  date  such  legislation  as  may 
be  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the  policy  of  the  new  protection. 
As  there  is  some  room  for  doubt  as  to  what  new  protection  is, 
we  here  set  forth  what  it  means.  Unlike  the  old  protection,  the 
benefits  of  the  new  protection  are  not  to  rest  wholly  with  the 
manufacturer,  but  are  to  extend  to  the  workman  and  the  con- 
sumer. The  workman  is  to  get  a  fair  and  reasonable  wage  and 
decent  conditions  of  labor.  Where  the  State  Wages  Boards  give 
him  these,  well  and  good.  Where  they  do  not,  federal  courts  will 
do  so.  And  the  consumer  is  to  be  protected  against  exorbitant 
prices.  In  this  way  protection  becomes  a  national  policy  in  the 
true  sense  of  the  term,  and  is  not,  as  at  present,  mainly  confined 
to  one  comparatively  small  section  of  the  community.  The 
manufacturers  of  Australia  are  entitled  to  protection  against 
unfair  competition;  they  are  entitled  to  a  fair  and  legitimate 
profit;  they  are  entitled  to  settled  industrial  conditions.  These 
things  we  shall  endeavor  to  secure  for  them,  but  they  are  not 
entitled  to  exploit  the  workmen  or  the  general  public,  and  we 


AUSTRALIA  321 

shall   therefore   pass   such  legislation   as  will,   while   protecting 
Australian  manufacturers,  also  protect  the  community. 

Industrial  Peace 

The  present  industrial  powers  of  the  Commonwealth  are  quite 
inadequate.  It  cannot  prevent  industrial  disputes.  It  cannot 
deal  with  them  when  they  arise  unless  they  extend  beyond  the 
limits  of  any  one  state.  And  it  is  absolutely  powerless  to  deal 
with  the  most  common  form  in  which  great  uidustrial  disputes 
extending  beyond  the  limits  of  one  state  occur.  The  "  sympa- 
thetic strike " — the  most  dangerous  and  affecting  the  greatest 
number  of  people — is,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  beyond  its  juris- 
diction. The  cause  of  such  a  strike  may  be  the  demand  of  a 
union  inside  a  state.  With  that  dispute  the  Federal  Conciliation 
Court  cannot  deal.  But  until  it  is  settled,  the  "  sympathetic 
strike"  of  unions  outside  the  state  cannot  be  settled.  The  arm 
of  the  federal  court  is  tied.  It  cannot  act  when  action  would 
be  most  likely  to  prove  effective.  It  must  sit  down  supinely 
and  watch  the  trouble  become  more  and  more  serious,  extending 
from  one  small  center  until  it  envelops  the  whole  state,  and  still 
do  nothing.  Not  until  the  dispute  reaches  such  a  stage  as  to 
make  settlement  an  almost  impossible  task  can  the  federal  court 
interfere. 

This  is  not  only  absurd,  but  a  deadly  menace  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  community.  If  industrial  peace  is  worth  having  we  ought 
not  to  tie  the  hands  of  the  court  created  to  maintain  it. 

The  facts  and  the  best  authorities  on  the  Fusion  side  both 
support  our  contention  that  the  constitution  ought  to  be  amended 
so  that  the  Commonwealth's  powers  may  be  such  as  to  preserve 
the  industrial  peace  of  the  community. 

If  these  amendments  are  approved  by  the  people,  we  shall 
clothe  the  Federal  Arbitration  Court  with  power  to  prevent  dis- 
putes, to  deal  effectively  with  such  disputes  as  do  arise,  wherever 
and  in  whatever  circumstances  they  may  arise,  if  state  courts 
cannot  or  do  not  do  so.  For  this  purpose  we  shall  make  pro- 
vision for  subsidiary  industrial  tribunals,  wherever  and  whenever 
the  circumstances  call  for  them. 


322       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  Fusion  and  the  Farmer 

It  is  said  also  that  the  Commonwealth  will  take  over  the 
railways.  This  is,  of  course,  a  downright  untruth,  as  those  who 
make  the  statement  know  full  well.  The  amendments  do  not 
give  the  Commonwealth  power  to  take  over  the  state  railways. 
They  do  not  even  give  power  to  deal  with  state  trade  and  com- 
merce carried  on  state  railways.  They  do  not  give  the  Com- 
monwealth any  more  power  to  fix  freights  and  fares  than  it  has 
now.    So  much  for  that  audacious  attempt  to  mislead  the  electors ! 

The  Fusion,  in  its  usual  fashion,  attempts  to  save  its  friends, 
"  the  great  trusts,"  by  endeavoring  to  frighten  the  small  farmer 
and  storekeeper  and  make  them  fight  its  battles.  Before  the 
1910  election  the  Fusion,  at  the  instance  of  the  great  landlords 
of  Australia,  dreading  the  progressive  land  tax,  told  the  farmer 
that  the  effect  of  the  land  tax  would  be  to  ruin  him.  They  said 
that  the  £5,000  exemiDtion  was  only  an  election  cry,  and  that  if 
we  got  in  we  would  take  it  out  and  tax  the  small  man.  Time 
has  nailed  those  lies  to  the  wall.  The  £5,000  exemption  remains, 
and  we  again  pledge  ourselves  not  to  remove  it  during  the  next 
Parliament. 

The  Fusion  saj^s,  first,  that  the  proposal  to  fix  pi-iees  is 
absurd,  and  second,  that  the  Labor  Party  will  fix  the  prices  of 
the  produce  of  "  the  man  on  the  land  "  and  the  goods  of  the 
retail  storekeeper.  Such  a  statement  is  utterly  untrue.  Like 
the  land  tax  lie,  it  is  a  cunning  attempt  by  the  monopolists  and 
great  vested  interests  to  save  themselves. 

We  have  already  said  that  we  shall  not  attempt  public  regu- 
lation of  prices,  except  where  these  are  regulated  by  trusts,  com- 
bines, monopolies,  rings,  or  "  honorable  understandings."  We 
shall  not  attempt  to  regulate  prices  received  by  "  the  man  on  the 
land  "  for  his  produce.  It  is  not  by  the  farmer  that  the  public 
is  squeezed,  but  by  those  to  whom  the  farmer  sells  his  produce. 

The  farmer  is  squeezed  by  the  freight  ring  and  by  other  rings. 
We  shall  endeavor  to  protect  him. 

Nationalization 

The  Fusion  says  that,  if  the  electors  approve  of  the  sixth 
proposed  amendment,  the  Labor  Party  will  at  once  nationalize 
every  industry  in  the  country!     That  i4  will  nationalize  every 


AUSTRALIA  323 

small  storekeeper,  and  that  even  "  the  i^oor  widow  "  in  her  tiny 
little  store  will  be  taken  over  by  the  Federal  Government !  Such 
statements  are  not  only  gross  misrepresentations,  but  are  plainly 
absurd. 

It  is  not  the  small  storekeeper,  or  the  widow  in  her  little  store, 
that  menaces  the  welfare  of  the  people,  but  the  great  monopoly 
which  holds  the  community  in  its  ruthless  grasp.  When  one 
company  or  combine  has  destroyed  all  its  competitors,  it  has 
the  community  at  its  mercy.  When,  as  is  the  case  with  more 
than  one  combine  here,  it  controls  the  production,  manufacture, 
and  sale  of  something  which  the  people  must  have,  a  state  of 
things  exists  which  is  incompatible  with  free  government,  and 
cannot  be  tolerated.  It  is  to  deal  with  such  great  monopolies  that 
this  amendment  of  the  constitution  is  required.  And  it  is  abso- 
lutely necessary. 

We  shall  not  nationalize  the  small  shopkeeper,  or  the 
BIG  shopkeeper  EITHER.  This  is  not  a  remedy  to  be  applied  to 
retail  traders  amongst  whom  competition  insures  fair  profits, 
and  fair  profits  only.  But  it  is  for  use,  and  if  we  are  returned 
and  this  amendment  is  carried,  we  shall  use  it  against  those  great 
monopolies  whose  exactions  are  unendurable,  if  regulation  of 
their  operations  cannot  be  effected  in  any  other  way. 


Initiative  and  Referendum 

True  democratic  government  demands  that  the  people's  will, 
continuously  ascertained  and  expressed,  shall  be  supreme,  but 
representative  government  does  not,  in  many  cases,  permit  the 
people  to  make  their  desires  known  or  to  see  that  their  desires 
are  given  effect  to.  At  the  election  of  a  Parliament  the  people 
really  rule;  during  the  intervals  between  elections  their  power 
is  confined  to  criticisms,  and  to  such  means  of  approaching  Par- 
liament as  are  afforded  by  petitions,  public  meetings,  and  the 
columns  of  the  press.  Generally  Parliament  responds  to  public 
opinion  thus  manifested — but  not  always.  Besides,  public  control 
in  this  way  is  not  only  uncertain  but  indefinite,  and  entirely 
unsanctioned  by  the  law;  and  Parliament  can,  if  it  chooses,  wholly 
disregard  it.  What  is  wanted  is  a  means  by  which  the  people 
may,  in  a  clearly  defined  and  legal  way,  express  their  disapproval 
of  any  legislation  proposed  or  passed  by  Parliament,  and  initiate 


324       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

such  other  legislation  as  circumstances  in  their  opinion  warrant. 
In  this  way  the  people's  control  over  Parliament  would  be  con- 
tinuous. They  could  veto  such  legislation  as  was  objectionable, 
and  comi^el  attention  to  matters  of  great  importance  which  might 
arise  between  elections,  and  upon  which  the  Parliaments  had  not 
been  instructed. 

Protection  and  Defense 

Protection  is  the  settled  policy  of  the  country.  The  Labor 
Party,  therefore,  will  take  such  steps  as  are  necessary  to  make 
that  policy  effective,  and  will  at  an  early  date  bring  down  such 
amendments  of  the  present  tariff  as  will  protect  the  manufac- 
turers and  producers  of  the  Commonwealth  against  unfair  out- 
side competition. 

As  the  fiscal  question  is  not  included  in  the  platform  of  the 
Labor  Party,  the  views  of  members  of  the  party  have  been 
ascertained.  It  has  been  found  that  the  great  majority  of  mem- 
bers support  the  promise  given  by  the  prime  minister  at  Mary- 
borough on  March  31  to  bring  down  a  scheme  of  effective  pro- 
tection. 

Believing  as  we  do  that  customs  duties  for  revenue  are  no 
part  of  the  policy  of  protection,  and  therefore  should  be  made 
as  light  as  possible,  we  propose  to  reduce  such  duties  on  the 
necessaries  of  life  imported  from  other  countries. 

Our  policy  of  national  defense,  military  and  naval,  has  been 
already  stated  by  the  prime  minister  at  Maryborough.  That 
policy  we  shall  resolutely  and  energetically  carry  out.  Everything 
necessary  to  Australia's  defense  and  to  make  her  contribution 
towards  imperial  defense  a  real  and  effective  one  will  be  done. 

We  shall  prosecute  with  diligence  and  energy  a  policy  of 
national  development.  The  settlement  and  development  of  the 
Northern  Territory  will  be  pushed  on  with.  The  construction  of 
the  Transcontinental  Railway  will  be  energetically  carried  on. 
A  vigorous  policy  of  railway  constiniction  will  be  undertaken. 
We  believe  in  Australia  and  in  her  greatness,  and  shall  do  all 
that  is  possible  to  hasten  her  development. 

Insurance 

We  shall  pass  a  general  insurance  law,  regulating  the  opera- 
tions of  all  insurance  companies.     The  measure  introduced  last 


AUSTRALIA  325 

session  broadly  indicates  the  lines  along  which  we  think  such 
a  law  should  proceed.  It  is  much  needed,  and  we  shall  place  it 
on  the  statute  book  at  an  early  date. 

In  addition  to  regulating  the  operations  of  private  insurance 
companies,  we  shall  establish  a  commonwealth  insurance  depart- 
ment, controlled  and  guaranteed  and  carried  on  by  the  Govern- 
ment. It  will  be  based  upon  sound  business  lines,  and  will 
engage  in  all  kinds  of  insurance  business.  The  operations  of 
the  New  Zealand  Government  Insurance  Department  have  been 
most  successful,  and  not  only  does  the  institution  show  a  good 
margin  of  profit,  but  the  exorbitant  rates  charged  by  private 
insurance  companies — more  particularly  for  tire  insurance — have 
been  gi-eatly  reduced  through  government  competition.  There  is 
ample  justification  for  the  establishment  of  a  similar  institution 
here,  and  we  shall  take  steps  to  do  so  as  soon  as  possible. 


A  Great  National  Policy 

Here  then  is  our  policy.  It  deals  with  those  great  issues  now 
compelling  the  attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world.  And  it 
goes  right  down  to  bedrock.  It  is  a  policy  for  the  whole  people, 
and  not  only  for  a  privileged  few.  It  is  a  policy  of  action,  put 
forward  by  men  who  have  proved  by  their  record  that  they  are 
men  of  action  and  true  to  their  pledges.  It  is  a  great  national 
policy  that  will  develop  the  best  that  is  in  Australia — a  policy 
that  will  protect  our  country  from  dangers  within  and  without. 

With  full  confidence  in  the  justice  and  patriotism  of  the  Aus- 
tralian people,  we  invite  them  to  attach  to  it  the  seal  of  their 
approval. 

Andrew  Fisher, 
Commonwealth  Offices,  Melbourne. 

D.  Watkins,  Plattsburg, 

Secretary  Federal  Labor  Party. 

8.   SOCIALIST   OPINION   ON   ELECTION   OF  1913 

a.  From  Vorwaerts  (Berlin) 

"A  noteworthy  feature  of  this  election  campaign  was 
the  great  bitterness  with  which  it  was  fought  and  the 


32G       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

sharp  class  lines  that  appeared  on  the  surface  during  the 
struggle.  The  Labor  Party  lost  a  large  number  of  its 
middle-class  and  farmer  supporters,  elements  that  have 
hitherto  been  a  hindrance  to  the  party  movement.  About 
one-half  of  the  seats  of  the  Labor  Party  won  in  the  last 
election  (1910)  were  gained  in  the  farming  and  country 
districts,  territory  that  had  no  industrial  population  worth 
mentioning.  About  one-half  of  these  seats  were  lost  in 
the  recent  election.  On  the  other  hand,  the  industrial 
proletariat  stood  solidly  behind  the  Labor  Party.  They 
put  up  a  hard  fight  against  the  well-organized  onslaught 
of  the  Liberals  with  their  powerful  press. 

"In  a  country  with  such  great  distances,  as  is  the  case 
in  Australia,  newspaper  agitation  must  naturally  play  a 
very  important  part.  The  labor  press  of  Australia  is  still 
in  its  infancy,  while  the  Democratic  organs,  which  for- 
merly supported  the  Labor  Party,  became  very  uneasy 
over  its  new  collectivist  policy  and  edged  away  from  this 
dangerous  movement.  This  was  true,  for  instance,  of  the 
Melbourne  Age,  a  paper  that,  in  1910,  was  to  no  small  de- 
gree responsible  for  our  success  in  Victoria  and  Tasmania. 
This  paper,  too,  has  become  afraid  of  the  so-called  extreme 
elements  that  have  taken  hold  in  the  Labor  Party.  More- 
over, the  better  class  is  still  haunted  by  the  memory  of 
recent  strikes.  It  looks  with  distaste  upon  the  Fisher 
Ministry,  with  its  friendly  attitude  toward  the  labor  move- 
ment. It  cannot  forget  that  this  ministry,  in  January  of 
the  previous  year,  refused  to  send  out  troops  against  the 
striking  street  ear  employees  in  Brisbane  when  it  had  been 
requested  to  do  so  by  the  Liberal  state  administration  of 
Queensland. 

"Besides,  the  wealthier  class  generally  felt  that  the  col- 
lectivist principles  of  the  Labor  Party  were  ceasing  to  be  a 
dead  letter  in  its  program  and  that  it  would  now  proceed 


AUSTRALIA  327 

without  ceremony  to  abolish  all  constitutional  hindrances 
to  the  success  of  its  aims.  It  proposed  to  begin  a  general 
nationalization  of  industries  with  the  creation  of  a  national 
steamship  mail  service  between  Tasmania  and  the  main- 
land. ... 

' '  The  Labor  Party,  on  the  other  hand,  can  point  out  real 
achievements  for  the  social  and  cultural  life  of  the  nation. 
Only  last  year  it  created  a  maternity  pension,  providing 
for  the  payment  of  five  pounds  to  every  woman  who  gives 
birth  to  a  child.  It  has  opened  up  the  northern  territory 
and  has  taken  the  first  steps  toward  the  building  of  a  great 
railroad  that  shall  cross  Australia  from  east  to  west.  If 
it  has  not  accomplished  more  along  the  line  of  social  and 
industrial  reform,  constitutional  restrictions,  not  the  party 
itself,  are  to  blame." 

b.  W.  C.  Anderson,  in  leading  article  of  The  Labor  Leader 

"With  two  points  in  Australian  policy  we  do  not  agree, 
but  we  frankly  admit  that  Australia  has  its  own  problems, 
and  the  solution  of  them  may  be  safely  intrusted  to  the 
Australian  workers  themselves  without  undue  outside  inter- 
ference. The  Australian  workers  believe  that  their  eco- 
nomic position  would  be  made  worse  by  Chinese  and 
Japanese  immigration,  and  this  explains  their  strong  plea 
for  a  'White'  Australia,  and  their  apparently  harsh  atti- 
tude toward  colored  races.  Many  of  them  believe  also  in 
the  possibility  of  military  invasion  by  the  yellow  races, 
and  that  is  the  real  explanation  of  their  attitude  toward 
conscription  and  national  defense.  Nevertheless,  on  the 
question  of  national  defense,  the  Australian  Labor  Party 
has  indorsed  a  policy  which  would  not  be  supported  by 
the  international  movement.  In  Australia  itself  there  is  a 
large  volume  of  Socialist  opinion  opposed  to  conscription, 


328       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

and  this  feeling  is  certain  to  grow.  At  the  same  time, 
it  may  be  admitted  that  there  is  less  aggression  in  the 
arming  of  Australia  than  of  any  other  country. "... 


c.  Article  hy  Alf.  James,  The  Socialist  {Melbourne) 

"The  whole  economic  forces  of  the  country  are  divided, 
politically,  into  two  opposing  camps;  although  a  bill  may 
be  modified  in  its  scope  through  the  activities  of  various 
interests  once  a  measure  is  put  to  a  division,  there  can  be 
only  a  straight  vote — yes  or  no.  Before  the  entry  of  labor 
into  the  arena  of  polities,  the  two  great  representative  par- 
ties were  the  landowners  and  certain  financiers,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  industrial  employers. 

"In  Australia  the  rapid  rise  of  the  Labor  Party  has 
compelled  these  (in  relation  to  each  other)  antagonistic 
forces  to  unite  against  the  small  producers  and  wage- 
laborers. 

"With  the  advance  of  capitalism,  the  petty  bourgeoisie 
is  being  inevitably  crushed  out  of  existence. 

"This  process,  while  every  year  rendering  labor's  spouse, 
the  middle  class,  still  more  withered  and  decrepit,  increases 
overwhelmingly  the  numbers  of  the  proletariat,  and,  by  the 
establishment  of  larger  industries,  provides  for  their  more 
effective  union,  both  politically  and  industrially. 

"Only  as  this  change  is  effected  can  the  wage-workers 
tighten  their  hold  on  the  government,  and  whether  they 
remain  in  political  alliance  with  the  small  traders,  or 
maintain  an  attitude  of  no  compromise,  their  progress  must 
be  equally  limited ;  but  it  is  obviously  much  more  to  the 
immediate  interests  of  the  proletariat  to  secure  what 
amelioration  it  can  by  means  of  such  an  alliance  than  to 
allow  the  big  capitalists  to  have  complete  control  of  the 
political  machine.     It  is,  therefore,  necessary  that  every 


AUSTRALIA  329 

worker,  no  matter  how  extreme  his  views,  should  do  his 
utmost  inside  the  Labor  Party  to  force  the  hands  of  the 
middle  class.  ..." 

9.    ELECTION    MANIFESTO    OF   THE   AUSTRALIAN    LABOR    PARTY,    1914 

Labor's  Program 

The  program  of  the  Labor  Party  has  already  been  declared 
by  Mr.  Fisher  at  Bundaberg.  To  that  program — which  sets 
forth  in  clear  and  unambiguous  terms  the  policy  of  labor,  includ- 
ing its  attitude  towards  trusts  and  combines,  amendment  of 
the  constitution,  initiative  and  referendum,  tariff,  industrial  and 
social  legislation,  labor  stands  pledged  for  the  next  Parliament. 
If  returned  with  a  majority,  we  shall,  without  other  delay  than 
that  imposed  by  urgent  measures  necessary  for  the  protection 
of  the  Commonwealth  during  the  war,  give  effect  to  that  policy. 

There  follows  at  this  point  a  statement  of  the  Labor 
Party's  position  on  war  already  printed  in  Mr.  Walling 's 
volume.  The  Socialists  and  the  War. 

The  manifesto  then  continues : 

Thus  far  we  have  dealt  with  the  direct  consequences  of  war. 
But  the  effects  of  modern  war  are  not  confined  within  the  narrow 
limits  of  days  gone  by.  The  world  to-day  is  so  interdependent; 
its  ner\'ous  system  of  finance,  commerce,  and  industry  so  co- 
related  and  so  exquisitely  sensitive  that  war  between  any  two 
great  nations  threatens  the  whole  industrial  life  of  the  modern 
world  with  instant  paralysis.  It  was  this  great  danger  with 
which  we  were  threatened  in  Australia. 

It  needs  no  words  to  show  the  consequences  of  unemployment 
on  so  huge  a  scale  as  must  surely  follow  upon  the  heels  of 
modern  war.  These  would  be  in  their  extent  far  more  serious 
than  the  direct  consequences  of  war  itself.  Yet  they  could  in 
no  way  be  averted  unless  there  were  at  the  hands  of  the  authori- 
ties the  means  whereby  credit — the  basis  of  modern  industrial 
and  commercial  activity — could  be  so  reinforced  as  to  enable  it, 
despite  this  tremendous  shock,  to  stand  firm. 

The  conference  at  which  representatives  of  the  Opposition  sat 


330       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

with  those  of  the  Government  and  the  states  has  made  such 
arrangements,  and  it  was  enabled  to  do  so  because  the  Common- 
wealth Bank  and  the  Australian  Note  Issue  had  created  the  very- 
instruments  by  which  credit  could  be  supported  and  the  wheels 
of  industry  kept  moving  even  in  this  great  crisis. 

Thanks  then  to  the  Australian  Note  Issue,  enough  money  is 
to  be  loaned  to  the  states  by  the  Commonwealth  to  enable  them 
to  maintain  their  public  works  policy  and  thus  prevent  a  huge 
army  of  unemployed  being  thrown  upon  the  streets.  Similarly 
with  private  employment.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  Common- 
wealth Bank  and  the  Note  Issue,  the  private  banks  would  have 
been  compelled  in  sheer  defense  to  restrict  credit;  overdrafts 
would  have  had  to  be  reduced;  enterprises  affected  by  the  war 
would  have  shrunk  almost  to  nothing.  Money  would  have  been 
very  dear;  unemploj'ment  and  ti'ade  crises  would  have  come 
upon  us  like  a  flood,  submerging  everything.  Instead  of  which, 
money  is  very  cheap ;  emploj^ment  is  encouraged ;  traders  should 
not  be  called  i;pon  to  reduce  overdrafts  or  harassed  by  dread  of 
complete  ruin.  The  wheels  of  mdustiy  move  and  trade  becomes 
possible. 

The  Commonwealth  Bank  and  the  Australian  Note  Issue,  with- 
out which  at  this  juncture  we  should  be  faced  with  a  general 
collapse  of  industry,  trade,  and  finance,  are  due  to  the  Labor 
Party  alone.    By  their  fruits  shall  ye  know  them. 

"Words  cannot  express  the  difference  between  things  as  they 
are  now  and  as  they  would  have  been  if  the  Labor  Party  had 
not  taken  these  steps  to  defend  Australia  from  invasion  and 
from  the  consequences  of  war. 

The  Issue  for  the  Electors 

Here,  then,  fellow-electors,  is  the  position.  War  has  come 
upon  us,  but  thanks  to  the  Labor  Party  has  not  found  us  unpre- 
pared. It  would  be  idle  to  pretend  that  we  can  hope  to  escape 
some  of  the  consequences  of  war;  but  two  things  are  clear,  viz., 
"  That  owing  to  the  Labor  Party's  policy,  Australia  is  able  not 
only  to  meet  the  situation  calmly  itself,  but  also  to  relieve  the 
Empire  of  the  burden  of  defending  these  shores  and  the  adjacent 
waters  and  to  actively  support  her  at  the  seat  of  war. 

The  electors  have  to  choose  a  new  Parliament.  That  means 
they  have  to  decide  upon  whom  they  shall  rely  to  govern  the 


AUSTRALIA  331 

country  during  this  great  crisis.     Upon  whom  will  their  choice 
fall? 

The  choice  lies  between  two  parties — the  Labor  Party,  who 
foresaw  and  provided  against  war  and  all  its  disastrous  conse- 
quences; and  the  present  government,  who  denounced  every  one 
of  those  measures  without  which  to-day  Australia  would  be  an 
object  of  derision  to  the  outside  world,  a  burden  to  the  mother 
country,  and  a  humiliation  to  herself. 

We  forbear  to  criticise  the  policy  of  the  present  government 
since  its  accession  to  office.  But  in  defense  matters  it  has  done 
nothing,  and  has  left  undone  very  much  that  ought  to  have  been 
done.  True  to  its  invariable  policy,  it  has  talked  but  it  has 
not  acted. 

This  is  the  hour  when  men  of  action  should  be  at  the  helm. 
And  the  men  who  created  the  defense  forces  of  Australia,  who  are 
familiar  with  the  every  detail  of  their  organization,  are  on  the 
face  of  it  the  men  who  may  be  relied  on  to  make  the  best  possible 
use  of  them. 

Fellow-electors :  Here  is  the  position.  We  leave  it  with  all 
confidence  for  you  to  determine. 

Andrew  Fisher. 
David  Watkins, 

Secretary. 

Federal  Parliament  House,  Melbourne. 

10.  election  campaign  of  1914 — legislative  achievements 
of  labor  party  * 

*'A  brief  summary  of  the  principal  measures  which  the 
Labor  Party  has  placed  on  the  Commonwealth  statute  book 
will  not  be  amiss  at  this  juncture.  It  is  a  fine  record,  and 
one  which  would  have  been  increased  in  many  important 
directions  were  it  not  for  the  unfortunate  technical  limita- 
tions of  the  constitution,  which,  as  interpreted  by  the 
High  Court,  prevented  the  National  Legislature  turning 
its  attention  upon  subjects  that  properly  should  come 
within  its  scope. 

*  The  Brisbane  Worker,  August  20,  1914. 


332       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"Further,  the  monument  of  legislative  activity  and  con- 
structive statesmanship  piled  up  in  the  past  is  a  pledge 
of  what  the  party  is  prepared  to  do  when  again  the  oppor- 
tunity is  given  it  in  the  future. ' ' 

1908  {First  Fisher  Ministry) 

Australian  industries  were  encouraged  by  the  Manufacturers 
Encouragement  Act,  1908,  providing  for  the  payment  of  bounties 
on  the  manufacture  of  iron,  steel,  wire-netting,  and  wire  within 
the  Commonwealth  on  certain  terms,  including  a  jDrovision  mak- 
ing the  payment  of  fair  and  reasonable  wages  a  condition  prece- 
dent to  payment  of  the  bounty. 

1910   {Second  Fisher  Ministry — Three  Tears'  Term) 

Land  Tax,  for  the  purpose  of  splitting  up  large  estates  and 
helping  the  smaller  man. 

Postal  Rates  Act,  introducing  the  system  of  penny  postage, 
now  so  widely  appreciated. 

Australian  Notes  Act,  providing  a  commonwealth  note  issue 
and  financially  strengthening  the  Government. 

Naval  Loan  Repeal  Act,  repealing  the  ridiculous  Loan  Act 
of  the  previous  Fusion  Ministry  which  was  passed  for  the  purpose 
of  bon'owing  £3,500,000  from  Cohen  in  order  to  construct  a 
navy.  Labor  paid  for  the  navy  out  of  revenue,  established  a 
sound  principle,  and  saved  interest  charges. 

Defense  Act,  providing  for  a  citizen  soldiery,  small  arms 
factories,  military  clothing  factories,  etc.  The  benefits  of  this 
measure  are  specially  appreciated  now. 

1911  Session 

Establishment  of  Commonwealth  Bank,  i.e.,  the  bank  of  the 
nation.  Commercial  tranquillity  and  trade  confidence  in  the 
present  crisis  is  very  largely  due  to  the  existence  of  this  nation- 
backed  institution.  .   .    . 

1912  Session 

Maternity  Allowance  Act,  so  helpful  to  the  mothers  of 
Australia. 


AUSTRALIA  333 

The  comprehensive  Navigation  Bill  finally  passed.  It  is 
the  largest  measure  yet  passed  by  the  Federal  Parliament. 

Interstate  Commission  Act.  The  commission  is  now  in  full 
swing,  and  doing  good  preliminary  work  in  bringing  to  light 
strange  commercial  customs. 

Commonwealth  Workmen's  Compensation  Act. 

Amendment  of  Invalid  and  Old-Age  Pensions  Act,  liberal- 
izing the  principal  act  in  a  number  of  ways,  chief  of  which  was 
the  abolishing  of  any  deduction  on  accovmt  of  the  value  of  a 
home  of  a  pensioner  who  resides  in  his  own  home. 

Amending  Immigration  Act  in  the  direction  of  better  protect- 
ing, by  means  of  medical  inspection,  the  Commonwealth  from 
undesirable  immigrants. 

Repeal  of  Sugar  Excise  and  Bounty  Act  in  the  interests 
of  the  sugar  industry. 

Extending  the  benefits  for  a  further  period  of  two  years  of 
the  Manufactures  Encouragement  Act  op  1908.  Also  extend- 
ing for  five  years  the  assistance  of  the  Bounties  Act  of  1907  on 
the  following  goods:  Flax  and  hemp,  jute,  linseed,  rice  (un- 
cleaned),  tobacco  leaf,  and  fruits,  dried  or  candied,  and  exported; 
and  for  a  period  of  two  years  from  1st  January,  1914,  the  boun- 
ties granted  on  combed  wool  and  tops  exported. 


11.  the  future  of  the  labor  party 

(Editorial  in  The  New  Statesman,  September  12,  1914) 

The  question  now  is  whether,  the  Liberal  Party  having  disap- 
peared, labor  can  provide  the  qualities  necessary  for  successful 
progress  along  the  lines  already  begun.  This  is  doubtful;  and 
one's  doubt  is  increased  by  reading  the  recent  policy  speech  of 
Mr.  Fisher,  the  labor  leader.     Summarized,  his  proposals  are: 

1.  The  establishment  of  a  commonwealth  line  of  steamers. 

2.  Increased  protection. 

3.  Initiative  and  referendum. 

4.  Australian  navy  constructed  locally  and  financed  out  of 
revenue. 

5.  Uniform  railway  gauge. 

6.  Dominions  reciprocity. 

7.  Improvement  of  arbitration  court  procedure. 

8.  Vague  remedies  for  increased  cost  of  living. 


334       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

9.    Pensions  for  widows  and  orphans. 

10.  Payment  of  cadets  for  work  on  holidays. 

11.  Superannuation  scheme  for  public  service. 

12.  Grants  for  investigation  and  treatment  of  consumption, 
cancer,  and  syphilis. 

13.  Commonwealth  insurance  department. 

14.  Vague  measure  to  cope  with  trusts  and  monopolies. 
Such  a  program  shows  an  appreciation  of  the  point  of  view 

of  the  average  elector  which  amounts  to  genius,  but  it  is  a  curious 
production  for  a  Socialist  Party  in  the  twentieth  century.  Ob- 
serve how  social  and  industrial  problems  are  overlooked.  It  is 
true  that  the  rejection  of  the  referenda,  by  which  labor  sought 
extended  powers,  impairs  the  scope  of  the  labor  platform,  but 
a  "  stand-pat "  attitude  on  industrial  questions  is  not  desirable. 
The  fact  is  that  labor  is  not  tackling  the  problems  which  previous 
Liberal-Labor  legislation  has  raised.  This  legislation  cannot  be 
regarded  as  a  complete  solution  of  social  difficulties.  Its  virtue 
is  that  by  disclosing  nearer  and  more  subtle  problems  it  brings 
us  closer  to  the  real  issues  which  have  to  be  faced  before  a  solu- 
tion is  arrived  at.  .    .    . 

It  is  to  be  feared  that  we  have  reached  a  stage  in  which  the 
Labor  Party  regards  it  as  more  imjDortant  that  it  should  hold 
the  reins  of  power  than  that  it  should  trouble  itself  with  a  host 
of  problems  of  great  complexity.  The  man  of  advanced  views 
can  afford  now  to  pass  the  Labor  Party  and  look  to  what  wUl 
supersede  it  with  a  more  virile  and  up-to-date  set  of  ideas.  At  a 
time  when  the  utility  of  political  machinery  is  being  challenged 
no  class  of  people  is  less  likely  than  the  Australian  worker  to 
be  content  with  a  "  stand-pat  "  party.  It  was  not  as  a  party 
of  prudence  but  as  a  propagandist  idealist  body  that  the  Labor 
Party  achieved  success,  and  if  it  abandons  this  side  of  its  efforts 
it  is  not  likely  to  remain  useful  or  trusted.  The  Australian  loves 
change  and  recognizes  no  vested  interest  in  the  existing  order. 
Any  definite  and  intelligent  attempt  at  social  readjustment  would 
secure  support. 


AUSTRALIA  335 

II.  FROM  THE  AUSTRALIAN  SOCIALIST  PARTY  REPORT  TO  THE 
PROPOSED  INTERNATIONAL  SOCIALIST  CONGRESS  TO  HAVE 
BEEN   HELD   AT   VIENNA   IN    1914 

Until  quite  recently  Australia  depended  mostly  upon  primary 
products  for  the  income  and  profits  of  its  owners,  the  capitalist 
class.  Now,  however,  the  development  of  the  factory  system  is 
taking  place  with  increasing  rapidity;  and  according  to  some 
figures  just  compiled  by  the  government  statistician  of  New  South 
Wales — the  oldest  and  leading  state  of  the  Commonwealth — the 
number  of  factories  and  employees  are  increasing  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  the  inci'ease  of  population.  The  land  monopolist  in 
the  country  has,  in  addition  to  the  old  system  of  rack-renting, 
established  a  system  of  share-farming,  under  which  he  takes  in 
good  seasons  anything  from  one-third  of  the  farmer's  crop  up- 
wards. This  system  of  peonage  is  having  its  effect  in  forcing  men 
off  the  land  into  the  towns  and  cities,  to  swell  the  number 
of  factory  employees  and  the  army  of  unemployed  in  each 
state. 

According  to  the  N.  S.  W.  statistician's  figures,  wages  in  the 
factories  have  risen  nine  per  cent,  which  works  out  at  about 
£5  per  head,  but  the  cost  of  living  has  gone  up  more  than  twenty 
per  cent,  so  that  the  workers  have  suffered  a  serious  reduction. 
The  rents  workers  have  to  pay  astonish  those  who  come  from 
older  lands,  and  have  risen  so  rapidly  during  the  last  two  years 
that  the  overcrowding  in  the  slums  has  become  a  scandal  and 
disgi'aee. 

Meanwhile,  governments — both  Liberal  and  Labor — are  scour- 
ing the  globe  for  more  people.  Lying  advertisements  are  widely 
circulated  in  Europe  to  induce  innocent  people  to  come  to  this 
country,  who,  when  they  arrive,  are  sadly  disillusioned  by  finding 
the  class  struggle  more  bitterly  waged  than  they  thought  could 
be  possible. 

To  attract  population,  the  various  state  governments  advertise 
widely  certain  advantages  which  labor  is  alleged  to  possess.  One 
of  these  is  the  industrial  legislation  of  the  country,  which  is  said 
to  be  the  most  up  to  date  and  most  favorable  to  the  workers 
of  any  legislation  in  the  world.  Part  of  this  claim  is  founded 
upon  our  system  of  arbitration,  which  was  specially  designed 
to  do  away  with  strikes  and  industrial  unrest. 


336       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

In  each  of  the  six  states  of  the  Commonwealth  arbitration 
courts  and  wages  boards  exist  for  the  settlement  of  industrial 
disputes,  and  if  such  a  dispute  spreads  from  one  state  to  another 
there  is  a  federal  arbitration  court  to  which  the  parties  to  the 
dispute  may  be  summoned. 

Originally  industrial  arbitration  was  advocated  and  popularized 
by  the  Political  Labor  Party,  and  it  took  several  years  before  it 
could  be  passed  into  law.  The  employing  class  were  very  sus- 
picious of  it,  but  once  it  became  law  they  saw  how  it  benefited 
them,  and  they  are  now  quite  enthusiastic  in  its  support.  So- 
cialists warned  the  woi'kers  from  the  first  that  arbitration  courts 
and  wages  boards  would  fail  to  affect  the  class  struggle  in  a  way 
that  would  be  beneficial  to  them.  The  majority  still  fail  to  see 
this,  but  there  are  more  strikes  than  ever,  which  justifies  our 
contention  and  proves  that  our  warning  was  timely. 

Wages  boards  are  presided  over  by  a  chairman,  who  is  gen- 
erally either  a  lawyer  or  a  member  of  the  employing  class  ap- 
pointed by  the  state  government.  Before  this  chairman,  who 
often  has  no  practical  knowledge,  an  equal  number  of  working- 
class  and  capitalist  representatives  argue  the  dispute  and  produce 
evidence.  When  the  cost  of  living  goes  up,  the  board  usually 
recognizes  the  fact,  and  makes  an  award  in  favor  of  increased 
wages.  This  is  done  after  much  forensic  fightmg  and  expenditure 
of  unionist  money,  and  the  result  in  most  cases  could  have  been 
arrived  at  by  the  workers  themselves  with  solidarity  and  proper 
organization. 

When  an  award  has  been  made  strikes  and  lockouts  become 
illegal,  and  many  workers  have  been  fined  for  striking.  When 
fines  are  inflicted  upon  the  workers  they  are  recoverable  by 
the  state  by  means  of  the  garnishee.  The  workers  are  not  im- 
prisoned for  non-payment  of  fines,  but  when  they  recommence 
work  their  wages  are  confiscated  to  pay  the  fines  and  costs.  The 
garnishee  was  invented  by  the  New  South  Wales  Labor  Govern- 
ment, and  was  quickly  adopted  by  the  Liberal  governments  of 
other  states. 

Besides  providing  for  the  garnishee,  the  Industrial  Arbitration 
Act  makes  it  a  penal  offense  to  advocate  a  strike  or  to  assist 
those  on  strike  with  monetary  or  other  material  support.  The 
authorities  may  take  drastic  steps  to  break  a  strike.  They  may 
enter  a  unionist  meeting  hall  and  seize  the  union's  books  and 
papers,  and  in  the  last  great  coal  strike  the  government  seized 


AUSTRALIA  337 

trainloads  of  eoal  wliieh  the  miners  bad  taken  from  a  mine  they 
had  rented. 

But  with  all  its  drastic  features,  industrial  arbitration  is  a 
failure,  and  the  Labor  politicians  are  directing  the  workers  to 
make  an  attack  on  trusts  and  combines  as  the  cause  of  rising 
prices  and  industrial  unrest.  They  have  failed  to  make  wages 
boards  raise  wages  as  the  cost  of  living  rose,  so  are  aiming  to 
bring  the  cost  of  living  down  by  an  attack  on  prices.  (Our 
italics.) 

In  this  sham  fight  against  the  trusts  the  Federal  Labor  Party 
leads  the  way.  .  .  .  During  its  term  of  office  the  Federal  Labor 
Party  administered  the  class  state  on  lines  laid  down  by  previous 
capitalist  governments,  and  even  went  further  in  some  directions 
than  any  other  capitalist  government  would  dare  to  go.  The 
result  was  that  last  year  it  was  hurled  from  office  by  a  small 
majority.  It  had  lost  the  big  majority  of  three  years  previously, 
and  a  good  deal  of  the  confidence  of  its  own  supporters. 

There  are  many  causes  that  contributed  to  the  downfall  of 
the  Labor  Party,  but  one  or  two  main  ones  need  only  be  men- 
tioned here.  As  soon  as  they  found  themselves  in  power  mem- 
bers of  the  party  commenced  to  win  the  confidence  of  the  small 
emploj'ers  and  traders,  a  class  which  is  notoriously  ignorant, 
loyal,  and  grasping. 

Perhaps  the  pledging  of  the  conscript  forces  to  assist  in 
foreign  aggi'ession  did  more  to  disillusion  many  than  anything 
else.  The  party  as  a  whole  had  been  led  to  believe  that  the 
conscripts  were  only  to  be  used  for  home  defense  and  the 
maintenance  of  a  white  Australia,  yet  the  leaders  had  pledged 
their  support  to  the  imperial  expansionists. 

When  the  labor  leaders  returned  from  the  coronation  celebra- 
tions there  was  a  marked  change  in  them.  The  aristocrats  had 
done  their  work,  and  probably  the  armament  firms  had  not  been 
without  their  influence.  Orders  were  placed  for  battleships  and 
an  era  of  military  and  naval  activity  entered  upon. 

Recent  strike  in  England,  New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa, 
where  all  available  forces  were  used  to  defeat  the  workers,  have 
tended  to  decrease  the  belief  in  conscription,  and  at  the  Federal 
Labor  Conference,  and  also  in  the  Federal  Senate,  attempts  have 
been  made  to  so  amend  the  act  that  the  conscripts  could  not  be 
used  for  strike-breaking  purposes. 

The   objective   of   the   Labor  Party   has,   since   its   inception, 


338       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

undergone  a  gradual  but  definite  modification.  It  appears  now 
to  be  aiming  at  state  capitalism.  Money  is  being  freely  bor- 
rowed from  European  financiers  with  which  to  start  state  enter- 
prises, the  profits  from  which  are  to  be  spent  to  pay  interest  on 
loans  and  to  build  a  navy  and  an  army  to  defend  the  financiers' 
interests.  A  sham  fight  against  trusts  and  combines  is  main- 
tained. 

An  attack  in  the  courts  upon  the  coal  combine  was  prosecuted 
even  to  the  Privy  Council  in  England,  where  it  was,  of  course, 
defeated  by  the  very  interests  on  trial. 

Most  of  the  trades-unions  of  Australia  have  hitherto  been  affili- 
ated with  the  Political  Labor  League  which  selects  the  parlia- 
mentary candidates  and  frames  the  platform.  The  league  has 
been  practically  captured  by  the  small  capitalists  and  employers, 
whose  leaders  are  inveterate  boodlers  and  men  on  the  make.  Sev- 
eral have  signified  their  political  successes  by  building  palatial 
mansions  in  fashionable  quarters  and  by  aping  the  manners, 
customs,  and  style  of  the  ordinary  capitalist  snobocracy.  This 
is  having  a  marked  effect  on  many  unionists,  some  of  whom  are 
rushing  into  anarchist  and  other  anti-iDoIitical  organizations  in 
opposition  to  the  P.  L.  L.  A  significant  disposition  on  the  joart 
of  a  more  moderate  section  in  the  unions  has  been  a  recent 
attempt  at  the  formation  of  a  trade-union  political  party,  which 
should  exclude  employers  and  small  capitalists  from  parliamen- 
tary representation.  Another  fact,  significant  of  the  declining 
faith  in  the  old  P.  L.  L.  leadei's,  has  been  the  opposition  to  the 
levy  struck  by  unions  to  found  a  daily  paper. 

The  Australasian  Socialist  Party  is  opposed  to  eveiy  form  of 
militarism,  and  refuses  to  draw  the  color  line.  Its  organ,  The 
International  Socialist,  has  fought  both  the  capitalist  and  laboi'ite 
press  on  these  matters,  and  a  good  deal  of  educational  work 
has  been  done  in  union  circles  by  its  articles  and  consistent 
attack. 

A  false  impression  has  been  created  abroad  by  the  capitalist 
press,  which  constantly  refers  to  the  Labor  Party  as  a  Socialist 
Party.  The  Labor  Party  is  not  a  Socialist  Party.  It  is  really 
a  Liberal  Party,  and  stands  for  much  the  same  as  the  Liberal 
Party  of  Great  Britain  does.  It  stands  for  a  big  na^^  and  for 
land  taxation,  just  as  Liberals  like  Lloyd-George  and  "Winston 
Churchill  do.  It  stands  for  a  loan  policy  and  a  huge  charge 
for  interest,  just  as  both  the  old  parties  in  Britain  do.    It  fathered 


AUSTRALIA  339 

and  adheres  to  conscription  just  as  firmly  as  the  National  Service 
League  does  in  Britain,  and  in  this  respect  is  more  conservative 
than  British  Liberals  are.  It  rejects  the  class  struggle  and  claims 
to  represent  all  classes,  but  never  neglects  to  side  with  the  em- 
ployers in  industrial  conflicts.  Its  objective  is  really  state  erpital- 
ism.  There  is  not  a  member  of  the  Socialist  Party  in  any 
Parliament  in  the  Commonwealth.  Socialists  who  have  contested 
elections  as  Socialists  have  always  been  defeated.  .  .   . 

(See  also  "  Militarism,"  "  Compulsory  Arbitration,"  "  Immigra- 
tion," and  "  The  Race  Question.") 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
NEW  ZEALAND 

I.   INTEODUCTORY 

(From  The  New  Statesman,  1914) 

"In  New  Zealand,  until  recently,  Liberal-Labor  ideals 
were  dominant,  and  there  was  lio  effective  independent 
labor  force,  such  as  existed  in  Australia.  In  1912,  under 
the  guidance  of  an  able  American  Socialist,  Mr.  W.  T. 
Mills,  the  United  Labor  Party  was  formed,  consisting  of 
the  affiliated  trades-councils  and  Labor  Party  branches 
and  unions,  a  close  combination  in  effect  of  trade-union 
and  'reformist'  Socialists,  with  an  organization  and  a  policy 
resembling  that  of  our  own  Labor  Party.  But  outside  this 
stood,  on  the  one  hand,  the  syndicalistic  Federation  of 
Labor,  covering  a  large  section  of  the  trade-unions,  and, 
on  the  other,  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  with  an  ex- 
treme anti-reformist  policy,  and  friendly  to  the  Federation 
of  Labor.  Last  July,  however,  a  conference  was  held,  at 
which  the  Federation  of  Labor  and  the  S.  D.  P.  split  the 
United  Labor  Party  in  twain,  and  carried  with  them  the 
majority  of  its  supporters,  including  Mr.  Mills  himself. 
The  new  party,  with  its  double  organization,  the  Federa- 
tion of  Labor,  pursuing  a  militant  policj'^  on  the  industrial 
side,  and  the  S,  D.  P.  as  its  equally  militant  political  com- 
plement, may  be  a  powerful  force  in  the  future,  though 
it  is  too  early  yet  to  pass  any  judgment  on  it.  But,  in  any 
case,  it  is  an  interesting  example  of  reversion  from  the 
British  to  the  German  model. ' ' 

340 


NEW  ZEALAND  341 

1.   THE   FOUNDATION   OF  THE   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

(From  articles  in  The  New  Statesman  [1913]  by  Edward 
Tregear,  for  many  years  chief  of  the  Labor  Department  of  New 
Zealand  and  now  president  of  the  new  party.) 

"It  is  fortunate  for  the  purposes  of  this  article  that  the 
world-wide  attention  given  to  New  Zealand's  'progressive 
legislation'  on  social  and  economic  subjects  prevents  the 
necessity  of  a  prologue  of  a  semi-historical  character. 
There  is  no  need  to  refer  more  than  briefly  to  a  period  of 
more  than  four  or  five  years  ago.  At  that  time  the  political 
position  was,  roughly,  as  follows:  a  Liberal  Ministry,  the 
successor  (in  an  unbroken  line)  of  the  'Liberal  and  Labor' 
Ministry  of  20  years  ago,  occupied  the  seats  of  power.  An 
Opposition  Party,  formed  originally  under  the  auspices  of 
the  squatter  or  large  landholder  class,  had  made  a  stubborn 
but  unavailing  fight  against  the  Liberal  ascendency 
through  all  those  years,  but  latterly  with  growing  hope  be- 
cause its  supporters  saw  that  with  the  continued  prosperity 
of  the  country  they  had  gained  many  Liberal  friends  who, 
though  still  voting  against  the  freeholder  class  for  appear- 
ance' sake,  were  in  their  hearts  eager  for  the  distinction 
of  being  among  the  landed  gentry  and  the  'squires'  of  the 
rural  districts.  The  fate  of  these  two  political  parties 
should  have  depended  entirely  on  the  way  in  which  the 
workers  (always  the  huge  majority  in  a  'one  man,  one 
vote'  community)  threw  their  support  elect  orally,  but 
practically  the  workers'  vote  was  disregarded.  Dissensions 
among  themselves  neutralized  the  weight  of  their  influence, 
and  it  was  usual  among  election  agents  to  treat  the  labor 
vote  as  a  negligible  quantity.  The  worker  voted,  as  in 
England,  not  for  his  mate  but  for  his  master. 

"The  causes  of  dissension  among  the  workers  were,  as 
elsewhere,  many  and  intricate  to  dissect.     Among  these 


342       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

were  ignorance  of  economics,  distrust  of  one  another's  mo- 
tives, unforgiving  remembrance  of  harsh  words  hastily 
spoken,  haziness  of  schemes  for  improvement,  different 
strata  of  wages  and  of  craft-skill,  and  want  of  sympathy 
wrought  by  diversity  of  occupation.  Added  to  these  were 
local  causes  of  misunderstanding,  dissatisfaction  with 
awards  of  the  Arbitration  Court,  disagreement  on  the  very 
principle  of  industrial  arbitration,  railings  at  the  support 
or  non-support  of  striking  unions,  personal  irritation 
against  particular  ministers  and  officials,  etc.,  etc.  At  last 
the  unrest  took  actual  form  and  materialized.  The 
Miners'  Federation  took  the  wider  name  of  the  Federation 
of  Labor,  and  invited  other  unions  to  join  what  was  gen- 
erally considered  to  be  a  syndicalist  organization  frankly 
avowing  that  it  stood  for  'the  Industrial  Revolution.'  On 
the  other  hand,  the  formation  of  the  'One  Great  Union' 
was  met  by  the  institution  of  'The  United  Labor  Party,' 
composed  of  the  old  craft-unions  federated  into  trade- 
groups — such  as  building  trades,  transportation  trades, 
etc. — with  a  central  executive.  The  Federation  of  Labor 
gathered  into  its  bosom  the  coal-miners,  gold-miners, 
shearers,  wharf-laborers,  and  many  unions  of  unskilled 
labor,  altogether  about  10,000  strong.  The  old  trade- 
councils  with  such  unions  of  skilled  trades  as  engineers, 
carpenters,  plumbers,  tailors,  shop-assistants,  etc.,  joined 
the  United  Labor  Party,  numbering  about  30,000  souls. 
At  first  there  was  little  but  friendly  rivalry  between  these 
two  labor  organizations,  but  they  broke  out  into  open  war 
over  the  strike  at  the  Waihi  Gold  Mine  in  the  North 
Island. 

"Just  previous  to  this  time,  however,  a  general  election 
had  been  held.  The  workers  had  slowly  but  surely  become 
disaffected  towards  the  continuous  Liberal  Ministry.  The 
famous  old  'Liberal  and  Labor  Party'  of  1890  that  had 


NEW  ZEALAND  343 

swept  the  Tories  into  obscurity  had  gradually  forgotten 
its  origin,  and  its  control  had  fallen  with  advancing  years 
into  the  hands  of  wealthy  and  powerful  commercial  men. 
Labor  considered  that  its  interests  were  neglected  and  those 
of  its  antagonists  fostered.  Moreover,  a  new  generation 
had  arisen  which  knew  nothing  of  the  old  grinding  pressure 
of  the  Tory  heel.  So,  partly  from  sheer  love  of  change, 
partly  in  payment  for  neglect  of  their  interests,  thousands 
of  worker  votes  were  cast  against  the  Liberal  Government, 
with  the  effect  that  the  Tories,  who  now  called  themselves 
— with  tongue  in  cheek — the  'Reform  Party,'  by  a  chance 
found  themselves  with  a  number  of  members  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  nearly  equal  to  that  of  the  Liberals. 
It  was  but  by  a  chance,  for  less  than  36  per  cent  of  the 
votes  actually  cast  at  the  polls  were  for  Tory  candidates, 
and  so  narrow  was  the  margin  of  majority  votes  in  some 
of  the  electorates  that  a  paltry  300  votes,  if  distributed, 
would  have  secured  the  Liberals  12  more  seats,  thus  giving 
them  a  clear  working  majority  once  more.  The  support 
of  three  Labor  members  kept  the  Liberals  from  utter  defeat 
and  in  power  (under  the  Hon.  T.  Mackenzie,  now  High  Com- 
missioner for  New  Zealand  in  London)  for  a  few  months, 
but  the  'ratting'  of  four  members  elected  as  Liberals 
completed  the  party's  downfall,  and  allowed  the  pseudo 
'Reform'  Government  to  take  charge  for  the  present  of 
our  political  affairs.  The  Tories  are  in  power,  and  prac- 
tically on  the  labor  vote  ! 

"While  attention  had  been  generally  centered  for  some 
time  on  political  matters,  the  Waihi  strike  had  assumed 
a  formidable  aspect,  on  account  not  of  the  spreading  of 
the  trouble,  but  of  its  feverish  excitement.  For  17  weeks 
Waihi  was  the  scene  of  picketings,  union  processions,  hoot- 
ings,  boycotts,  and,  without  doubt,  open  intimidation  of 
those  persons  opposed  to  the  methods  of  the  Federation  of 


344       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

Labor.  The  trouble  had  arisen  through  the  Waihi  Miners' 
Union — some  1,300  strong — which  had  canceled  its  regis- 
tration under  the  Arbitration  Act,  attempting  to  retain  in 
its  membership  a  small  body  of  mining  engine-drivers  that 
wished  to  break  away  and  register  under  the  act.  So  the 
miners  sent  an  ultimatum  to  the  manager  of  the  mine, 
saying,  in  effect,  that  if  these  men  were  retained  they 
would  'down  tools.'  It  will  be  seen  later  on  that  this  de- 
cision was  based  on  a  more  important  point  of  interest  to 
all  unionists  than  the  mere  announcement  of  such  an  arbi- 
trary demand  seemed  at  first  to  warrant.  At  all  events, 
the  United  Labor  Party  thought  that  it  was  simply  a  deter- 
mined attempt  to  injure  a  union  which  was  trjdng  to 
register  under  the  Arbitration  Act.  As  support  of  the 
principle  of  industrial  arbitration  was  one  of  the  tenets  of 
the  United  Labor  Party,  that  party  not  only  refused 
financial  aid  to  the  strikers,  but  one  of  its  branches,  on 
being  applied  to  by  an  Australian  trade-council  for  advice, 
declined  to  advise  Australians  to  subscribe  to  the  strike 
funds.  This  caused  intense  bitterness,  and  the  Labor  Party 
was  assailed  in  excited  terms  for  its  'dog-in-the-manger' 
policy,  and  its  want  of  fraternal  sympathy  when  help  was 
needed. 

"The  management  of  the  Waihi  mine  had  during  the 
17  weeks  of  turmoil  obtained  some  'free  labor'  to  work 
the  mine ;  it  was  very  poor  stuff,  a  few  miners  and  a  large 
assortment  of  'toughs'  and  the  riff-raff  of  a  mining  town. 
These,  on  attempting  to  open  and  work  the  mine,  were 
provided  with  a  daily  escort  of  abusive  men  and  screaming 
women.  At  last  the  Government  moved  in  earnest  to  abate 
the  scandal  and  supplied  the  police  protection  that  should 
have  been  furnished  weeks  before.  The  strike  leaders,  to 
the  number  of  about  40,  were  sent  to  jail  in  Auckland, 
not  for  what  they  had  done,  but  because  they  would  not 


NEW  ZEALAND  345 

find  security  that  in  future  they  would  keep  the  peace. 
When  these  men  were  removed,  the  galled  strike-breakers, 
under  police  protection,  turned  on  their  tormentors,  and 
the  disorder  broke  into  open  anarchy.  The  Miners'  Union 
hall  v/as  stormed,  one  of  its  defenders  killed  by  a  policeman 
who  had  been  fired  at,  the  strikers  were  ordered  out  of 
"Waihi,  hunted  into  the  scrub  on  the  hills,  their  families 
given  24  hours'  notice  to  leave  the  place.  All  this  was 
done  by  the  strike-breakers,  not  by  the  police;  so  at  last 
'order  was  restored.'  .    .   . 

''The  immense  importance  of  these  events  was  at  once 
recognized  by  industrial  unions  and  trade-unions  all  over 
the  country.  The  United  Labor  Party  sniffed  danger  on 
the  wind  and  began  to  reconsider  its  position  towards  the 
Federation.  The  peril  lay  in  a  direction  which  may  not 
be  perceived  at  once  outside  New  Zealand,  so  I  will  explain. 
The  Arbitration  Act  had  never  been  made  compulsory; 
only  those  unions  which  decided  to  register  were  accepted ; 
and,  afterwards,  if  a  union  was  dissatisfied  it  could  apply 
for  cancellation  and  again  have  its  freedom.  Here,  how- 
ever, were  two  powerful  unions — Waihi  and  Huntly — 
which  had  renounced  the  act,  endangered  by  the  registra- 
tion of  two  small  unions,  for  only  registered  unions  were 
acknowledged  by  industrial  law  as  existent.  An  agree- 
ment drawn  up  between  the  small  union  and  its  employers 
(the  union  probably  fostered  and  'owned'  by  the  employ- 
ers) could  fix  prices,  hours,  etc.,  for  all  persons  working 
at  that  occupation  in  the  whole  industrial  district,  so  that 
the  large  majority  of  unionists  were  practically  at  the 
mercy  of  a  few  of  their  own  recalcitrant  members.  To 
howl  'scab!'  or  'blackleg!'  at  the  small  union  is  futile, 
and  the  liberty  conceded  when  the  Arbitration  Act  was 
established  has  melted  into  thin  air.  The  command  to 
unions  now  practically  is :  '  Arbitrate  or  die ! ' 


346       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"A  conference  of  trade-unions  was  called  by  the  Federa- 
tion of  Labor  in  January  last.  About  a  hundred  delegates, 
representing  30,000  men,  attended.  Among  these  were 
representatives  of  unions  belonging  to  the  Federation  and 
the  United  Labor  Party,  and  of  unions  unaffiliated  to  either. 
After  the  Conference  opened,  the  executives  of  the  United 
Labor  Party  and  of  the  Socialist  Party  were  invited  to 
send  delegates;  four  delegates  (of  whom  I  was  one)  from 
these  bodies  attended.  .  .  .  The  Conference  resolved  that, 
although  no  pledge  binding  on  any  union  was  to  be  made, 
each  delegate  should  use  his  most  strenuous  efforts  to 
induce  his  union  to  agree  (1)  to  stop  abuse  and  forget  all 
cause  of  former  offense,  so  that  for  six  months  there  should 
be  truce  and  alliance;  (2)  to  send  delegates  to  a  congress 
in  July,  at  which  the  present  constitutions  of  the  United 
Labor  Party,  the  Federation  of  Labor,  and  the  Socialist 
Party  should  be  merged  and  one  constitution  to  which  all 
should  agree — if  possible — should  be  adopted.  In  order  to 
have  a  common  line  of  pre-discussion  among  unions,  a 
unity  committee  was  set  up  which  drafted  the  sketch  of  a 
possible  organization,  its  industrial  side  to  be  called  the 
United  Federation  of  Labor,  its  political  side  to  be  named 
the  Social  Democratic  Party.  The  Conference  dissolved, 
but  the  Unity  Committee  entered  on  a  campaign  to  capture 
all  unions  before  the  session  of  the  Congress  in  July. 

"The  response  was  enthusiastic,  and  the  efforts  of  the 
movers  are  meeting  with  hearty  response.  Organizers  were 
out  in  all  directions,  speaking  in  public  halls  and  at  street 
corners,  passing  from  town  to  town,  distributing  literature 
and  forming  committees.  Trade-councils,  craft-unions, 
federations  of  trades,  affiliated  and  unaffiliated  unions 
joined  and  sent  in  funds  for  propaganda  work.  Our  ob- 
jective was  plainly  enough  stated,  as  follows :  '  The  social- 
ization of  the  collectively  used  means  of  production,  dis- 


NEW  ZEALAND  347 

tribution,  and  exchange.'  The  Tory  Government  of  this 
Dominion  recognizes  fully  and  openly  two  things:  first, 
that  it  has  nothing  to  fear  just  now  from  the  Liberal  Party ; 
next,  that  it  has  much  to  fear  from  the  Labor  Party  if 
the  rift  hitherto  dividing  our  forces  can  be  closed.  One 
of  the  ministers  lately  said  as  much  in  a  public  speech — 
viz.,  that  the  only  safety  of  the  'Reform  Party  was  to  keep 
the  workers  divided.'  .    .    . 

'  *  On  July  1  the  Congress  assembled.  It  consisted  of  380 
delegates,  representing  over  50,000  persons;  the  largest 
labor  congress  ever  held  in  Australia.  The  sittings  occu- 
pied ten  days,  and  resulted  in  the  formation  of  '  The  United 
Federation  of  Labor'  and  of  'The  Social  Democratic 
Party.'  .   .   . 

' '  The  principal  issue  of  the  deliberations  was  the  forma- 
tion of  two  bodies,  one  exclusively  industrial  and  the  other 
entirely  political,  yet  so  interwoven  and  interdependent 
that  they  possess  common  interests  and  give  mutual  sup- 
port. The  industrial  body,  the  United  Federation  of 
Labor,  consists  of  local  trade-unions  arranged  in  ten  de- 
partments. One  of  these  is.  called  the  Building  Trades 
Department.  To  this  carpenters,  masons,  bricklayers, 
painters,  etc.,  belong.  Another  is  the  Transportation 
Trades  Department,  including  seamen,  drivers,  railway 
servants,  tramway  men,  etc.  In  similar  manner  the  whole 
industrial  world  is  arranged  and  systematized.  Each  of 
these  departments  elects  one  member  of  the  central  ex- 
ecutive, but  the  president  and  chief  officials  are  elected 
annually  by  direct  vote  of  the  whole  Federation.  The 
purpose  of  the  Federation  is  boldly  and  unflinchingly 
stated.  It  is  to  'bring  about  a  co-operative  commonwealth 
based  upon  industrial  democracy.'  "... 


348       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

2.   PROGRAM   OF  THE   SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC   PARTY 

(Adopted  June,  1913) 

Socialization  of  the  means  of  production,  distribution,  and 
exchange. 

Universal  woman  suffrage  (instead  of  the  present  limited 
franchise). 

Proportional  representation. 

The  initiative  and  referendum. 

The  recall  of  elected  persons. 

The  right  to  work. 

A  legal  minimum  wage. 

A  legal  six-hour  day. 

Voluntary  (instead  of  compulsory)  submission  of  the  unions 
to  the  arbitration  courts. 

Representation  of  the  workingmen  on  the  administrative  bodies 
of  all  governmental  industries. 

The  building  of  commercial  ships  by  the  state. 

State  insurance  against  death,  accidents,  sickness,  and  fires. 

Old-age  pensions  of  £32  for  all  women  of  50  and  all  men  of 
00  who  have  lived  15  years  in  the  country. 

Substitution  for  compulsory  military  service  of  voluntary 
organizations  with  democratic  administration,  which  cannot  be 
used  in  labor  disputes. 

II.    THE   ELECTIONS   OF    1914  * 
1.   REVIEW   AND    FORECAST 

By  Edward  Tregear 

"The  next  general  election  in  New  Zealand,  taking  place 
at  the  end  of  this  year  [1914],  promises  scenes  of  un- 
precedented excitement.  The  cause  of  this  political  tur- 
moil is  the  determined  effort  of  the  wealthy  Tory  Party  to 
keep  in  power  and  rule  the  democracy  with  what  the 
victors  call  'firmness'  and  the  victims  call  'a  rod  of  iron.' 
Much  of  the  rancor  felt  against  the  government  arises  from 

*  The  New  Statesman,  August,  8,  1914. 


NEW  ZEALAND  349 

the  belief  that  its  members  have  no  right  to  the  seats  of 
power,  having  only  gained  that  position  by  the  'ratting' 
of  men  who  were  elected  to  oppose  them;  also  that  the 
votes  cast  at  the  last  general  election  for  the  Tories  were 
scarcely  one-third  of  the  total  votes  polled.  Not  only  this, 
but  the  autocratic  suppression  of  the  Wellington  Wliarf 
strike  by  armed  force  and  by  vindictive  sentences  on  the 
advocates  of  the  strike  caused  intense  feeling  in  the  towns, 
while  the  general  failure  of  the  Tories  to  keep  when  in 
power  the  pledges  they  made  before  election  strengthens 
the  bitter  opposition  to  their  continuance  of  rule.  They 
promised  to  reduce  taxation ;  the  taxation  per  capita  has 
greatly  increased.  They  pledged  themselves  to  curtail  ap- 
plications to  the  British  money  market  for  loans ;  they  have 
borrowed  more  heavily  than  any  of  their  predecessors. 
They  engaged  to  give  labor  a  'square  deal';  and  the  coun- 
try worker  was  'sooled'  on  to  the  workers  in  the  cities. 
By  harsh  use  of  their  small  majority  in  the  House  they 
have  taken  the  control  of  the  Civil  Service  from  a  Parlia- 
ment triennially  elected,  and  handed  it  over  for  seven  years 
to  commissioners  appointed  by  themselves.  They  have 
given  the  freehold  tenure  to  men  who  acquired  leases  of 
land  on  the  distinct  understanding  that  the  land  was  public 
property,  and  could  not  be  parted  with  except  on  lease. 
They  have  partially  destroyed  the  good  understanding 
formerly  existing  with  the  British  Admiralty  by  advocat- 
ing a  separate  navy  consisting  of  a  little  cruiser  with 
which  to  guard  the  Pacific,  but  nevertheless  the  scheme  is 
pregnant  with  a  promise  of  smothering  taxation  in  the 
future  in  order  to  keep  up  in  'the  race  of  armaments.' 
They  have  destroyed  the  second  ballot  in  favor  of  the  old 
rotten  system  of  'the  first  past  the  post'  at  elections,  in  the 
hope  that  the  Liberals  and  the  Labor  men  may  split  votes, 
and  so  let  the  Tory  in.    These  are  not  a  tenth  part  of  the 


350       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

complaints  which  are  brought  against  the  existing  govern- 
ment as  the  record  of  its  short  time  of  office. 

"Against  these  indictments  must  be  considered  the  prob- 
able support  of  the  rural  districts  to  a  party  which  has 
shown  itself  inimical  at  every  point  to  the  citizens  of  towns. 
Many  of  the  farmers  are  now  aware  of  the  deception  prac- 
ticed on  them  to  induce  the  celebrated  '  cowboy  raid '  at  the 
time  of  the  strike  last  December,  and  know  that  they  were 
deluded  into  helping  the  shipping  ring  to  maintain  high 
freights  and  low  wages.  Nevertheless,  the  farmers  not  only 
shipped  their  butter  in  time  to  receive  the  highest  prices 
in  the  London  market,  but  they  also  received  a  subsidy  of 
£100,000  in  'wages'  as  special  police  called  in  to  load  their 
own  goods  on  to  the  ocean  liners.  This  extra  donation 
from  the  pockets  of  the  general  taxpayer  naturally  put  the 
recipients  into  good  humor  towards  their  Tory  benefactors. 
Then  there  is  also  'the  country  quota' — of  which,  perhaps, 
English  people  are  unaware.  It  gives  an  advantage  of  28 
per  cent  to  a  rural  over  an  urban  constituency.  Thus 
3,000  men  in  the  country  have  a  representative,  against 
over  4,000  in  a  town — Heaven  knows  why ;  perhaps  because 
in  days  when  the  country  was  sparsely  settled  and  com- 
munication difficult  the  dwellers  in  the  wilds  needed  an 
advantage  that  at  present  is  unfair.  It  tells  strongly  in 
the  composition  of  Parliament,  and  gives  the  farmer,  whose 
isolation  always  tends  towards  reaction,  a  preference  for 
Tory  methods  and  undue  weight  in  carrying  them 
out.  ..." 


2.    QUESTIONS    FOR    PARLIAMENTARY    CANDIDATES    PROPOSED    BY 
SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC   PARTY,   1914 

Will  the  speaker  explain  the  following,  and  state  whether  or 
not  he  will  work  and  vote  for  their  adoption  if  returned  to 
Parliament : 


NEW  ZEALAND  351 

(1)  The  initiative  and  referendum  on  proper  petition; 

(2)  The  right  of  recall  of  all  elective  officers; 

(3)  Proportional  representation,  to  apply  to  the  whole 
dominion ; 

(4)  Abolition  of  the  country  quota; 

(5)  The  repeal  of  the  penal  clauses  of  Massey's  "  Industrial 
Disputes  Investigation  Act,"  and  the  abolition  of  fines  and  im- 
prisonment for  refusal  to  work  or  for  giving  support  to  those 
on  strike; 

(6)  The  right  of  the  workers  to  organize  their  own  unions 
independent  of  employers,  and  to  federate  their  own  unions  into 
a  national  federation  of  their  own,  just  as  the  employers  them- 
selves are  already  organized,  and  thus  making  bogus  unions  of 
labor  impossible; 

(7)  National  provision  of  employment  for  all  able-bodied  un- 
employed, under  standard  conditions  prevailing; 

(8)  The  restoration  of  the  legal  industrial  rights  taken  from 
the  workers  by  Massey's  "  Police  Offenses  Amendment  Act,  1913," 
and  so  placing  the  New  Zealand  working-man  on  the  same  legal 
footing  as  is  guaranteed  to  British  workers ; 

(9)  If  you  intend  supporting  any  of  these  measures  in  the 
future,  what  have  you  done  for  any  of  them  in  the  past? 


3.    THE   LABOR   REPRESENTATION   COMillTTEE 

(From  The  Maoriland  Worker,  November  4,  1914) 
**The  Social  Democrats  in  "Wellington,  convinced  that 
in  all  political  matters  the  workers  must  not  be  deprived 
by  any  committee  of  leaders  of  the  right  to  select  both  con- 
stituencies and  candidates,  and  therefore  unable  to  act  in 
conjunction  with  the  newly  formed  Labor  Representation 
Committee,  have  nevertheless  considerably  strengthened 
their  own  position  by  giving  solid  proof  of  their  desire  to 
avert  any  clash  with  other  bodies  claiming  to  represent 
labor.  The  withdrawal  of  the  Social  Democratic  candidates 
in  Wellington  East  and  Wellington  Central  now  leaves  the 
field  in  those  electorates,  as  well  as  in  Wellington  South 
and  Wellington  Suburbs,  to  the  candidates  of  the  L.  R.  C. 


352       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

The  Social  Democrats  will  fight  the  strongest  of  labor's 
enemies  in  the  north.  Although  we  have  disagreed  with 
the  L,  R.  C.'s  methods,  we  would  urge  every  worker  in  the 
constituencies  affected  to  rally  to  the  support  of  the  L.  R.  C. 
candidates.  We  want  to  see  the  Massey  Government  de- 
feated; we  want  to  see  every  possible  representative  of 
labor  returned  to  the  new  Parliament.  All  our  differences 
may  be  discussed  and  thrashed  out  when  the  election  is 
over.  In  the  face  of  the  common  foe,  our  duty  is  working- 
class  solidarity." 

4.  THE  RESULTS  OF  THE  ELECTION,  1914 

(From  The  Maoriland  Worker,  December  16,  1914 
''Even  if  the  Massey  Party  [the  Tory  or  Governmental 
Party]  should  succeed  in  retaining  office,  it  will  not  be  by 
the  wish  of  the  people  but  in  defiance  of  the  majority  of 
the  people.  The  returns  (exclusive  of  absentees  and  ex- 
peditionaries  [sent  to  the  war] )  give  the  following  results: 

Labor    51.088 

Liberals     204,294 

255,382 
Tories    226,795 

Anti-Tory  majority    28,587 

"So  that  by  a  majority  of  nearly  30,000  the  people  of 
New  Zealand  have  recorded  their  condemnation  of  Tory 
rule.  Had  the  elections  been  decided  under  a  true  system 
of  proportional  representation  there  would  have  been  no 
possibility  of  the  Massey  Party  retaining  office  and  the 
power  to  do  further  harm. 

"The  North  Island  gave  the  Tories  a  majority,  the  figures: 
being :  Tories,  134,409 ;  Liberals,  110,697 ;  Labor,  28,129. 
"The  South  Island  was  overwhelming  in  its  defeat  of  the 


NEW  ZEALAND  353 

Tories,  who  received  92,386  votes  as  against  93,607  cast  for 
the  Liberals,  and  22,959  for  the  Social  Democratic  and 
Labor  candidates. 

"There  were  nine  official  candidates  contesting  seats 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  and 
these  polled  an  aggregate  of  21,457,  equal  to  2,384  votes 
per  candidate. 

"Two  candidates  were  put  forward  under  the  joint  aus- 
pices of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  and  the  Dunedin 
Trades  and  Labor  Council,  and  they  polled  a  total  of  7,677 
votes. 

"In  "Wellington  the  Labor  Representation  Committee 
had  three  candidates,  who  polled  a  combined  Liberal  and 
Labor  vote  of  10,167. 

' '  Other  Labor  candidates  .  .  .  indorsed  by  purely  local 
Labor  bodies  polled  10,609  votes. 

' '  Four  others  who  ran  as  '  Labor '  candidates  without  any 
organization  behind  them  polled  an  aggregate  of  1,178 
votes. 

"An  analysis  of  the  Social  Democratic  and  Labor  voting 
gives  the  following  results : 

Social  Democratic   Party 21,457 

Social  Democratic  Party  and  Dunedin  Trades  and 

Labor  Council   7,677 

Welling-ton  Labor  Representation  Committee  (La- 
bor  and   Liberal   vote) 10,167 

Other  Labor  candidates 10,609 

Independent  Labor  candidates 1,178 

Social  Democratic  and  Labor  total 51,088 

(See  also  "The  General  Strike.") 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
SOUTH  AFRICA 

I.    INTRODUCTORY 

Only  about  one-fourth  of  the  population  of  the  recently 
formed  Commonwealth  of  South  Africa  is  European, 
4,700,000  out  of  its  6,000,000  population  being  colored.  As 
the  colored,  and  especially  the  full-blooded  Negroes,  are 
barred  by  law  from  becoming  miners  or  engineers,  and  are 
excluded  by  custom  from  most  other  skilled  occupations, 
the  labor  movement  has  been  almost  exclusively  among  the 
white  and  the  skilled. 

II.  THE  LABOR  PARTY  AND  ELECTIONS  OF  1913 

Soon  after  the  formation  of  the  new  state  from  the 
Transvaal,  the  Orange  Free  State,  Natal,  and  the  Cape 
Colony,  the  Labor  Party  was  founded.  At  the  elections  of 
1910  it  elected  4  of  the  121  members  of  Parliament  (a  num- 
ber later  raised  to  5)  and  secured  a  strong  representation 
in  the  municipal  governments  of  Johannesburg  and 
Pretoria. 

Following  the  great  railway  and  general  strike  of  1913, 
the  party  made  some  far  more  remarkable  gains,  portend- 
ing a  strong  Labor  Party  influence  in  the  next  Parliament. 
In  a  by-election  in  the  Cape  Colony,  the  Labor  candidate 
secured  1,298  votes  against  a  total  vote  of  811  for  his 
two  opponents.  In  the  elections  for  the  Provincial  Council 
of  the  Cape  Colony,  Abdul  Abdurahman,  the  Labor  Party 

354 


SOUTH  AFRICA  355 

candidate,  was  elected  by  a  large  majority  and  the  Labor 
vote  increased  throughout  the  colony. 

But  the  greatest  victory  was  in  the  Transvaal,  where 
the  strike  had  centered.  Here  the  Provincial  Government 
fell  completely  into  the  hands  of  the  Labor  Party,  a  result 
all  the  more  remarkable  as  little  over  half  of  the  Council 
were  voted  upon  at  this  election. 

The  House  is  composed  of  45  members,  and  there  were 
25  to  elect,  of  which  number  the  Labor  Party  captured  23 
seats  and  the  Conservatives  2.  The  popular  vote  was: 
Labor,  26,108 ;  Conservative,  12,305 ;  Nationalist,  3,029,  and 
about  1,500  scattering.  The  figures  show  that  some  of  the 
most  prominent  politicians  and  military  officers  who  stood 
for  election  to  the  House  suffered  the  most  crushing  defeat. 
In  several  instances  laboring  men  were  voted  out  of  jail 
and  into  the  legislature  with  large  majorities. 

The  dispatch  in  The  Daily  Citizen  (London)  attributed 
this  sweeping  victory  to  the  following  causes : 

The  interference  of  the  Randlords,  the  dragooning  of  the 
masses  by  Botha  and  Smuts,  the  terrible  Peace  Preserva- 
tion Bill,  the  desire  to  oust  white  labor  and  to  substitute 
cheap,  servile,  and  inefficient  labor,  and,  last  but  far  from 
least,  the  deportations. 

All  of  these  factors  were  dealt  with  above  in  connection 
with  the  general  strike  of  1913 — which  was  as  much  a  po- 
litical as  an  economic  crisis. 

(See  also  Immigration  and  the  Kace  Question  and 
Government  Ownership.) 


SECTION  y 
SOCIALISM  IN  CHINA 

CHAPTER  XXV 
CHINA 

I.   INTRODUCTORY 

The  Socialist  Party  in  China,  as  in  Japan,  is  illegal.  It 
is,  therefore,  impossible  to  give  any  accurate  idea  of  its 
strength  or  recent  development.  Moreover,  since  the  prac- 
tical abolition  of  constitutional  government  by  Yuan  Shi 
Kai,  the  Parliament  has  ceased  to  be  a  parliament  in  fact, 
and  it  is  therefore  impossible  even  to  estimate  the  Social- 
ist vote. 

Nevertheless,  during  the  brief  existence  of  a  constitu- 
tional Parliament,  there  were  two  movements  in  China  that 
interest  us :  one,  a  definitely  Socialistic  Party,  the  other  the 
movement  headed  by  Sun  Yat  Sen,  representing  ideals  and 
a  program  similar  to  those  of  the  labor  parties  recognized 
as  Socialistic  by  the  International  Socialist  Congresses  and 
the  Reformist  wings  of  the  Socialist  Parties  in  many 
countries. 

We  therefore  give  an  authoritative  account  of  these 
movements,  especially  because  of  the  future  importance  of 
China. 

357 


358       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

n.   AN   INTERVIEW   WITH   SUN   YAT   SEN 

By  Kannibelle  in  Japan,  October  9,  1913 
(Published  in  The  New  York  Call,  June  28,  1914) 

[Dr.  Sun,  the  first  President  of  China,  is  regarded  by 
himself  and  many  others  as  a  Socialist.  His  position  is 
similar  in  many  points  to  that  of  the  Australian  Labor 
Party  or  the  Russian  Labor  group.] 

"A  political  revolution  is  a  necessary  initial  step  toward 
an  economic  and  industrial  revolution.  ...  In  constitu- 
tional countries  the  revolution  will  be  attained  through 
education  and  evolution;  these  are  bloodless  revolu- 
tions. .    .    . 

"The  trouble  in  China  is  economic.  It  is  between  the 
landless,  starving  millions  and  the  landed  interests,  who, 
for  fear  of  the  ire  of  the  people,  have  thrown  themselves 
into  the  arms  of  the  foreign  capitalists.  But  after  the 
establishment  of  a  constitution  and  the  overthrow  of  Yuan 
Shi  Kai,  the  newest  revolution,  however,  needs  no 
blood.  .  .   . 

"Some  people  have  construed  this  secondary  revolution 
as  the  inauguration  of  Socialism.  .  .   . 

"Socialism  in  China  is  known  as  Shay  kivei  choo  yee, 
which  in  English  means  'the  theory  of  humanitarianism. ' 
This  policy,  which  defied  the  usurped  authority  of  Yuan 
Shi  Kai,  is  the  policy  of  the  southern  patriots,  who  aim 
at  equality,  universal  love,  and  peace.  This  policy  de- 
mands mutual  aid,  the  abolition  of  the  old  'class'  system, 
and  pledges  itself  to  guarantee  the  abolition  of  poverty 
as  well  as  extreme  wealth.  .  .  . 

' '  Therefore,  Socialism  is  the  only  method  of  serving  our 
politico-economic  problems.  .    .    . 

"I  know  that  industrialism  is  necessary  in  China;  the 


CHINA  359 

march  of  civilization  is  too  insistent  to  be  stayed,  and  it 
must  come  to  China.  We  must  develop  our  resources,  and 
the  development  of  them  provides  food  for  serious  thought. 
I  want  to  avoid  what  seems  to  be  the  natural  corollary  of 
advanced  modern  capitalism — the  unfair  treatment  of  the 
toiler.  And  when  I  look  around  me  for  a  solution  I  find 
none  has  yet  been  found  by  foreign  countries. 

"In  our  virgin  country  there  is  opportunity  to  begin 
rightly,  and  I  am  convinced  that  we  should  strive  in  every 
way  so  to  meet  the  advance  of  industrialism  that  the  worst 
features  of  it  should  be  prevented  from  ever  taking  root. 
Therefore,  I  advocate  Socialism.  And  what  do  I  mean  by 
that?  I  shall  work  in  the  future,  as  I  have  been  working 
in  the  past,  for  the  introduction  of  a  system  whereby  the 
creators  of  wealth,  the  labor,  will  be  able  to  receive  its  fair 
share  of  the  production,  and  this  must  be  based  upon  a 
common  ground  of  justice  and  fraternity.  By  this  system 
production  would  be  enhanced  and  increased  to  the 
maximum,  with  a  minimum  of  poverty  and  labor  slavery. 
All  men  would  have  their  proportion  of  the  products  of 
the  wealth  now  awaiting  development  at  their  hands ;  they 
would  reap  the  full  fruit  of  their  toil,  secure  favorable 
conditions  of  labor,  and  obtain  opportunity  in  leisure  to 
think  of  other  things  than  the  daily  grind  in  the  mill  or 
the  mine.  They  would  be  able  to  cultivate  the  mind,  have 
adequate  recreation,  and  procure  the  blessings  which 
should  be  in  all  men's  lives,  but  which,  on  the  showing 
of  other  nations,  are  largely  denied  the  workers  and  the 
poorer  masses. 

"A  chance  would  be  given  to  all  in  the  race  for  a  liveli- 
hood in  life,  and  the  fullest  measure  of  liberty  should  be 
provided.    This  is  what  I  will  fight  to  establish  in  China. 

"When  I  urge  Socialism,  or  a  Socialistic  system  of  gov- 
ernment, I  urge  a  system  which  will  create  for  the  people 


360       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

of  China  a  direct  interest  in  the  vital  affairs  of  their  whole 
country ;  consequently  it  will  create  a  more  virile  and 
worthy  patriotism.  I  want  to  see  the  great  multitudes  of 
my  country  participate  in  the  results  of  the  productiveness 
of  the  country  that  is  their  own,  and  this  is  what  I  mean 
by  nationalism. 

"I  also  want  to  see*  that  the  state  derives  the  fullest 
value  trom  the  sources  of  revenue  which  should  be  under 
its  immediate  control.  I  advocate  state  ownership  of  rail- 
ways, tramways,  electric  light  power,  gas-works,  canals, 
and  forests.  I  want  to  see  royalties  coming  to  the  state 
from  mines  and  revenues  from  the  land.  .   .   . 

"The  revenue  derived  from  all  these  avenues  will  con- 
stitute a  sum  greatly  in  excess  of  what  will  be  needed  for 
state  administration,  and  the  balance  may  be  used  in  the 
necessary  work  of  education  and  the  more  charitable  and 
desirable  objects,  such  as  the  old-age  pension,  the  care  of 
the  lame  and  the  blind.  .    .    . 

"The  Kuo  Mang  Tang,  the  Nationalist  Party  in  China, 
is  in  charge  of  these  various  political  principles ;  its  success 
or  failure  depends  upon  its  members.  It  is  powerful 
throughout  the  entire  country,  especially  in  the  east  and 
in  the  south.  Its  influence  is  extensive  and  is  rich  in 
resources.  Numerous  publications,  banks,  and  other  great 
industrial  associations  are  supporting  this  party.  Almost 
all  the  merchants  who  consider  themselves  enlightened  are 
its  members. 

"From  America  it  derives  its  greatest  moral  and  mental 
weapons.  From  America  the  student  class  brings  liberal 
and  enlightened  economic  and  political  ideas,  while  from 
his  curio  shop  or  from  his  laundry  the  Chinese  Nationalist 
forwards  his  voluntary  contribution  for  the  enhancement 
of  this  'theory  of  humanitarianism.' 

"Thirteen  out  of  22  provincial  governors  are  its  mem- 


CHINA  361 

bers.  Thirteen  or  more  local  legislatures  are  therefore 
under  its  control.  .  .  .  Out  of  a  total  of  880  members  in 
the  new  Parliament,  446  are  Nationalists,  while  the  po- 
litical unionists,  the  Yuan  Shi  Kai  partisans,  number  120 ; 
the  rest  are  Republicans,  under  Li  Yuan  Hung;  the  Dem- 
ocrats, under  Kang  Liang,  and  the  Independents.  The 
Yuan  Shi  Kai  regime  at  first  tried  to  unite  his  faction 
with  the  rest  of  the  factions  in  opposition  to  the  Nation- 
alist Party.  Those  he  could  not  persuade  he  bought  over, 
while  he  succeeded  in  exterminating  many  members  of  the 
Nationalist  Party  in  the  Parliament  until  he  attained  the 
necessary  majority  to  perpetuate  himself  in  power. 

"These  are  the  facts  regarding  the  rebellion  of  the 
South  and  the  East.  No,  there  will  never  be  true  peace 
and  tranquillity  in  China  until  the  country's  politico- 
economic  problems  are  solved  'by  and  through  selective 
judgment  of  the  people  of  China. ' 

''My  country  is  awakening  and  is  awakening  fast  for 
one  which  has  been  in  a  stupor  for  many  centuries.  She 
will  soon  take  her  place  and  demand  respect  among  the 
greatest  nations  of  the  world.  Yuan  Shi  Kai  may  retard 
her  progress,  but  he  cannot  thwart  her  steady  advance 
indefinitely. ' ' 

m.   SOCIALISM  IN   CHINA 

By  Kiang  Kang  Hu 

(In  The  Masses,  October,  1914) 

' '  The  forcible  dissolution  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  China 
a  year  ago  by  order  of  the  military  dictator.  Yuan  Shi  Kai, 
attracted  little  attention  in  the  American  press.  It  was  a 
party  that  had  grown  up  so  swiftly  that  even  the  Socialists 
of  America  hardly  knew  of  its  existence,  let  alone  of  its 
power  and  influence. 


3G2       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

"Yet  it  was  so  large  and  powerful  as  to  arouse  the  fear 
of  the  despot,  Yuan  Shi  Kai,  and  to  call  for  the  most 
bloody  methods  of  suppression.  The  mere  facts  will  aston- 
ish anyone  not  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  Chinese 
people,  as  revealed  by  recent  history. 

"In  1911  the  first  Socialist  group  was  formed,  and  the 
first  Socialist  paper  started.  In  three  months,  under  the 
impetus  of  the  First  Revolution,  the  movement  spread  all 
over  China,  .  ,  .  Several  Socialists  had  been  elected  to  the 
Parliament  of  the  newly  established  republic  at  Peking, 
and  Socialist  measures  had  been  introduced.*  There  were 
in  existence  more  than  50  Socialist  newspapers.  Socialist 
free  public  schools  had  been  established,  a  Socialist  trade- 
union  organized,  a  woman's  auxiliary  started,  and  immense 
quantities  of  leaflets  and  pamphlets  distributed.  Most  curi- 
ously Chinese  of  all,  Socialist  theatrical  organizations  were 
touring  the  country  from  end  to  end  with  Socialist  plays. 

"In  view  of  these  facts,  which  only  one  who  has  seen 
the  tremendous  development  of  revolutionary  ideas  in 
China  recently  can  well  believe,  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
bloody  hand  of  Yuan  Shi  Kai  should  have  fallen  on  the 
Socialist  movement.  That  the  despot  took  the  movement 
seriously  is  shown  by  the  decree  of  dissolution  which  he 
issued  August  8,  1913 : 

"  The  Socialist  Party  of  China  is  using  the  cloak  of  a  political 
party  in  order  to  conceal  its  evil  designs.  These  demagogues 
would  coerce  the  Government  and  flatter  the  people  for  their  own 
evil  ends.  They  are  a  danger  to  peace  and  law  and  order.  They 
advocate  violence  and  assassination.  Therefore  they  have  in- 
curred the  displeasure  not  only  of  the  Government  but  of  the 

*  Chang  Chi,  President  of  the  first  Senate,  was  a  Socialist,  educated 
in  Paris  and  a  friend  of  JaurSs.  Ma  Sn,  Sun  Yat  Sun's  secretary,  editor 
of  the  daily  China  Republican  the  principal  revolutionary  newspaper 
( in  English ),  and  many  others  were  Socialists. 


CHINA  363 

people  as  well.  Many  letters  have  been  received  from  officers 
of  Tien  Tsin,  Peking,  and  elsewhere,  warning  us  against  Socialist 
plots  and  conspiracies.  Many  foreign  anarchists  have  joined 
them  in  order  to  disturb  the  international  peace.  The  Socialist 
Party  of  China  is  not  like  the  Socialists  of  other  countries,  who 
merely  study  Socialism.  If  we  do  not  put  an  end  to  their  activi- 
ties a  great  outburst  will  follow. 

"  Therefore  we  have  issued  this  decree  calling  upon  the  pro- 
vincial governments  and  generals  to  dissolve  the  Socialist  Party 
of  China  wlierever  found,  and  to  arrest  the  leaders. 

"  Thus  law  and  order  can  be  preserved. 

"  Yuan  Shi  Kai, 
"  President  of  the  Republic. 

*'The  decree  was  carried  out.  Everywhere  the  branches 
of  the  Socialist  Party  were  forcibly  broken  up  by  troops, 
their  treasuries  confiscated,  and  their  leaders  arrested  and 
executed.  Not  only  that,  but  the  homes  and  places  of  busi- 
ness of  those  known  to  be  members  of  the  Socialist  Party 
were  looted  or  confiscated. 

''The  national  headquarters  of  the  party  alone  escaped, 
being  located  in  English  Town,  Shanghai,  iiut  the  whole 
fabric  of  the  organization  was  effectually,  for  the  time 
being,  destroyed. 

"In  order  to  make  it  clear  how  such  an  organization  as 
this  could  come  to  exist  in  China,  it  .s  necessary  to  under- 
stand two  things.  One  is  that  in  China  the  propaganda  of 
such  doctrines  as  Republicanism  and  Revolutionism  come 
with  all  the  tremendous  blasting  power  of  the  New.  The 
Chinese  have  not  been  inoculated  against  these  ideas.  The 
Chinese  mind  in  the  first  years  of  this  century  was  virgin 
soil. 

' '  The  other  thing  to  understand  is  that  the  sentiment  of 
Communism  is  very  strong  in  China,  having  lasted  from 
primitive  times  in  the  form  of  various  customs  and  institu- 
tions.    And  industrially  China  is  still  in  the  handicraft 


364      THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

stage  of  production :  Capitalism  has  not  yet  brought  in  the 
philosophy  of  individualism  as  it  has  in  the  Western  world. 
So  the  idea  of  the  common  ownership  of  the  means  of  pro- 
duction is  no  strange  and  curious  conception  to  the  people 
of  China.  They  do  not  have  to  overcome  a  century  of 
capitalist  education  before  they  can  believe  in  Socialism. 

"In  the  last  decade  there  had  been  scattered  here  and 
there  in  small  groups  throughout  the  Empire  a  few  people 
who  studied  and  advocated  Humanitarianism,  Communism, 
and  Socialism.  These  groups,  however,  had  no  connection 
with  each  other,  and  their  ideas  were,  for  the  most  part, 
vague  and  misty.  But  they  furnished,  in  a  few  cases,  an 
impetus  for  the  starting  of  radical  newspapers.  These 
newspapers  had  as  their  purpose  the  introduction  of  new 
ideas  into  the  country. 

"Chief  among  the  methods  of  introducing  new  ideas  was 
the  translation  of  Western  authors.  There  were  thus  pub- 
lished in  Chinese  portions  of  the  writings  of  Balzac  and 
Victor  Hugo,  of  Byron  and  Shelley,  of  Dickens  and  Mark 
Twain,  of  Goethe  and  Heine,  and,  later  on,  of  Kropotkin, 
Marx,  Engels,  and  Bebel. 

"The  revolutionary  ideas  of  these  poets  and  writers 
served  to  educate  the  readers  of  these  newspapers,  and 
incidentally  their  editors.  I,  Kiang  Kang  Hu,  was  an 
editor  of  one  of  these  papers,  being  at  the  same  time  in- 
structor in  the  University  of  Peking.  Coming  in  contact 
with  the  doctrine  of  Socialism  in  this  way,  I  became  inter- 
ested, and  finally  converted.  Especially  did  I  admire  and 
value  the  master-work  of  August  Bebel,  Woman  Under 
Socialism.  So  profoundly  did  it  influence  me  that  I  began 
an  agitation  for  the  establishment  of  schools  for  women — 
a  thing  which  had  been  undreamed  of  before  in  China. 
The  agitation  was  successful,  and  many  schools  were  set  up. 
"Full  of  this  idea,  I  went  in  June,  1911,  on  a  lecturing 


CHINA  365 

tour  through  the  Che  Kiang  province,  speaking  on  Woman 
and  the  Socialist  Movement.  This  speech  was  issued  in 
pamphlet  form  and  had  a  tremendous  circulation.  Then 
the  storm  of  official  displeasure  broke  over  me.  The 
viceroy  of  the  province  ordered  my  arrest.  My  newspaper 
and  pamphlet  were  confiscated,  and  with  due  solemnity 
publicly  burned.  I,  disguised  as  a  porter,  escaped  to  Eng- 
lish Town,  Shanghai,  where  I  was  safe  from  arrest.  This 
was  the  first  instance  on  record  of  the  prosecution  of  a  So- 
cialist in  China. 

''It  was  also  the  beginning  of  the  Socialist  movement. 
On  July  10,  1911,  I  organized  a  Socialist  club  in  Shanghai, 
and  on  the  same  day  the  Socialist  Star,  the  first  Socialist 
paper  in  China,  made  its  appearance. 

"This  Socialist  Club  of  Shanghai  was  originally  organ- 
ized more  to  study  Socialism  than  to  propagate  it.  About 
50  men  and  women  were  members  of  the  group,  and  ear- 
nestly they  studied  the  Socialist  classics. 

"But  meanwhile,  the  First  Revolution  had  started  in 
the  South,  at  Hankow.  On  November  3,  1911,  Shanghai 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists.  Then  the  club 
changed  its  name  to  the  Socialist  Party  of  China,  and 
organizers  were  sent  out  into  the  southern  provinces,  where 
many  new  branches  were  organized.  The  Socialist  Star 
became  a  daily,  and  had  a  wide  circulation.  The  party 
membership  increased  with  enormous  rapidity.  The  Shi 
Hui  Tong,  or  Socialist  Party,  was  the  first  political  party 
as  such  in  China.  On  November  5,  1911,  it  met  in  its  first 
annual  convention  at  Shanghai  and  adopted  a  platform. 

"These  Socialists,  though  not  clear  Marxists,  having  so 
recently  been  drawn  into  the  movement,  were  nevertheless 
enthusiastically  in  earnest  in  their  desire  to  establish  a 
Socialist  republic.  They  declared  in  their  preamble  for 
the  common  ownership  of  the  land  and  the  means  of  pro- 


366       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

duction,  and  then  adopted  the  following  eight  planks  as  a 
working  platform: 

"  1.  The  establishment  of  a  Republican  form  of  govern- 
ment. .   .   . 

"  2.    The  wiping  out  of  all  racial  differences.  .   .   . 

"  3.  The  abolition  of  all  the  remaining  forms  of  feudal  slavery 
and  the  establishment  of  the  principle  of  equality  before  the 
law.  .   .   . 

"4.  The  abolition  of  all  hereditary  estates.  (China  has  a  vast 
agricultural  population,  which  suffers  under  absentee  landlord- 
ism. .  .  .  The  agrarian  question  is  one  of  the  greatest  problems 
in  China  to-day.) 

"  5.  A  free  and  universal  school  system,  on  co-educational 
lines,  together  with  free  text-books  and  the  feeding  of  school 
childi'en.  (The  great  bulk  of  the  people  of  China  cannot  read 
and  write.     There  are  as  yet  no  public  schools.)   .    .    . 

"  6.    The  abolition  of  all  titles  and  estates.  .  .   . 

"  7.    The  abolition  of  the  army  and  navy. 

''This  platform  was  used  by  the  30  Socialists  elected  to 
the  first  Parliament  at  Peking  as  their  working  program. 
They  introduced  into  Parliament  a  measure  for  equal, 
direct,  and  secret  suffrage ;  a  measure  for  the  establish- 
ment of  public  schools;  a  measure  for  the  abolition  of  all 
personal  taxes.  A  measure  to  create  an  inheritance  tax; 
a  measure  to  abolish  capital  punishment ;  a  measure  to 
reduce  the  standing  army ;  a  measure  to  abolish  girl 
slavery.  None  of  these  measures  came  up  for  a  final  vote, 
for  before  that  time  the  Parliament  had  been  dissolved  by 
the  soldiers  of  Yuan  Shi  Kai. 

'  *  The  party  had  by  this  time  over  four  hundred  branches 
in  China,  each  with  its  official  teachers  and  readers — for  a 
great  part  of  the  membership  could  not  read.  Agitators  and 
organizers,  most  of  them  working  without  pay,  were  sent  out 
broadcast.  The  party  owned  its  own  printing  plant,  and 
published  three  official  papers,  the  Daily  Socialist  Star,  the 


CHINA  367 

Weekly  Socialist  Bulletin,  and  the  Monthly  Official  Bul- 
letin. Among  the  pamphlets  and  leaflets  which  were 
printed  at  this  plant  and  sent  out  in  great  quantities,  one 
of  the  most  popular  was  'The  Communist  Manifesto.'  In 
addition,  many  branches  printed  their  own  local  papers, 
and  at  one  time  there  were  over  50  of  these  in  existence. 
Then,  too,  there  were  between  10  and  15  privately  owned 
papers  which  supported  the  Socialist  Party.  The  extreme 
left  of  the  Young  China  Association  leaned  strongly  toward 
the  party,  and  the  columns  of  many  Young  China  papers 
were  open  to  the  Socialists. 

''The  most  important  of  the  free  public  schools  estab- 
lished by  the  party  was  situated  at  Nanking.  This  school 
had  an  attendance  of  over  eight  hundred.  Free  public 
kindergartens  were  also  established  by  the  party. 

'*A  very  curious  part  of  the  party  organization  was  the 
Socialist  Opera  and  Orchestra  Company.  In  China,  actors 
and  musicians  are  very  low  caste.  After  the  First  Revolu- 
tion, many  of  these  joined  the  party,  and  the  party  organ- 
ized them  into  several  theatrical  companies,  which  toured 
the  country,  playing  symbolical  Socialist  plays,  and  prov- 
ing themselves  an  invaluable  adjunct  to  the  party  propa- 
ganda. 

''The  woman's  organization  had  for  its  main  work  the 
furthering  of  the  agitation  for  woman's  suffrage.  This 
organization  had  at  one  time  close  to  one  thousand  members, 
and  in  addition  many  women  belonged  directly  to  the  party 
itself.  Schools  for  women  were  started  by  the  party,  and 
had  a  large  attendance. 

"In  addition,  the  party  collected  funds  for  the  sufferers 
in  the  famine  districts,  and  in  other  places  where  there 
was  need. 

"Meanwhile,  an  anarchist  movement  had  grown  up  in 
China.    Some  of  the  anarchists  joined  the  Socialist  Party 


368       THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  OF  THE  WORLD 

and  sought  to  foist  their  views  upon  it.  These  two  hostile 
schools  of  thought  came  to  open  battle  at  the  second  annual 
convention  of  the  party.  Finding  themselves  in  a  hope- 
lessly small  minority,  the  anarchists  split  off  and  formed 
the 'Pure  Socialist  Party.'  .  .  . 

''The  'Pure  Socialist  Party'  and  other  anarchist  groups 
did  much  to  discredit  the  Socialist  Party  of  China.  People 
confused  one  with  the  other,  and  when  the  reaction  set  in, 
the  Government  craftily  used  this  confusion  to  further  its 
ends. 

"Already  during  the  second  year  of  its  existence,  the 
Socialist  Party  was  meeting  with  bitter  opposition,  .  .  . 
not  only  from  the  Government,  but  also  from  the  Repub- 
licans and  the  Constitutional  Monarchists.  Nevertheless, 
the  party  continued  to  grow. 

"But  Yuan  Shi  Kai  was  now  extending  his  power  and 
strengthening  his  army,  with  the  intention  of  making  his 
despotism  secure.  One  by  one  the  Republicans  were  skill- 
fully worked  out  of  place  and  power.  Finally  Song  Chi 
Ying,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Young  China  Association, 
who  had  raised  a  voice  of  suspicion  against  Yuan  Shi  Kai, 
was  assassinated,  and  though  there  was  no  direct  proof,  it 
was  believed  by  all  that  the  assassin  had  been  paid  to  do 
his  work  by  Yuan  Shi  Kai.  The  despot  in  the  meantime 
had  borrowed  great  sums  of  money  from  the  foreign  banks, 
without  consulting  Parliament,  as  the  constitution  pro- 
vided, and  was  using  this  money  to  strengthen  his  posi- 
tion. 

"All  during  the  months  of  March  and  April,  1913,  the 
Socialist  Party  held  gigantic  mass  meetings  all  over  the 
country,  at  which  they  exposed  the  duplicity  of  the  Pro- 
visional President,  Yuan  Shi  Kai.  Manifestos  were  issued 
calling  upon  him  to  resign.  Yuan  Shi  Kai  now  surrounded 
the  House  of  Parliament  with  troops,  gave  'presents'  to 


CHINA  369 

many  of  the  representatives,  and  was  almost  unanimously- 
elected  President  of  China, 

"In  July,  1913,  the  southern  provinces,  tardily  awaken- 
ing to  the  danger  of  the  situation,  rose  against  Yuan  Shi 
Kai.  It  was  too  late.  The  Second  Revolution,  after  two 
months  of  sanguinary  fighting  in  Shanghai,  Nanking,  and 
elsewhere,  was  drowned  in  blood. 

"Parliament  was  dissolved  and  new  elections  ordered. 
All  pretense  of  political  freedom  disappeared.  The  Young 
China  Association  was  outlawed.  The  decree  against  the 
Socialist  Party  was  issued.  Everywhere  the  heads  of  So- 
cialists and  Republicans  rolled  in  the  dust. 

"The  Socialist  Party  of  China,  as  a  party,  has  ceased  to 
exist.  Most  of  the  leaders  of  the  organization,  those  who 
have  not  paid  with  their  heads  for  their  loyalty  to  the 
working-class,  have  gone  to  foreign  countries,  where  they 
are  busy  collecting  money  and  laying  plans  for  a  new 
revolution.  And  in  China  itself  the  work  is  being  carried 
on  in  secret  by  methods  which  cannot,  at  this  time,  be  dis- 
cussed. Suffice  it  to  say  that  several  brave  comrades  have 
already  lost  their  lives  in  the  hazardous  work. 

"But  there  will  be  a  Third  Revolution,  and  the  Socialist 
Party  will  again  take  its  place  in  the  Red  International." 


PART  II 

THE  SOCIALIST  PAETIES  AND  SOCIAL 
PROBLEMS 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  THE  LABOR 
UNIONS 

The  International  Socialist  Congress  at  Zurich,  in  1893, 
resolved,  by  a  vote  of  16  national  parties  against  2  (Spain 
and  France),  that  all  labor  unions  "which  recognized  the 
necessity  of  working-class  organization  and  political  ac- 
tion" should  be  admitted  to  the  International  Congresses. 
As  a  consequence,  from  this  date  (1893)  the  International 
movement  has  been  based  as  much  upon  those  labor  unions 
which  recognize  the  importance  of  independent  political 
action  along  labor-union  lines  as  upon  the  Socialist  parties 
themselves.  Moreover,  the  relative  importance  of  this 
Labor  Party,  or  political  labor-union,  tendency  has  in- 
creased from  year  to  year. 

The  International  Socialist  Congresses  no  longer  claim 
to  consist  exclusively  of  Socialists.  In  1907  and  1910,  at 
Stuttgart  and  Copenhagen,  the  British  Labor  Party,  which 
declares  itself  a  non-Socialist  political  organization  repre- 
senting the  labor  unions  in  politics,  was  admitted  to  the 
Congress  and  given  five  out  of  the  ten  votes  allotted  to 
British  political  organizations  (the  Independent  Labor 
Party  being  given  two  votes,  the  Social  Democratic 
Federation  two  votes,  and  the  Fabian  Society  one 
vote). 

But  this  is  not  all.  Besides  this  indirect  representation, 
the  British  labor  unions  were  given  a  direct  representation 
of  10  votes,  thus  receiving  15  out  of  the  20  votes  allotted  to 
Great  Britain.    Moreover,  the  Fabian  Society  and  the  Inde- 

373 


374       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

pendent  Labor  Party  are  minority  branches  of  the  British 
Labor  Party,  At  the  Congress  of  Stuttgart  a  vote  was 
refused  to  the  Australian  Socialist  Party  because  it 
was  not  a  member  of  the  non-Socialist  Labor  Party 
of  that  country, — although  the  latter  organization  had 
not  even  asked  for  admission  to  the  International 
Congress. 

In  every  country,  with  the  exception  of  the  United  States 
and  the  British  colonies,  the  relation  between  the  Socialist 
parties  (or  the  Labor  parties,  where  there  are  any  such) 
and  the  labor  unions  are  most  intimate.  In  some  countries 
the  Socialist  parties  seem  in  some  measure  to  dominate  the 
unions;  in  others  the  unions  appear  in  some  measure  to 
dominate  the  political  organization. 

I.   THE   INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF   STUTTGART,    1907 

All  the  Socialist  parties  of  the  world,  with  the  exception 
of  the  French,  and  including  even  a  minority  of  that  party, 
were  able  to  come  to  an  agreement  at  the  International 
Congress  at  Stuttgart  as  to  their  relation  to  the  labor 
unions.    This  agreement  was  as  follows : 

To  enfranchise  the  proletariat  completely  from  the  bonds  of 
intellectual,  political,  and  economic  serfdom,  the  political  and 
economic  struggle  are  alike  necessary\  If  the  activity  of  the 
Socialist  Party  is  exercised  more  especially  in  the  domain  of  the 
political  struggle  of  the  proletariat,  that  of  the  unions  displays 
itself  in  the  domain  of  the  economic  struggle  of  the  workers. 
The  unions  and  the  party  have  equally  an  important  part  to 
perform  in  the  struggle  for  proletarian  emancipation.  Each  of 
the  two  organizations  has  its  distinct  domain,  defined  by  its  nature 
and  within  whose  borders  it  should  enjoy  independent  control  of 
its  lines  of  action.  But  there  is  an  ever-widening  domain  in  the 
proletarian  struggle  of  the  classes  in  which  they  can  only  reap 
advantages  by  concerted  action  and  by  co-operation  between  the 
party  and  trade-unions. 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS       375 

As  a  consequence,  the  proletarian  struggle  will  be  carried  on 
more  successfully  and  with  more  important  results  if  the  relations 
between  the  unions  and  the  party  are  strengthened  without  in- 
fringing upon  the  necessary  unity  of  the  trade-unions. 

The  Congi-ess  declares  that  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  working- 
class  in  every  country  that  close  and  permanent  relations  should 
be  established  between  the  unions  and  the  party. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  party  and  of  the  trade-unions  to  render 
moral  support  the  one  to  the  other,  and  to  make  use  only  of 
those  means  which  may  help  forward  the  emancipation  of  the 
proletariat.  When  divergent  opinions  arise  between  the  two 
organizations  as  to  the  suitableness  of  certain  tactics,  they  should 
arrive  at  an  agi'eement  by  discussion. 

The  unions  will  not  fully  perform  their  duty  in  the  struggle 
for  the  emancipation  of  the  workers  unless  a  thoroughly  Socialist 
spirit  inspires  their  policy.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  party  to  help 
the  unions  in  their  work  of  raising  the  workers  and  of  ameliorat- 
ing their  social  conditions.  In  its  parliamentary  action  the  party 
must  vigorously  support  the  demands  of  the  unions.  (Our 
italics. ) 

II.    THE   CONGRESS   OF   THE   FRENCH   PARTY 

The  resolution  of  the  International  Congress  at  Stuttgart 
(above  quoted)  was  passed  on  the  supposition  that  the 
labor  unions  could  not  work  directly  for  Socialism,  but 
only  through  the  Socialist  parties,  which  are  presented  as 
the  political  expression  of  labor  unionism.  The  French 
Socialists  give  an  even  more  important  function  to  the 
labor  unions ;  they  are  to  work  directly  for  Socialism  on 
the  economic  field,  and  their  work  is  to  be  recognized  by 
the  Socialist  parties  as  being  quite  as  important  as  the 
work  done  by  these  parties  on  the  political  field.  The 
French  proposed  to  the  Stuttgart  Congress — in  accord 
with  this  view — the  resolution  they  had  just  passed  at 
their  national  Congress  at  Nancy.  Though  this  resolution 
did  not  receive  the  support  of  any  of  the  other  nations,  it 


37G       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

has  since  been  steadily  reaffirmed  by  the  French.     We 
therefore  quote  its  chief  passages: 

The  Congress  is  convinced  that  the  working-class  will  achieve 
its  full  emancipation  only  by  the  combined  power  of  political 
action  and  labor-union  action,  extending  even  to  the  general 
strike,  and  by  the  conquest  of  the  entire  political  power,  to  the 
end  of  the  general  expropriation  of  capitalism; 

It  is  convinced  that  this  twofold  action  will  be  efficacious  in 
proportion  as  the  political  organization  and  the  economic  organ- 
ization possess  full  autonomy,  unionism  having  the  same  aim  as 
Socialism : 

It  believes  that  this  fundamental  agreement  of  political  action 
and  economic  action  of  the  working-class  will  necessarily  assure, 
without  confusion,  or  subordination,  or  defiance,  a  free  co- 
operation between  the  two  organizations.     (Our  italics.) 


ni.    THE    CONGRESS   OP   THE   FRENCH   PARTY,    1912 

The  French  Party  Congress  of  1912  again  discussed  the 
question  of  its  relation  to  the  labor  unions  at  length,  and 
ended  by  the  reaffirmation  of  the  position  taken  at  Nancy, 
as  above  given.  A  summary  of  the  1912  discussion  is  of 
importance  as  showing  the  friendly  attitude  of  the  So- 
cialists towards  ' '  Syndicalism ' '  in  the  country  of  its  birth, 
and  demonstrating  that  France  furnishes  no  exception  to 
the  rule  that  Socialist  parties  and  labor  unions  are  every- 
where most  intimately  connected  and  interdependent. 

A  general  discussion  was  held  concerning  the  attitude 
which  the  Socialist  Party  should  adopt  towards  the  Gen- 
eral Confederation  of  Labor.  One  faction,  led  by  Ghes- 
quiere  and  Compere-Morel,  attacked  the  labor-union  con- 
federation, opposing  its  anti-militarist  ideas,  and  declared 
that  the  majority  of  the  Confederation  were  anarchists  at 
heart  in  emphasizing  sabotage,  general  strike,  and  violence 
in  the  economic  war. 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIOls^S        377 

Jaures  took  a  middle  ground  in  the  matter,  and,  while 
deprecating  violence,  declared  that  violence  was  the  sign 
of  a  weak  organization  and  that  the  way  to  avoid  it  was 
to  strengthen  the  organization.  He  emphasized  the  fact 
that  the  working-class  movement  must  be  carried  on  in 
the  economic  field  as  well  as  in  the  political.  Landier  and 
Dormoy  defended  the  labor-union  confederation,  declared 
in  favor  of  their  anti-militaristic  views,  and  asserted  that 
the  unions  then  comprised  (1911)  365,000  members,  an 
increase  of  45,000. 

The  following  resolution  was  introduced  by  Compere- 
Morel,  having  been  previously  adopted  by  the  Federation 
of  Gard: 

Whereas,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Socialists  to  combat  anything 
which  tends  to  divide  the  proletariat  against  itself,  notably  in 
opposing  its  co-operative  or  its  labor-union  organization  and 
action  to  its  political  or  Socialist  organization; 

Whereas,  he  is  not  a  militant  who  can  take  seriously  as  a 
means  of  emancipation,  sabotage,  direct  action,  violence  against 
scabs,  etc.,  all  of  them  methods  which,  by  furnishing  the  cap- 
italist government  with  the  pretext  for  worse  repressions,  can 
only  check  the  progress  and  development  of  the  unions  and  of 
the  party; 

Whereas,  the  more  the  Socialists  advocate  labor-union  action 
(the  sole  means  of  defense  in  a  capitalist  society),  the  more  they 
owe  it  to  their  party  and  to  themselves  to  rid  themselves  of  those 
anarchists  who,  under  cover  and  shelter  of  certain  functions, 
with  which  they  have  not  been  invested  by  the  unionists,  never 
cease  in  their  efforts  to  blacken  and  slander  Socialism  in  its 
struggle  for  political  power,  to  turn  away  the  workers,  and  to 
leave  them  thus  disarmed  at  the  mercy  of  a  capitalism,  mistress 
both  of  capital  and  of  the  state; 

Whereas,  the  Socialists  of  France  would  be  veritable  traitors, 
if  they  ceased  a  single  instant  in  their  work  of  making  the  pi'o- 
letariat  understand  that  the  labor-union  or  co-operative  action, 
which  is  taking  place  within  the  limits  of  the  capitalist  system 
or  of  the  master  class,  cannot  suffice  in  itself;  that  it  is  essen- 


378       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

tially  defensive  or  reformatory,  and  that  only  political  action, 
exercised  by  means  of  the  ballot,  or  applied  through  insxirrection, 
is  essentially  revolutionary  and  capable  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
expropriators; 

The  Congress  reaffirms  the  resolution  of  the  Congress  of  Stutt- 
gart of  1907  relative  to  the  relations  between  the  Socialist  Party 
and  the  labor  unions  which,  passed  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority, has  become  law  in  the  international  working-class 
movement.     (Our  italics.) 

After  a  stormy  debate,  in  which  Jaures  and  Vaillant 
spoke  against  the  above  resolution,  it  was  referred  back  to 
the  committee  on  resolutions. 

Dubreuilh  reported  in  the  name  of  the  committee,  and 
proposed  for  vote  the  following  motion: 

The  Congress  recognizes  that,  in  their  intervention  in  the 
Chamber,  Comrades  Ghesquiere  and  Compere-Morel  had  no  other 
purpose  than  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  working-class,  and  that 
it  regards  it  as  extremely  useful  that  the  attention  of  the  workers 
was  called  to  the  perils  of  a  propaganda  of  anti-parliamentarism 
and  of  systematic  violence. 

It  reaffirms  the  decisions  taken  on  the  subject  of  labor-union 
action  and  political  action  of  the  working-class  at  the  National 
Congresses  of  Limoges,  of  Nancy,  and  of  Toulouse,  and  at  the 
International  Congress  of  Stuttgart,  and  it  invites  all  workers 
to  draw  therefrom  inspiration  for  the  necessary  work  of  recon- 
ciliation. 

This  motion  was  then  adopted  almost  unanimously. 


IV.    THE   UNITED   STATES 

As  it  is  impossible  to  understand  the  Socialist  attitude 
towards  the  labor  unions  in  the  United  States  without  a 
conception  of  the  so-called  Syndicalist  movement  or  tend- 
ency, we  print  from  the  Socialist  Campaign  Book  of  1912 
a  definition  of  Syndicalism  by  John  Spargo. 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS        379 

1.  Syndicalism 

John  Spargo,  in  Syndicalism,  Industrial  Unionism,  and 
Socialism,  defines  Syndicalism  as  follows : 

Syndicalism  is  a  form  of  labor  unionism  which  aims  at  the 
abolition  of  the  capitalist  system  based  upon  the  exploitation 
of  the  workers,  and  its  replacement  by  a  new  social  order  free 
from  class  denomination  and  exploitation.  Its  distinctive  prin- 
ciple as  a  practical  movement  is  that  these  ends  are  to  be 
attained  by  the  direct  action  of  the  unions,  without  parlia- 
mentary action  or  the  intervention  of  the  state.  The  distinctive 
feature  of  its  ideal  is  that  in  the  new  social  order  the  political 
state  will  not  exist,  the  only  form  of  government  being  the  admin- 
istration of  industry  directly  by  the  workers  themselves. 

The  resolution  on  labor  organizations  adopted  by  the 
Socialist  Convention  of  1912  was  in  part  as  follows : 

Political  organization  and  economic  organization  are  alike 
necessary  in  the  struggle  for  working-class  emancipation.  The 
most  harmonious  relations  ought  to  exist  between  the  two  great 
forces  of  the  working-class  movement — the  Socialist  Party  and 
the  labor  unions.  .   .   . 

The  Socialist  Party  therefore  reaffirms  the  position  it  has 
always  taken  with  regard  to  the  movement  of  organized  labor. 

1.  That  the  party  has  neither  the  right  nor  the  desire  to  inter- 
fere in  any  controversies  ivhich  may  exist  loiHiin  the  labor-union 
movement  oxer  questions  of  form  of  organization  or  technical 
methods  of  action  in  the  industrial  struggle,  but  trusts  to  the 
labor  organizations  themselves  to  solve  these  questions. 

2.  That  the  Socialists  call  the  attention  of  their  brothers  in 
the  labor  unions  to  the  vital  importance  of  the  task  of  organizing 
the  unorganized,  especially  the  immigrants  and  the  unskilled 
laborers,  who  stand  in  greatest  need  of  organized  protection  and 
who  will  constitute  a  great  menace  to  the  progress  and  welfare 
of  organized  labor,  if  they  remain  neglected.  The  Socialist  Party 
will  ever  be  ready  to  co-operate  with  the  labor  unions  in  the 
task  of  organizing  the  unorganized  workers,  and  urges  all  labor 
organizations,  who  have  not  already  done  so,  to  throw  their  doors 
wide  open  to  the  workers  of  their  respective  trades  and  industries, 


380       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

abolishing  all  onerous  conditions  of  membership  and  artificial 
restrictions.  In  the  face  of  the  tremendous  powers  of  the  Amer- 
ican capitalists  and  their  close  industrial  and  political  union  the 
workers  of  this  country  can  win  their  battles  only  by  a  strong 
class-consciousness  and  closely  united  organizations  on  the  eco- 
nomic field,  a  powerful  and  militant  party  on  the  political  field, 
and  by  joint  attack  of  both  on  the  common  enemj^ 

3.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  party  to  give  moral  and  material 
support  to  the  labor  organizations  in  all  their  defensive  or  ag- 
gressive struggles  against  capitalist  oppression  and  exploitation, 
for  the  protection  and  extension  of  the  rights  of  the  wage- 
workers  and  the  betterment  of  their  material  and  social  condition. 

4.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  members  of  the  Socialist  Party 
who  are  eligible  to  membership  in  the  unions  to  join  and  he  active 
in  their  respective  labor  organizations.     (Our  italics.) 

The  point  of  view  of  the  industrial  unionist  as  opposed 
to  the  syndicalist  is  shown  below  in  an  extract  from  Eu- 
gene V.  Debs,  the  strong  advocate  of  political  action. 

In  The  International  Socialist  Review,  February,  1910, 
Debs  says: 

I  cannot  close  without  appealing  for  both  the  industrial  and 
political  solidarity  of  the  workers. 

I  thoroughly  believe  in  economic  as  well  as  political  organiza- 
tion, in  the  industrial  union,  and  in  the  Socialist  Party. 

I  am  an  industrial  unionist  because  I  am  a  Socialist,  and  a 
Socialist  because  I  am  an  industrial  unionist. 

I  believe  in  making  every  effort  within  our  power  to  promote 
industrial  unionism  among  the  workers  and  to  have  them  all 
united  in  one  economic  organization.  To  accomplish  this  I  would 
encourage  industrial  independent  organization,  especially  among 
the  millions  w'ho  have  not  yet  been  organized  at  all,  and  I  would 
also  encourage  the  "  boring  from  within  "  for  all  that  can  be 
accomplished  by  the  industi'ial  unionists  in  the  craft  miions. 

I  would  have  the  Socialist  Party  recognize  the  historic  necessity 
and  inevitability  of  industrial  imionism,  and  the  industrial  union 
reciprocally  recognize  the  Socialist  Party,  and  so  declare  in  the 
respective  preambles  to  their  constitutions. 

The  Socialist  Party  cannot  he  neutral  on  the  union  question. 
It  is  compelled  to  declare  itself  by  the  logic  of  evolution,  and 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS        381 

as  a  revolutionai-y  party  it  cannot  commit  itself  to  the  principles 
of  reactionary  unionism.  Not  only  must  the  Socialist  Party 
declare  itself  in  favor  of  economic  unionism,  but  the  kind  of 
unionism  which  alone  can  complement  the  revolutionary  action 
of  the  workers  on  the  political  field. 

I  am  opposed  under  all  circumstances  to  any  party  alliances 
or  affiliations  with  reactionary  trade-unions  and  to  compromising 
tactics  of  every  kind  and  form,  excepting  alone  in  event  of  some 
extreme  emergency. 

2.   SABOTAGE 

While  the  industrial  union  is  advocated  by  the  majority 
of  Socialists,  the  party  has  rejected,  by  convention  and 
referendum,  the  weapons  of  ''sabotage,"  which  form  part 
of  the  tactics  of  Syndicalism.  Before  printing  the  resolu- 
tion on  this  subject,  we  quote  from  the  Socialist  Cam- 
paign Book  the  origin  of  the  word  "sabotage"  and  a 
criticism  of  the  practice  from  the  Socialist  viewpoint. 

John  Spargo,  in  Syndicalism,  Industrial  Unionism,  and 
Socialism,  published  by  B.  W.  Huebsch,  says: 

The  word  "  sabotage  "  was  first  used,  I  believe,  in  1897  in  a 
report  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  Generate  de  Travail, 
which  met  that  year  at  Toulouse.  Among  the  reports  considered 
by  the  Congress  was  one  dealing  with  the  use  of  the  boycott  and 
the  policy  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  British  unions  of 
workers  engaged  in  the  trades  connected  with  the  ocean  transport 
services,  popularly  known  as  Ca  'Canny.  This  report  was  written 
by  Emile  Pouget  and  Paul  Delassale,  both  well-known  anarchists. 
They  wanted  to  find  a  French  equivalent  for  the  Scotch  col- 
loquialism, Ca  'Canny,  as  the  purpose  of  their  report  to  the 
Congress  was  to  elaborate  the  British  policy  known  by  that 
name  and  recommend  it  to  the  French  unions.  They  "coined" 
the  word  sabotage.    Never  before  had  it  been  used. 

In  France,  especially  in  the  rural  districts,  it  has  long  been 
the  custom  to  liken  the  slow  and  clumsy  worker  to  one  wearing 
wooden  shoes,  called  "sabots."  The  phrase,  travailler  a  coups 
de  sabots,  to  work  as  one  wearing  wooden  shoes,  has  long  been 
used  with  reference  to  the  slow  and  clumsy  worker,  the  "  old 


382       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

soldier,"  as  they  say  in  England.  It  is  so  used,  I  think,  by 
Balzac.  The  idea  is  obvious;  the  peasant  with  heavy  wooden 
shoes  walks  clumsily  and  slowly  in  comparison  with  those  who 
wear  shoes  of  leather.  So  the  word  "  sabotage " — literally, 
"  wooden  shoeage " — was  coined  by  Pouget  and  by  him  and 
Delassale  used  in  their  report  to  the  Toulouse  Congress  of  the 
Confederation  Generale  de  Travail  as  a  good  translation  of  the 
British  term  Ca  'Canny. 

The  Party  Convention  of  1912  adopted  by  a  large  ma- 
jority the  following  constitutional  clause  against  sabotage 
(usually  referred  to  in  party  discussion  as  Article  II, 
Section  6)  : 

Any  member  of  the  party  who  opposes  political  action  or  advo- 
cates crime,  sabotage,  or  other  methods  of  violence  as  a  weapon 
of  the  working-class  to  aid  in  its  emancipation  shall  be  expelled 
from  membership  in  the  party.  Political  action  shall  be  construed 
to  mean  participation  in  elections  for  public  office  and  practical 
legislative  and  administrative  work  along  the  lines  of  the  Social- 
ist Party  platform. 

A  considerable  opposition  was  developed  against  this 
clause  when  the  constitution  was  put  to  a  referendum. 
Although  passed,  a  substitute  of  entirely  contrary  import 
was  also  passed,  but  this  latter  action  was  declared  void 
by  the  party  authorities. 

The  following  declarations  on  the  subject  of  sabotage 
and  direct  action,  by  William  D.  Haywood,  in  a  speech  at 
Cooper  Union,  New  York,  provoked  wide  criticism,  and  led 
to  his  recall  (by  referendum)  from  the  National  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Socialist  Party.* 

7  believe  in  direct  action.  If  I  wanted  something  done  and 
could  do  it  myself  I  wouldn't  delegate  that  job  to  anybody.  (Ap- 
plause.) That's  the  reason  I  believe  in  direct  action.  You  are 
certain  of  it,  and  it  isn't  nearly  so  expensive.  .   .   . 

*  International  Socialist  Review,  February,  1913. 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS        383 

So  you  understand  that  we  know  the  class  struggle  in  the 
west.  And  realizmg,  having  contended  with  all  the  bitter  thmg-s 
that  we  have  been  called  upon  to  drink  to  the  dregs,  do  you 
blame  me  when  I  say  that  I  despise  the  law  (tremendous  ap- 
plause and  shouts  of  "  No!  ")  and  I  am  not  a  law-abiding  citizen? 
(Applause.)  And  more  than  that,  no  Socialist  can  be  a  law- 
abiding  citizen.  (Applause.)  When  we  come  together  and  are 
of  a  common  mind,  and  the  purpose  of  our  minds  is  to  over- 
throw the  capitalist  system,  we  become  conspirators  then  against 
the  United  States  Government.  And  certainly  it  is  our  purpose 
to  abolish  this  government  (applause)  and  establish  in  its  place 
an  industrial  democracy.  (Applause.)  Now  we  haven't  any  hesi- 
tation in  saying  that  that  is  our  aim  and  purpose.  Am  I  cor- 
rect? (Tremendous  applause.)  Am  I  absolutely  correct  when 
I  state  this  as  being  the  position  of  the  Socialist  Party  not  only 
of  New  York,  but  of  the  United  States  and  of  every  nation  of 
the  world?  .   .    . 

I  am  not  going  to  take  time  to-night  to  describe  to  you  the 
conditions  in  France,  though  I  would  like  to  do  so,  because  I 
again  want  to  justify  direct  action  and  sabotage.  You  have 
plenty  of  it  over  there.  (Applause.)  I  don't  know  of  anything 
that  can  be  applied  that  will  bring  as  much  satisfaction  to  you, 
as  much  anguish  to  the  boss  as  a  little  sabotage  in  the  right 
place  at  the  proper  time.  Find  out  what  it  means.  It  won't  hurt 
you,  and  it  will  cripple  the  boss. 

Eugene  V.  Debs,  although  a  firm  advocate  of  industrial 
unionism  and  a  former  member  of  the  I.  W.  W.,  represents 
the  majority  of  the  party  in  his  opposition  to  sabotage 
and  violence.  We  give  portions  of  his  article  entitled 
"Sound  Socialist  Tactics,"  in  the  International  Socialist 
Review  for  February,  1910,  and  also  of  a  letter  written  by 
Debs  to  William  English  Walling,  on  the  occasion  of  Hay- 
wood's recall  from  the  National  Executive  Committee,  re- 
ferred to  above.    In  the  Review  he  wrote : 

There  has  recently  been  some  rather  spirited  discussion  about 
a  paragraph  which  appears  in  the  pamphlet  on  "  Industrial  So- 


384       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

cialism,"  by  TVilliam  D.  Haywood  and  Frank  Bohn.  The  para- 
graph follows : 

"  When  the  worker,  either  through  experience  or  study  of 
Socialism,  comes  to  know  this  truth,  he  acts  accordingly.  He 
retains  absolutely  no  respect  for  the  property  '  rights '  of  the 
profit-takers.  He  will  use  any  weapon  which  tuill  win  his  fight. 
He  knows  that  the  present  laws  of  property  ai'e  made  by  and 
for  the  capitalists.  Therefore  he  does  not  hesitate  to  break 
them." 

The  sentences  which  I  have  italicized  provoked  the  controversy. 

"\Ye  have  here  a  matter  of  tactics  upon  which  a  number  of 
comrades  of  ability  and  prominence  have  sharply  disagreed.  For 
my  own  part  I  believe  the  paragraph  to  be  entirely  sound. 

Certainly  all  Socialists,  knowing  how  and  to  what  end  capitalist 
property  "  rights  "  are  established,  must  hold  such  "  rights "  in 
contempt.  In  the  Manifesto,  Marx  says:  "The  communist  (So- 
cialist) revolution  is  the  most  radical  rupture  with  traditional 
property  relations;  no  wonder  that  its  development  involves  the 
most  radical  ruptm-e  with  traditional  ideas." 

As  a  revolutionist  I  can  have  no  respect  for  capitalist  property 
laws,  nor  the  least  scruple  about  violating  them.  I  hold  all  such 
laws  to  have  been  enacted  through  chicanery,  fraud,  and  cor- 
ruption, with  the  sole  end  in  view  of  dispossessing,  robbing,  and 
enslaving  the  working-class.  But  this  does  not  imply  that  I 
propose  making  an  individual  lawbreaker  of  myself  and  butting 
my  head  against  the  stone  wall  of  existing  property  laws.  That 
might  be  called  force,  but  it  would  not  be  that.  It  would  be 
mere  weakness  and  folly. 

If  I  had  the  force  to  overthrow  these  despotic  laics  I  would 
use  it  without  an  instant's  hesitation  or  delay,  but  I  haven't  got 
it,  and  so  I  am  law-abiding  under  protest — not  from  scruple — 
and  bide  my  time. 

Here  let  me  say  that  for  the  same  reason  I  am^  opposed  to 
sabotage  and  to  "  direct  action."  I  have  not  a  bit  of  use  for 
the  "  propaganda  of  the  deed."  These  are  the  tactics  of  anarchist 
individualists  and  not  of  Socialist  coUectivists.  They  were  devel- 
oped by  and  belong  exclusively  to  our  anarchist  friends  and 
accord  perfectly  with  their  philosophy.  These  and  similar  meas- 
ures are  reactionary,  not  revolutionary,  and  they  invariably  have 
a  demoralizing  effect  upon  the  following  of  those  who  practice 
them.     If  I  believed  in  the  doctrine  of  violence  and  destniction 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS        385 

as  party  policy;  if  I  regarded  the  class  struggle  as  guerrilla  war- 
fare, I  would  join  the  anarchists  and  practice  as  well  as  preach 
such  tactics. 

It  is  not  because  these  tactics  involve  the  use  of  force  that 
I  am  opposed  to  them,  but  because  they  do  not.  The  physical 
forcist  is  the  victim  of  his  own  boomerang.  The  blow  he  strikes 
reacts  upon  himself  and  his  followers.  The  force  that  implies 
power  is  utterly  lacking,  and  it  can  never  be  developed  by  such 
tactics. 

The  foolish  and  misguided,  zealots  and  fanatics,  are  quick 
to  applaud  and  eager  to  employ  such  tactics,  and  the  result  is 
usually  hurtful  to  themselves  and  to  the  cause  they  seek  to 
advance. 

There  have  been  times  in  the  past,  and  there  are  countries 
to-day  where  the  frenzied  deed  of  a  glorious  fanatic  like  old  John 
Brown  seems  to  have  been  inspired  by  Jehovah  himself,  but  I 
am  now  dealing  with  the  twentieth  century  and  with  the  United 
States. 

There  may  be,  too,  acute  situations  arise  and  grave  emergencies 
occur,  with  perhaps  life  at  stake,  when  recourse  to  violence 
might  be  justified,  but  a  gTcat  body  of  organized  workers,  such 
as  the  Socialist  movement,  cannot  predicate  its  tactical  pro- 
cedure upon  such  exceptional  instances. 

But  my  chief  objection  to  all  these  measures  is  that  they  do 
violence  to  the  class  psychology  of  the  workers  and  cannot  be 
successfully  inculcated  as  mass  doctrine.  The  very  nature  of 
these  tactics  adapts  them  to  guerrilla  warfare,  to  the  bomb  planter, 
the  midnight  assassin ;  and  such  warfare,  in  this  country  at  least, 
plays  directly  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Such  tactics  appeal  to  stealth  and  suspicion,  and  cannot  make 
for  solidarity.  The  very  teaching  of  sneaking  and  surreptitious 
practices  has  a  demoralizing  effect  and  a  tendency  to  place  those 
who  engage  in  them  in  the  category  of  "  Black  Hand "  agents, 
dynamiters,  safe-blowers,  hold-up  men,  burglars,  thieves,  and 
pickpockets. 

if  sabotage  and  direct  action,  as  I  interpret  them,  were  incor- 
porated in  the  tactics  of  the  Socialist  Party,  it  would  at  once 
be  the  signal  for  all  the  agents  provocateurs  and  police  spies  in 
the  country  to  join  the  party  and  get  busy.  Every  solitary  one 
of  them  would  be  a  rabid  "  direct  actionist,"  and  every  one  would 
safely  make  his  "  get-away  "  and  secure  his  reward,  a  la  McPart- 


386       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

land,  when  anything  was  "  pulled  off "  by  their  dupes,  leaving 
them  with  their  necks  in  the  nooses. 

With  the  sanctioning  of  sabotage  and  similar  practices  the 
Socialist  Party  would  stand  responsible  for  the  deed  of  every 
spy  or  madman,  the  seeds  of  strife  would  be  subtly  sown  in  the 
ranks,  mutual  suspicion  would  be  aroused,  and  the  party  would 
soon  be  torn  into  warring  factions  to  the  despair  of  the  betrayed 
workers  and  the  delight  of  their  triumphant  masters. 

If  sabotage  or  any  other  artifice  of  direct  action  could  be 
successfully  employed,  it  would  be  wholly  unnecessary,  as  better 
results  could  be  accomplished  Avithout  it.  To  the  extent  that  the 
working-class  has  power  based  upon  class-consciousness,  force 
is  unnecessary ;  to  the  extent  that  power  is  lacking,  force  can 
only  result  in  harm. 

I  am  opposed  to  any  tactics  which  involve  stealth,  secrecy, 
intrigue,  and  necessitate  acts  of  individual  violence  for  their 
execution. 

The  work  of  the  Socialist  movement  must  all  be  done  out  in 
the  broad  open  light  of  day.  Nothing  can  be  done  by  stealth  that 
can  be  of  any  advantage  to  it  in  this  country.  .    ,    . 

Its  tactics  alone  have  prevented  the  growth  of  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World.  Its  principles  of  industrial  unionism  are 
sound,  but  its  tactics  are  not.  Sabotage  repels  the  American 
worker.  He  is  ready  for  the  industrial  union,  but  he  is  opposed 
to  the  "  propaganda  of  the  deed,"  and  as  long  as  the  I.  W.  W. 
adheres  to  its  present  tactics  and  ignores  political  action,  or 
treats  it  with  contempt  by  advising  the  workers  to  "  strike  at  the 
ballot-box  with  an  ax,"  they  will  regard  it  as  an  anarchist  organ- 
ization, and  it  will  never  be  more  than  a  small  fraction  of  the 
labor  movement. 

The  sound  education  of  the  workers  and  their  thorough  organ- 
ization, both  economic  and  political,  on  the  basis  of  the  class 
struggle,  must  precede  their  emancipation.  Without  such  educa- 
tion and  organization  they  can  make  no  substantial  progress,  and 
they  will  be  robbed  of  the  fruits  of  any  temporary  victory  they 
may  achieve,  as  they  have  been  through  all  the  centuries  of  the 
past. 

For  one,  I  hope  to  see  the  Socialist  Party  place  itself  squarely 
on  record  at  the  coming  national  convention  against  sabotage 
and  every  other  form  of  violence  and  destructiveness  suggested 
by  what  is  known  as  "direct  action." 


SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  LABOR  UNIONS        387 

It  occurs  to  me  that  the  Socialist  Party  ought  to  have  a  stand- 
ing committee  on  tactics.  The  art  or  science  of  proletarian  party 
tactics  might  well  enlist  the  serious  consideration  of  our  clearest 
thinkers  and  most  practical  propagandists. 

To  return  for  a  moment  to  the  paragraph  above  quoted  from 
the  pamphlet  of  Haywood  and  Bohn.  I  agree  with  them  that 
in  their  fight  against  capitalism  the  workers  have  a  right  to 
use  any  weapon  that  will  help  them  to  win.  It  should  not  be 
necessary  to  say  that  this  does  not  mean  the  blackjack,  the  dirk, 
the  lead-pipe,  or  the  sawed-off  shotgun.  The  use  of  these  weapons 
does  not  help  the  workers  to  win,  but  to  lose,  and  it  would  be 
ridiculous  to  assume  that  they  were  in  the  minds  of  the  authors 
when  they  penned  that  paragraph. 

The  sentence  as  it  reads  is  sound.  It  speaks  for  itself  and 
requires  no  apology.  The  workers  will  use  any  weapon  which 
will  help  them  win  their  fight. 

The  most  powerful  and  the  all-suflficient  weapons  are  the  mdus- 
trial  union  and  the  Socialist  Party,  and  they  are  not  going  to 
commit  suicide  by  discarding  these  and  resorting  to  the  slung- 
shot,  the  dagger,  and  the  dynamite  bomb.     (Our  italics.) 

Letter  to  William  English  Walling,  March  5,  1913: 

I  regretted  to  see  Haywood's  recall,  but  it  was  inevitable.  He 
brought  it  on  himself.  I  should  not  have  put  Section  6  in  the 
constitution,  but  it  is  there,  and  put  there  by  the  party,  and  Hay- 
wood deliberately  violated  it.     Is  this  not  the  fact? 

The  question  of  what  sabotage  means  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  matter.  Its  advocates  have  shown  that  it  means  anything, 
everything,  or  nothing  at  all.  If  I  had  been  in  HajT\'ood's  place, 
and  had  felt  bound  to  advocate  sabotage  as  he  did,  I  would  have 
withdrawn  from  the  party  to  do  it.  If  I  had  deliberately  violated 
the  constitution  I  would  have  expected  to  be  called  to  account 
for  it.    Else  why  a  constitution  at  all? 

I  am  not  now  judging  Haywood,  I  am  answering  your  question. 
I  am  free  to  confess,  however,  judging  from  some  of  the  reports 
I  have  seen,  that  Haywood  has  been  talking  a  good  deal  more 
like  an  anarchist  than  a  Socialist. 

The  I.  W.  W.  for  which  Hajnvood  stands  and  speaks  is  an 
anarchist  organization  in  all  except  in  name,  and  this  is  the 
cause  of  all  the  trouble.     Anarchism  and  Socialism  have  never 


388       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

mixed  and  never  will.  The  I.  W.  W.  has  treated  the  Socialist 
Party  most  indecently,  to  put  it  very  mildly.  When  it  gets  into 
trouble  it  frantically  appeals  to  the  Socialist  Party  for  aid,  which 
has  always  been  freely  rendered,  and  after  it  is  all  over  the 
L  W.  W.  kicks  the  Socialist  Party  in  the  face.  That  is  the 
case  put  in  plain  words,  and  the  Socialist  Party  has  had  enough 
of  that  sort  of  business,  and  I  don't  blame  them  a  bit.  There  are 
I.  W.  W.  anarchists  who  are  in  the  Socialist  Party  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  disrupt  it,  and  the  Socialist  Party  is  right  in 
taking  a  decided  stand  against  them.  .  .   ,  (Our  italics.) 

(Signed)         E.  V.  Debs. 
March  5,  1913. 

Debs,  however,  stated  his  opposition  to  Article  II,  Sec- 
tion 6,  in  "A  Plea  for  Solidarity,"  published  in  the  Inter- 
national Socialist  Review  for  March,  1914. 

I  want  to  say  that,  in  my  opinion,  section  six  of  article  two 
ought  to  be  stricken  from  the  Socialist  Party's  constitution.  I 
have  not  changed  my  opinion  in  regard  to  sabotage,  but  I  am 
opposed  to  restricting  free  speech  under  any  pretense  whatso- 
ever, and  quite  as  decidedly  opposed  to  our  party  seeking  favor 
in  bourgeois  eyes  by  protesting  that  it  does  not  countenance  vio- 
lence and  is  not  a  criminal  organization. 

I  believe  our  party  attitude  toward  sabotage  is  right,  and  this 
attitude  is  reflected  in  its  propaganda  and  need  not  be  enforced 
by  constitutional  penalties  of  expulsion.  If  there  is  anything 
in  sabotage  we  should  know  it,  and  free  discussion  will  bring  it 
out;  if  there  is  nothing  in  it  we  need  not  fear  it,  and  even  if  it 
is  lawless  and  hurtful  we  are  not  called  upon  to  penalize  it  any 
more  than  we  are  theft  or  any  other  crime. 

(See  also  "The  General  Strike,"  "Compulsory  Arbi^ 
tration,"  "Labor  Legislation.") 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  GENERAL  STRIKE 

A  FULL  selection  of  documents  illustrating  the  Socialist 
attitude  on  the  use  of  the  general  strike  as  a  means  of  pre- 
venting war  will  be  found  in  The  Socialists  and  the  War. 

The  general  strike  as  a  means  of  political  struggle  in 
extreme  cases  has  not  only  been  a  subject  of  continued 
Socialist  controversy,  it  has  been  put  into  actual  practice 
in  a  number  of  instances  in  the  past  decade.  All  the 
more  important  of  the  earlier  general  strikes  are  mentioned 
in  the  course  of  the  discussion  at  the  German  Congress  of 
1913,  which  we  summarize  at  considerable  length,  but 
several  of  these  strikes  fall  in  the  period  under  discussion 
in  the  present  volume,  1912-1915 :  the  general  strikes  in 
Belgium,  Italy,  Russia,  and  New  Zealand,  each  of  which 
we  describe  from  authoritative  sources — with  the  exception 
of  the  Russian  strike  of  1914,  to  which  we  give  a  short 
reference  only,  since  it  is  described  at  length  in  the  above- 
mentioned  volume. 

I.    THE   INTERNxVTIONAL   CONGRESS   OP   LONDON,    1896 

On  the  question  of  the  general  strike,  the  International 
Congress  at  London  (1896)  voted  a  resolution  of  which  the 
following  are  the  essential  points : 

The  Congress  is  of  the  opinion  that  strikes  and  boycotts  are 
necessary  means  for  realizing  the  ends  of  the  working-class,  but 
it  does  not  believe  in  the  present  possibility  of  an  international 
general  strike;  what  is  necessary  is  the  labor-union  organization 

389 


390       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  the  masses,  since  the  extension  of  strikes  to  entire  industries 
and  entire  counti-ies  depends  on  the  extension  of  organization. 

To  make  an  international  labor-union  action  possible,  a  central 
labor-union  committee  must  be  created  in  each  country. 

From  this  resolution  there  were  soon  to  arise  the  Inter- 
national Labor  Union  "Secretariat"  and  Congresses,  thus 
constituted  by  agreement  with  the  International  Socialist 
movement,  the  center  of  which  is  now  in  the  Labor  Union 
Secretariat  at  Berlin. 

n.    THE   INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF   AMSTERDAM,    1904 

The  following  note  by  Longuet  on  the  general  strike  dis- 
cussion at  the  International  Congress  of  Amsterdam  (1904) 
is  quoted  from  the  Encyclopedie  Socialiste: 

The  motion  presented  by  Roland  Hoist  in  the  name  of  the  com- 
mittee of  the  Congress  showed  that  the  International  had  changed 
its  attitude  in  this  question  since  the  discussion  at  London  in 
1896.  It  rejected  the  so-called  conception  of  the  general  strike, 
but  it  also  declared :  "  The  increase  of  the  power  of  the  working- 
class  organization,  the  strengthening  of  their  unity,  while  develop- 
ing their  class  organizations,  at  the  same  time  create  the  condi- 
tions necessary  for  the  success  of  the  mass  strike,  the  day  when 
the  latter  may  be  found  neeessai-y  or  useful." 

To  this  resolution,  a  German  delegate.  Dr.  Friedberg,  single- 
handed,  opposed  the  anti-parliamentarian  conception.  The  reso- 
lution of  the  committee  was  also  criticised  by  Aristide  Briand 
(prime  minister  of  France),  on  the  gi-ound  that  it  was  too  mod- 
erate. Mr.  Briand  brought  into  the  discussion  the  hypothesis  of 
the  possible  suppression  of  universal  suffrage,  and  asked,  in  the 
case  of  such  suppression,  what  weapon  the  Congress  would  offer 
to  the  parliamentarian  to  take  its  place. 

m.   THE  INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS  OF  STUTTGART,   1907 

At  Stuttgart  (1907)  Kautsky,  presenting  the  position  of 
the  majority  of  the  Congress,  made  the  following  criticism 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  391 

of  the  French  advocacy  of  the  general  strike  as  a  weapon 
of  the  labor-union  movement  (see  previous  Chapter)  : 

The  resolution  of  the  French  comrades  is  unacceptable  to  us. 
First,  because  it  presents  a  general  strike  as  a  means  of  acquir- 
ing power  in  the  labor-union  struggle,  while  the  vjrerman  com- 
rades regard  it  as  only  a  fundamental  weapon  ir  the  political 
struggle.  .  .  .  The  general  strike  must  not  be  i^  yarded  as  a 
means  of  economic  struggle. 

i 

IV.    THE   BELGIAN   GENERAL   STRIKE   OF    1913 
1.    CAUSES   LEADING   UP   TO   THE    STRIKE 

Statement  of  Emile  Vanderveld". 

c 

(from  The  Metropolitan  Magazirai.) 

"The  division  of  parties  should  correspond  with  vivid 
accuracy  to  the  division  of  classes.  On  the  one  side  .  .  . 
stands  a  Conservative  Party  with  strongly  Clerical  tend- 
encies. Over  against  it  is  arrayed  the  Socialist  or  Labor 
Party,  championing  the  whole  mass  of  the  working-people. 
Between  them  is  a  Liberal  Party,  which  is  numerically 
weak  and  would  wield  but  little  influence  if  the  system 
of  plural  voting — one  vote  for  the  poor  man,  three  for 
the  rich — did  not  artificially  swell  its  representation  in 
Parliament. 

''At  the  close  of  the  year  1911  it  looked  as  if  this  Liberal 
Party  was  going  to  have  its  day.  The  Clericals  had  then 
a  clear  majority  of  only  six  votes  in  the  Chamber  of  Repre- 
sentatives. They  had  tried  to  carry  through  an  educa- 
tional bill,  commonly  known  as  the  Convent  Law,  whose 
purpose  was  to  give  to  the  parochial  schools,  controlled  by 
the  clergj'-,  the  same  support  from  the  national  treasury 
as  is  given  to  the  public  common  schools.  Public  opinion 
was  aroused.  The  Liberals  and  the  Socialists,  declaring  a 
truce  on  all  other  questions  which  divided  them,  joined 
forces  against  the  common  enemy. 


392       SOCIAIJST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

"Together  with  opposition  to  the  Convent  Law,  they 
put  in  the  fo;,refront  of  their  campaign  platform  a  demand 
for  the  abolition  of  plural  voting  and  a  revision  of  the 
constitution  to  provide  for  universal  suffrage,  pure  and 
simple.  ^ 

' '  They  coiikpelled  the  Government  to  dissolve  Parliament. 
It  seemed  that,  after  30  years  of  power,  the  Conservative 
Party  was  about  to  fall  before  a  coalition  majority  of 
Liberals  and  ^jocialists.  .   .   . 

"But  one  imr.iortant  point  had  been  overlooked — the  con- 
servative elenumts  which  formed  the  'right  wing'  of  the 
Liberal  Party 

' '  From  th^'  moment  when  the  Brussels  financiers,  the 
great  industrial  capitalists  of  Liege  and  Charleroi,  the  rich 
merchants  of  Antwerp,  and  the  textile  manufacturers  of 
Ghent  faced  the  prospect,  if  not  actually  of  Socialists  in 
the  Ministry,  ...  at  any  rate  of  an  administration  which 
could  not  stand  without  the  votes  of  the  Socialists  in  Par- 
liament, and  which,  in  order  to  keep  their  support,  would 
have  to  carry  out  such  reforms  as  the  abolition  of  plural 
voting  and  the  establishment  of  a  progressive  income  tax — 
from  that  moment  they  deserted  their  own  party  and  voted 
in  mass  for  the  government  candidates. 

"Instead  of  destroying  the  Clerical  majority,  the  elec- 
tion of  June  2,  1912,  actually  strengthened  it.  The  new 
Chamber  of  Representatives  contained  101  Catholic  Con- 
servatives, with  a  combined  opposition  of  only  85  members 
— 44  Liberals  and  Radicals,  2  Christian  Democrats,  and  39 
Socialists. ' ' 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  393 

2.   THE   SPECIAL  CONGRESS   OF  THE   LABOR  PARTY 

(June  30,  1912) 
a.  From  the  Speech  of  Vandervelde 

We  had  gone  to  the  battle  in  a  flush  of  joyous  hope.  We 
hoped,  and  a  number  of  our  adversaries  feared,  the  annihilation 
of  the  clerical  majority.  But  we  had  not  sufficiently  taken  into 
account  fraud,  corruption,  intimidation,  exploitation  of  ignorance, 
or  fanaticism.  Above  all,  we  had  not  taken  into  account  suffi- 
ciently the  class  egoism  of  a  part  of  the  middle  class.  The 
clerical  majority  has  not  been  destroyed.  It  has,  on  the  con- 
trary, been  sensibly  reinforced.  But  ...  it  has  not  been  re- 
inforced at  our  expense.  If  the  day  of  the  2d  of  June  has  been 
less  a  clerical  victory  than  a  clerico-conservative  victory,  it  has 
not  been  a  Socialist  defeat.    We  have  gained  seats.  .  .   . 

It  is  not  Socialism,  directly,  which  has  experienced  a  defeat: 
it  is  the  Liberal  Party,  abandoned  by  a  part  of  its  followers,  at 
the  moment  when,  with  keen  foresight,  it  was  making  an  effort 
and  because  it  was  making  this  effort,  to  defend  public  education 
and  to  put  itself  in  line  with  democracy. 

The  defeat  of  the  Liberal  Party  has  been,  at  the  same  time, 
a  defeat  for  democracy,  and  a  defeat,  at  least  apparently,  for 
universal  suffrage. 

All  our  organizations,  all  our  federations  declare  themselves  in 
principle  for  a  general  strike. 

3.   PREPARATION   FOR  THE   STRIKE 

(Congress  of  March,  1913) 
a.  Report  of  Anseele 

The  committee  has  asked  me  to  propose  to  you  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  strike  for  the  14th  of  April,  according  to  the  spirit 
of  the  Congress  of  June  30  (1912).  Several  propositions  have 
been  submitted  to  the  committee: 

(1)  No  strike.  The  partisans  of  that  opinion  said:  The  strike 
is  useless  and  dangerous.  Since  the  commission  conceded  by  Mr. 
de  Broquerrille  will  inevitably  have  to  enlarge  its  scope,  let  us 
hesitate  to  turn  against  us  public  sentiment  and  thus  injure  our 
cause. 


394       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

To  these  arguments  we  answered  that,  from  the  parliamentary 
point  of  view,  we  have  obtained  nothing  more  than  at  the  time 
of  the  proclamation  of  the  principle  of  the  strike  on  the  30th 
of  June. 

If  really  there  is  progress  in  public  opinion,  it  is  the  threat 
of  the  strike,  it  is  the  action  of  the  working-class  which  has 
directed  public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  revision.  If  you  draw 
back,  public  opinion  will  also  subside  and  become  indifferent. 
The  commission,  if  we  remain  inactive,  will  follow  out  the  ideas 
of  M.  de  Brocqueville.  Some  papers  have  said :  Certainly,  the 
commission  will  enlarge  its  sphere  of  study.  But  others,  much 
more  numerous,  hold  to  the  contrary.  We  have  no  official  an- 
nouncement from  the  Government. 

We  conceive  the  movement  in  this  way:  a  strike  for  uni- 
versal suffrage.  We  certainly  know  that  it  will  not  be  able  to 
give  us  universal  suffrage  during  its  duration,  and  that  this 
movement  will  have  to  be  followed  by  energetic  and  persevering 
action,  perhaps  by  other  strikes.  No;  the  question  is  not  of  a 
strike  of  exhaustion.  It  was  conceived  before  the  30th  of  June. 
We  will  not  exhaust  all  our  union  cash  for  a  political  strike; 
this  is  what  we  have  repeated  from  the  beginning.  We  must 
keep  our  resources  for  the  struggle  against  the  bosses.  When  will 
the  strike  finish?  No  one  knows.  Facts  will  decide  it  and 
decisions  will  have  to  be  taken  according  to  circiunstances.  Fu- 
ture events  will  decide  our  future  tactics.  Will  it  be  a  revolu- 
tionary strike?  No.  It  will  be  calm  and  peaceful.  The  con- 
clusion of  the  plan  of  action  that  I  am  going  to  give  shows  it 
clearly.  We  want  the  strike  to  keep  the  character  that  the  Con- 
gress of  June  30  gave  it. 

And  if,  in  some  regions,  the  movement  assumed  another  form, 
the  great  committee  would  resign.  Is  that  clear?  The  strike 
must  end  as  we  want  it  to  begin.  If  in  the  space  of  24  hours 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  workers  quit  the  shops  and  factories, 
it  will  be  necessary  that  the  proletarian  army  return  to  work,  on 
a  signal,  with  the  same  unity,  with  the  same  impulse,  with  the 
same  spirit  of  discipline. 

Why  this  general  strike  ?  For  a  quadruple  object :  to  obtain 
universal  suffrage,  to  keep  unity  among  the  Belgian  Socialist 
j)roletariat,  to  maintain  the  confidence  of  the  working-class  in 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  395 

themselves,  to  keep  unduUed  the  weapon  of  the  general  strike  for 
future  struggles. 

You  must  be  partisans  of  the  general  strike  for  still  another 
reason.  We  are  reproached  because  our  unions  occupy  them- 
selves with  politics.  What  has  polities  brought  to  us?  On  the 
14th  of  April  there  will  be  no  more  Flemish  and  Walloon;  but 
only  one  nation;  no  more  distinction  between  trades  and  cor- 
porations; the  spirit  of  race  and  corporations  will  give  place  to 
the  spirit  of  class,  which  is  the  pledge  for  the  regeneration  of  our 
class. 

b.  Speech  of  Vandervelde  on  the  Strike 

Citizens,  Huysmans  spoke  in  the  name  of  a  minority  that 
seems  vanquished  in  advance.    I  agree  completely  with  him. 

I  could  argue  against  Destree  and  Anseele  now  only  by  fur- 
nishing arguments  to  the  enemy,  and  this  I  will  not  do.  To  try 
to  go  against  the  current  which  is  in  favor  of  the  strike  would 
be  absolutely  vain.  It  would  be  just  as  sensible  to  try  to  swim 
against  the  current  of  the  rapids  of  the  Congo  or  Niagara.  The 
fact  that  we  favored  the  tactics  of  conciliation  was  not  a  matter 
of  sentiment  but  of  reason.  But  those  tactics  could  have  suc- 
ceeded only  if  we,  the  militants,  had  been  unanimous  in  proposing 
them  to  the  proletarians.  And  still  it  would  have  been  hard 
to  make  them  triumph,  for  we  should  have  struck  against  the 
tenacious  and  violent  will-power  of  the  working-class  in  imposing 
on  themselves  weeks  of  suffering. 

What  has  made,  in  fact,  the  general  strike  inevitable  is  not 
the  will  of  Anseele  and  Destree;  but  the  bad  will,  the  attitude 
of  the  Government  and  of  those  behind  it.  The  clerical  papers 
have  had  for  you  nothing  but  sarcasms  and  mockeries;  they  have 
amused  us  by  semi-promises;  they  have  had  nothing  but  words 
of  hatred  and  pride.  It  is  said :  "  Who  sows  the  wmd,  harvests 
the  tempest."  Well,  the  tempest  is  there;  so  much  the  worse 
for  them!  And  now  I  have  only  one  more  word  to  say.  The 
six  months  I  have  just  lived  through  will  count  among  the  hardest 
and  most  painful  of  my  political  life.  I  have  done,  during  six 
months,  all  that  was  humanly  and  superhumanly  possible  to 
avoid  the  general  strike,  for  the  working-class  and  for  the 
country. 


396       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

I  ask  you  one  thing  with  Huysmans,  de  Brouckere,  Leken, 
Bertrand,  Wauters,  Denis,  and  others :  we  are  going  to  be  beaten ; 
but  we  ask  that,  after  having  beaten  us,  you  give  us  room  among 
you,  so  that  we  can  fight  together  against  the  common  enemy! 

c.  Resolution  Adopted 

Whereas,  the  extraordinary  Congi'ess  of  the  30th  of  June, 
1912,  decided  to  emj^loy  the  weapon  of  the  general  strike  in  ease 
all  other  means  to  bring  about  the  revision  of  the  constitution 
will  have  failed,  and  this  state  of  things  seems  to  have  been 
reached,  the  national  committee,  in  its  sitting  of  the  12th  of 
February,  fixed  the  14th  of  April  for  the  date  of  the  general 
strike ; 

Whereas,  upon  the  suggestion  of  the  mayors  of  the  principal 
cities  of  the  kingdom,  in  order  to  allow  a  supreme  effort  of  con- 
ciliation, the  committee  in  its  sitting  of  the  Gth  of  Max'ch,  with- 
drew the  preceding  decision; 

Whereas,  it  was  evident  from  the  declarations  of  the  leader 
of  the  Government  that,  in  spite  of  this  decision,  and  in  spite 
of  the  authorization  of  the  mayors  to  give  to  the  representatives 
of  the  Labor  Party  the  contrary  hope,  the  Government  has  refused 
to  study  the  problem  of  revision ; 

Whereas,  under  those  conditions,  we  found  ourselves  in  the 
same  situation  as  before  the  6th  of  March; 

Whereas,  it  is  necessary  to  notice  the  immense  progress  that 
the  cause  of  revision  has  lately  made  in  public  opinion  so  that 
M.  de  Brocqueville  himself  is  obliged  to  confess  that  some 
members  of  the  extreme  Conservatives  are  no  longer  hostile  to 
revision ; 

Whereas,  this  progress  is  due  to  the  indefatigable  action  of 
the  Labor  Party,  and  will  continue  only  if  that  action  continues 
itself  with  discipline  and  firmness; 

Whereas,  at  the  present  time,  no  other  mode  of  action,  except 
the  general  strike,  is  proposed,  and  that  the  decisions  of  June  30, 
1912.  and  February  12,  1913,  have  to  be  maintained ;  the  Congress 
of  the  Labor  Party 

Resolves,  that  it  Avould  have  willingly  ratified  the  decision  of 
the  national  commission  if  the  Government  had  made  the  step 
toward  compromise  which  it  had  allowed  the  mayors  to  hope 
for. 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  397 

But  with  this  refusal  to  study  the  question  of  the  electoral 
problem  in  its  entirety,  a  refusal  imposed  on  the  Government 
by  a  minority  in  revolt  against  the  national  sentiment,  it  is 
necessary  to  affirm  by  energetic  action  the  loyalty  of  the  Labor 
Party  to  universal  suffrage;  in  consequence  of  which  it  has  de- 
cided to  begin  the  general  strike  upon  the  14th  of  April. 

It  declares  solemnly  that  this  legal  manifestation,  made  in  order 
to  show  respect  to  the  will  of  the  nation,  must  remain  legal 
and  peaceful  and  disown  in  advance  any  attempt  to  give  it  any 
other  character.  It  decides  finally  that  it  will  be  the  task  of  an 
extraordinary  congress  of  the  Labor  Party  to  decide  when  the 
strike  shall  end. 

4.   CONCLUSION   OF  THE   STRIKE 

(Congress  of  April  24,  1913) 
a.  Speech  of  Vandervelde 

On  the  23d  of  March  last,  I  disagreed  with  the  working-class 
about  the  advisability  of  the  strike.  But  I  do  not  hesitate  to-day 
to  say  to  the  workers :  "  It  is  you  who  were  right  in  having 
confidence;  it  is  you  who  have  managed  so  that  the  strike  was 
peaceful,  formidable,  irresistible.  For  the  strike  has  been  irre- 
sistible. Did  you  expect  universal  suffrage  from  it  immediately, 
immediate  revision?  Anseele,  Destree,  on  the  23d  of  March, 
declared  to  the  contrary ;  the  only  thing  sought  after  was  that 
the  whole  question  of  the  electoral  problem  should  be  studied. 
This  examination  of  the  electoral  problem,  did  you  obtain  that? 
Some  people  doubt  it :  one  of  them  wrote  to  me :  "  One  doubts. 
Are  not  those  only  vague  promises?  Will  the  commission  be 
established  ?  "  It  will  be  in  a  few  days.  We  will  sit  in  it  on  the 
basis  of  the  proportional  representation  of  the  three  great  parties, 
and  there  we  will  proceed  according  to  the  mandate  prescribed  by 
the  plan  of  action  of  Masson. 

Let  us  now  summarize  the  parliamentary  point  of  view.  The 
right  and  left  of  the  Congress  pulled  the  ropes  in  two  opposite 
directions.  On  one  side  the  power  of  gold,  of  the  army,  and 
of  the  priests;  in  a  word,  the  whole  reaction,  all  the  "reasons 
of  state,"  a  government  which  will  not  yield  for  fear  of  having 
to  capitulate.  On  the  other  side,  public  opinion,  the  working- 
class  on  strike,  with  its  irresistible  power.  Both  sides  pulled 
hard,  and  it  is  ours  which  has  vanquished.    What  does  it  matter 


398       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

if  onr  adversaries  affirm  that  they  have  gained  the  victory? 
They  pretend  that  M.  de  Bi'ocqueville  had  already  proposed  what 
later  was  accepted.  But  not  in  terms  clear  enough  to  be  under- 
stood by  the  workingmen. 

What  is  true  is  that  M.  de  Brocqueville  thought  what  he  had 
not  yet  said,  what  he  would  have  liked  to  say,  but  what  he  could 
not  say  freely  and  clearly.  .  .  . 

But  the  political  results,  what  we  have  gained  in  public  opinion, 
is  much  more  important.  They  imagined,  on  the  2d  of  June,  that 
we  were  crushed.  But  the  working-class  arose  as  a  single  man 
and  used  the  virgin  weapon  of  the  general  strike.  And  even 
before  the  strike  was  called,  through  the  necessary  preparation 
for  that  strike,  we  had  already  brought  it  about  that  the  revision 
which  was  exacted  by  the  Socialists  and  admitted  by  the  Liberals, 
is  to-day  accepted  by  the  Independents,  and  by  a  notable  number 
of  the  Catholic  Party,  those  who  had  to  do  with  the  Christian- 
Democrats.  And  we  would  be  very  difficult  to  please  if  we  were 
not  satisfied  with  such  a  result. 

But  above  all  we  have  obtained  results  from  the  Socialistic 
point  of  view,  that  should  swell  our  hearts  with  pride.  Before 
the  2d  of  June  we  were  strong,  and  at  the  polls  we  saw  the  pro- 
gressive accession  of  the  proletariat  to  the  Labor  Party.  But  since 
the  2d  of  June,  since  our  unceasing  work  for  the  organization 
of  the  general  strike,  don't  you  feel,  comrades,  as  if  you  had 
grown  morally,  as  if  the  working-class  could  walk  more  erect 
than  ever?  M.  Woeste  said :  "  I  do  not  believe  in  the  general 
strike.  Either  it  will  be  peaceful  and  insignificant,  or  it  will 
be  formidable  and  not  peaceful." 

Well!  The  events  have  given  the  lie  to  these  words.  The 
strike  has  been  peaceful ;  we  have  had  less  lawsuits  in  our  indus- 
trial regions  than  generally,  and  the  gendarmes  who  had  been 
prepared  for  a  massacre  of  the  people  have  had  nothing  to  do. 
And  do  not  say  that  the  strike,  although  peaceful,  was  not 
formidable.  You  can  go  and  ask  the  shipowners  of  Antwerp 
about  that. 

5.   WAS  THE  GENERAL   STRIKE  A   SUCCESS? 

a.  The  Special  Correspondent  of  Vorwaerts  (Berlin) 

"When  on  the  first  day  of  the  strike,  at  a  given  signal, 
an  army  of  300,000  left  the  factories,  shops,  pits,  quarries, 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  399 

glass-works,  etc.,  it  was  branded  as  an  undeniable  fiasco. 
This  fiasco  grew  in  the  measure  in  which  the  strikers  in- 
creased to  400,000,  perhaps  to  450,000.  The  iron  skeletons 
of  the  cranes  in  the  port  of  Antwerp  were  inactive,  fac- 
tories had  to  be  closed  because  the  raw  material  was  used 
up.  Coal  and  iron,  the  heart  and  brain  of  industry,  re- 
mained a  dead  mass.  The  general  strike  had  crippled 
industry  from  Verviers  to  Tournai.  But  the  Clerical  press 
— especially  the  Brussels  Tiventietli  Century — wrote  every 
day  that  the  masses  of  the  workers  were  not  taken  in  by 
the  'bluff'  of  the  general  strike.  What  did  it  matter  that 
in  answer  to  the  '  bluff '  two-thirds  of  the  industrial  workers 
of  Belgium  had  responded? 

"And  further:  Was  it  really  a  'general'  strike?  Surely 
not,  said  the  clergy.  For  we  had  fresh  bread  every  morn- 
ing, trolleys  and  railroads  were  running,  warehouses  were 
open,  and  work  was  done  in  the  bureaus  of  the  Ministry. 
Right.  But  what  was  the  object  of  the  workers?  Did 
they  wish  to  spoil  the  breakfast  of  the  people,  or  prevent 
the  ladies  of  the  bourgeoisie  from  buying  gloves  and  veils, 
or  to  drive  M.  von  Brocqueville  [the  Premier]  to  despair 
by  forcing  him  to  be  idle?  The  strike  was  directed, — as 
all  the  world  knows — not  against  the  public,  not  against 
the  employers,  but  exclusively  against  the  Government.  It 
was  not  meant  to  induce  the  cobbler  of  X  Street  and  the 
baker  of  the  avenue  to  stop  work,  but  to  call  out  only 
the  workers  of  large  industries.  Did  they  strike  ?  At  the 
time  we  brought  forward  the  figures  of  the  strikers  in  the 
coal  region  and  the  metal  industry,  where  all  the  large 
and  the  largest  works — for  instance,  Coekerill — had  to  shut 
down.  And,  further:  textile-workers,  stone  masons,  glass- 
blowers — from  the  celebrated  works  of  Val  St.  Lamberg — 
joined  the  strike.  It  was  a  veritable  triumph.  At  last 
the  still  lingering  diamond-cutters  of  Antwerp   stopped 


400       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

work.  But  more  than  this :  the  strike  in  its  course  induced 
hundreds  and  thousands  of  workers  of  smaller  industries 
to  join,  and  extended  to  branches  which  even  the  optimists 
of  the  strike  movement  had  not  hoped  to  influence.  Es- 
pecially Brussels  showed  unexpected  results  in  this  direc- 
tion, and  the  strike  in  the  capital  was  a  complete  success — 
in  spite  of  all  the  silly  lies  of  the  clergy.  In  Brussels  not 
only  the  factories  of  the  suburbs  struck,  but  also  a  number 
of  smaller  shops,  the  workers  of  which,  carried  away  by 
the  force  of  the  strike,  did  not  wish  to  remain  inactive 
in  the  struggle  for  the  rights  of  all.  Furriers,  coach- 
builders,  ladies'  tailors,  bronze-workers,  printers,  mechan- 
ics, etc.,  etc.,  all  trades  were  represented,  some  were 
out  in  full.  And  the  town  workers?  Only  a  part  could 
prove  its  solidarity,  but  we  know  that  only  a  very  lit- 
tle urging  would  have  been  necessary  to  augment  the 
ranks. 

"The  official  statistics  show  the  following  figures.  Six 
hundred  eighty-two  thousand  industrial  workers  took  part 
in  the  strike.  From  this  number  we  have  to  deduct  the 
100,000  women,  who,  not  having  suffrage,  cannot  partici- 
pate in  an  agitation  for  the  abolition  of  the  plural  vote. 
The  figures  given  by  the  employers'  statistics  were 
400,000  strikers.  This  result  scarcely  indicates  a  fiasco. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  use  as  a  basis  the  figures  of  the 
Twentieth  Century,  which  gives  773,260  industrial  workers, 
we  have  to  deduct  175,753  women  workers,  of  which  number 
65,438  work  at  home,  there  remain  598,260  industrial 
workers,  of  which  number  36,000  again  work  at  home. 
This  result  again  takes  us  back  to  the  original  statistics, 
which  declare  that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  industrial 
workers  of  Belgium  participated  in  the  general  strike. 
Whether  this  fact  shows  a  success  or  fiasco,  it  will  be  easy 
for  a  non-clerical  individual  to  decide.    Let  us  add  that, 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  401 

according  to  some  employers'  statistics,  71  per  cent  of  the 
industrial  workers  took  part  in  the  strike." 


b.  The  New  Statesman  {Article  signed  C.  M.  L.) 

"What  have  been  the  effects  of  the  general  strike  for 
adult  suffrage?  Certainly  they  have  been  far  more  im- 
portant than  could  be  gathered  from  the  meager  reports 
which  have  dribbled  into  our  public  press.  The  first  ques- 
tion naturally  is,  what  was  the  political  result — how  far, 
that  is,  did  the  strike  achieve  its  avowed  object  of  forcing 
adult  suffrage?  The  world  in  general  has  been  given  to 
believe  that  it  completely  failed.  In  Belgium  the  Con- 
servatives protest  that  the  Government  did  not  give  way 
an  inch,  and  that  the  position  after  the  strike  remained 
precisely  as  it  was  before.  Now  it  is  true  that  the  Gov- 
ernment refused,  at  the  end,  as  at  the  beginning,  to  deal 
with  the  reform  of  the  parliamentary  franchise.  But  the 
two  refusals  were  very  different.  The  prime  minister 
commenced  (as  was  only  to  be  expected)  by  flatly  refusing 
to  consider  the  question  under  the  threat  of  a  strike, 
though,  of  course,  'the  franchise  laws  were  not  immuta- 
ble. '  After  the  strike  he  said :  '  We  will  make  no  promise  to 
deal  with  the  question;  but  the  commission  which  we  are 
appointing  to  consider  the  local  government  franchise  will 
not  be  debarred  from  taking  into  consideration  also  the 
parliamentary  franchise.'  We,  in  England,  at  least,  are 
not  so  unfamiliar  with  the  forms  under  which  a  statesman 
is  allowed  to  save  his  face  that  we  cannot  appreciate  the 
difference  between  these  two  utterances. 

"But  there  is  another  aspect  of  the  matter,  apart  from 
its  purely  political  side.  A  great  movement  in  a  nation's 
life  is  never  in  reality  an  isolated  event,  to  be  judged 


402       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

solely  by  its  success  or  non-success  in  attaining  its  imme- 
diate object.  Its  indirect  effects  are  often  of  equal,  or 
even  greater,  importance.  Looked  at  from  this  stand- 
point, the  Belgian  general  strike  is  worthy  of  the  closest 
study.  Let  us  see,  then,  how  it  has  affected  the  trade- 
unions  in  particular  and  the  working-class  in  general. 

"Now  trade-unionism  in  Belgium,  as  in  other  Continental 
countries,  is  not  the  more  or  less  homogeneous  thing  that 
we  know  in  England.  There  is  a  ceaseless  and  a  bitter 
opposition  between  the  Socialists  and  the  Catholics.  The 
Socialist  unions  are  militant  political  organizations;  the 
Catholics  are  purely  professional  associations,  leaving  poli- 
tics and  Parliament  severely  alone,  concerning  themselves 
only  with  the  'economic'  interests  of  the  wage-earners. 
Between  these  two  armies,  the  one  pursuing  'la  lutte  des 
classes,'  the  other  proclaiming  'V entente  des  classes,'  there 
is  war  to  the  death.  The  Christian  unions  opposed  the 
general  strike.  Before  it  began  they  boasted  that  they 
would  prevent  it — or  break  it.  When  it  was  over,  they 
claimed  that  it  had  been  a  pit  which  their  enemies  had 
digged  for  themselves,  that  great  numbers  of  Socialist 
workmen  had  deserted  in  disgust  to  the  Catholic  unions. 
But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  very  little  evidence  of 
this.  The  Socialist  unions  may  have  lost  a  few  hundreds, 
or  a  few  thousands,  of  members  here  and  there.  But  what 
they  have  lost  in  one  place  they  have  gained  in  another. 
And  where  members  have  fallen  out,  they  have  not  gone 
over  to  the  Catholics;  they  have  simply  been  the  victims, 
for  the  moment,  of  intimidation  or  revenge  on  the  part  of 
the  employers.  The  undoubted  increase  which  the  Cath- 
olics have  made  seems  rather  to  have  been  due  to  the 
general  'boom'  in  trade-unionism,  and  to  some  extent  also 
to  the  stimulus  to  organization  given  by  the  abhorred 
strike  itself! 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  403 

"As  a  whole,  then,  the  trade-union  movement  has 
gained  as  a  result  of  the  strike — slightly  in  numbers, 
enormously  in  solidarity  and  morale.  It  is,  however,  from 
the  broadest  democratic  point  of  view  that  the  results  of 
the  general  strike  have  been  most  notable.  It  was  a  pro- 
found moral  lesson  to  the  working-class.  It  not  only 
showed  them  their  powers,  it  filled  them  with  confidence 
and  pride  in  themselves,  in  their  own  capacity  and  per- 
severance. 

' '  When  the  general  strike  actually  took  place,  friends  and 
enemies  alike  were  astonished.  Out  of  a  total  working 
population  of  a  million,  despite  the  fact  that  the  Socialist 
unions  could  claim  less  than  150,000  members,  and  despite 
the  open  hostility  of  the  50,000  or  60,000  Christian  trade- 
unionists,  something  like  450,000  stopped  work.  The  strike 
was  no  less  remarkable  in  its  orderliness  than  in  its  extent. 
During  the  ten  days  that  it  lasted  there  were  actually  fewer 
'police-court  cases'  than  in  normal  periods!  Small  wonder 
that  many,  who  had  felt  doubtful  at  first,  exchanged  con- 
gratulation for  apprehension,  and  that  the  Socialist  leaders 
were  proud  of  their  mobilization  of  such  an  army,  and  of 
its  behavior  in  the  field.  And  small  wonder  that,  when 
the  strike  was  declared  off,  they  believed — as  they  con- 
tinue to  believe — that  something  very  big  had  been 
achieved.  If,  as  some  of  the  prophets  think,  another  dem- 
onstration may  be  necessary  before  the  prize  is  won,  they 
will  have  gained  no  little  experience  and  confidence  for 
its  organization. ' ' 

v.   THE   PROPOSED   GENERAL   STRIKE   FOR   EQUAL   SUFFRAGE   IN 

PRUSSIA 

The  German  Congress  of  1913  discussed  the  general 
strike  in  a  very  fundamental  way.    We  give  a  full  epitome 


404       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  this  discussion — the  most  weighty  that  has  ever  taken 
place  around  this  issue. 


1.   RESOLUTION    OF   THE    PARTY    EXECUTIVE    RELATIVE    TO    THE 
GENERAL   STRIKE 

According  to  a  resolution  passed  by  the  Party  Convention  at 
Jena  (1905)  and  indorsed  at  Mannheim  (1906),  the  widest  use 
of  the  general  strike  may,  under  given  conditions,  be  considered 
one  of  the  most  effective  weapons  of  the  working-class,  not  only 
in  the  defense  of  rights  it  already  possesses,  but  in  the  struggle 
for  new  popular  rights  and  privileges. 

The  right  of  general,  direct,  equal,  and  secret  suffrage,  the 
right  to  participate  in  the  election  of  all  representative  bodies  of 
our  government,  is  an  indispensable  asset  in  the  struggle  for  free- 
dom of  the  modern  proletariat.  The  three-class  suffrage  system 
[in  Prussia]  not  only  deprives  the  poorer  classes  of  a  funda- 
mental right,  it  hinders  them  in  their  struggle  for  a  better  exist- 
ence and  places  the  bitterest  enemies  of  organized  labor,  the 
foes  of  all  social  growth,  the  land-owning  feudal  class,  at  the 
head  of  our  government. 

Therefore  the  Party  Congress  of  Jena  (1913)  calls  on  the 
enslaved  masses  to  take  np  the  fight,  to  carry  it  through  with 
the  energy  and  enthusiasm  of  men  and  women  who  know  that 
this  struggle  cannot  be  won  without  great  sacrifices. 

While  the  Party  Congress  condemns  the  promiscuous,  anar- 
chistic use  of  the  general  strike,  as  an  unfailing  weapon  in 
working-class  struggles,  it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  of  the  opinion  that 
the  proletariat  must  use  every  means,  must  use  its  whole  strength, 
to  secure  political  freedom.  A  political  general  strike  can  be 
carried  out  with  a  fair  certainty  of  success  only  if  all  parts  of 
the  working-class  movement  are  wholly  united,  if  it  is  fought 
by  a  mass  of  workers  filled  with  the  enthusiasm  of  Socialist  ideals, 
by  an  army  of  men  and  women  ready  to  saerifiee  everything  to 
the  success  of  the  fight. 

Therefore,  the  Party  Congress  declares  that  it  be  the  duty  of 
every  comrade  to  be  tireless  in  his  work  for  the  growth  and 
perfection  of  [both]  the  political  and  industrial  organizations  of 
our  class. 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  405 

2.   FROM  THE  RESOLUTION  OF  THE  MINORITY  RELATING  TO  THE 
GENERAL   STRIKE 

Rosa  Luxemburg  and  others  moved  to  substitute  for 
paragraphs  2  and  4  in  the  above,  the  following : 

The  growing  bitterness  of  the  industrial  and  political  class 
struggle  in  Germany  calls  for  growing  strength  and  increasing 
power  of  the  proletariat  to  resist  the  secret  blows  of  the  ruling 
class,  to  carry  on  the  struggle  for  the  betterment  of  its  economic 
conditions,  to  wrest  from  the  hands  of  the  Government  greater 
political  rights.  The  political  struggle  steadily  forces  the  pro- 
letariat to  strain  every  effort,  for  it  represents  the  fight  for  gen- 
eral, equal,  and  direct  suffrage  to  all  representative  bodies  of  our 
government.  The  right  to  the  ballot  is  a  fundamental  necessity 
in  the  struggle  of  the  proletariat  for  industrial  and  social  liberty. 

The  existing  condition,  which  renders  the  laboring-class  politic- 
ally powerless,  especially  in  Prussia,  where  the  three-class  suffrage 
law  obtains,  hinders  it  in  its  struggle  for  a  better  existence  and 
places  the  bitterest  enemies  of  organized  labor,  the  foes  of  all 
social  growth,  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  not  only  in 
Prussia,  but  in  the  whole  nation. 

This  shameful  suffrage  law  can  be  overthrown  only  by  a  storm 
of  protest,  by  a  great  mass  action  such  as  was  considered  by 
the  Prussian  Party  Convention  of  1910. 


3.    SCHEIDEMANN,    SPEAKING   FOR  THE   EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE 

The  Prussian  state  elections  have  taken  place.  They  have 
resulted  in  a  great  gain  of  votes.  According  to  the  calculations 
of  our  opponents,  we  must  have  polled  at  least  a  milhon  votes, 
and  in  spite  of  this  huge  gain,  we  have  won  only  one  additional 
seat  by  our  own  strength.  Through  agreements  with  the  Pro- 
gressive People's  Party,  we  have  gained  three  additional  seats  in 
the  second  balloting.  None  of  us  expected  anything  better,  and 
still  the  result  is  shameful.  It  seems  as  if  the  Prussian  election 
laws  must  lash  every  last  man  into  a  fury  of  indignation;  that 
a  party  which  has  polled  a  million  votes  should  be  returned  to 
the  Landtag  with  just  exactly  seven  men. 


406       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

A  few  thousand  men,  farmers  and  officials,  can  be  marched  to 
the  ballot  box,  and  can  elect  a  reactionary  into  office;  it  takes 
far  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  men,  men  who  take  part  in 
the  elections  in  spite  of  the  greatest  difficulties,  men  who  risk 
their  jobs  when  they  cast  their  vote,  ...  to  return  one  Socialist 
to  the  Landtag. 

The  shame  of  it  cries  to  heaven !  And  still  the  people  do  not 
protest.  During  our  discussions  on  the  election,  while  we  were 
arguing  about  our  attitude  toward  the  military  and  the  tax  bills, 
.  .  .  when  everyone  was  talking  about  .  .  .  our  lack  of  success, 
a  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  naturally  arose  .  .  .  and  then  .  .  . 
someone  said,  "  General  strike." 

Comrades,  when  this  word  fell  among  us  a  peculiar  debate 
arose.  .  .  .  All  .  .  .  agreed  that  the  time  was  not  ripe  for  the 
attempt.  Comrades,  the  executive  committee  knew  it  before  this 
discussion  was  taken  up,  and  because  we  knew  it  we  did  not 
say  it,  because  we  believed  that  even  if  we  knew  it,  our  enemies 
need  not  know  what  we  cannot  do.  We  felt  it  rather  unwise  to 
tell  our  opponents :  "  I  have  another  weapon,  and  if  I  use  it  you 
will  be  done  for!  But  you  needn't  be  afraid.  At  present  I 
cannot  use  it."  We  have  heard  the  argument  that  the  whole 
discussion  has  grown  out  of  the  feeling  of  the  masses.  I  deny 
that!  The  speeches  we  hear  and  the  articles  we  read  did  not 
in  the  most  cases  reflect  the  spirit  of  the  masses.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  do  not  go  to  the  extreme  to  which  some  of  you  go  when 
you  declare  that  the  whole  general  strike  agitation  is  the  product 
of  a  few  intellectuals.  .  .  .  But  he  who  knows  the  masses — and 
most  of  us  live  among  them — he  knows  that  the  class-conscious 
worker  is  too  familiar  with  the  labor  market,  knows  too  well 
of  what  clay  the  so-called  organized  laborers,  the  yellows  and 
the  Christians  and  the  unorganized,  are  fashioned.  And  there- 
fore they  say,  though  they  say  it  with  clenched  fists :  "  The  time 
has  not  yet  come." 

Comrades!  I  will  tell  you  plainly  how  we  of  the  executive 
committee  regard  this  question.  We  are  in  accord  with  the  reso- 
lutions adopted  at  Jena  and  at  Mannheim.  Among  other  things, 
we  resolved  there :  "  When  the  executive  committee  believes  that 
the  time  for  a  general  strike  has  come,  it  shall  immediately  call 
upon  the  General  Commission  of  Labor  Unions,  and  shall  take 
all  steps  which  seem  necessary  to  carry  out  the  strike  success- 
fully."   You  may  be  sure  that  the  executive  committee  is  deter- 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  407 

mined  to  respect  the  motions  of  jDast  conventions,  and  that  it  will 
act  accordingly. 

During  the  debate  on  the  general  strike  we  heard  repeated 
reference  to  Russia,  to  Belgium,  to  Sweden.  These  comparisons 
are  lame.  We  are  well  informed  concerning  the  strikes  in  Sweden 
and  Belgium.  We  know  and  appreciate  the  wonderful  prepara- 
tory work  which  was  done,  especially  by  our  Belgian  comrades. 
.  .  .  But,  comrades,  we  forget  .  .  .  one  important  circumstance. 
.  .  .  Our  Belgian  and  Swedish  comrades  knew  that  .  .  .  they 
could  go  into  the  fight  with  the  certainty  that  over  there,  across 
the  border,  they  have  a  big  brother,  who  will  gladly  help  if  matters 
come  to  a  crisis.  Comrades,  we  have  no  big  brother  over  the 
border.  .  .  .  These  comparisons  cannot  stand.  Then  a  word  as 
to  Russia.  I  will  not  deny  that  we  have  in  Germany,  and  espe- 
cially in  Prussia,  conditions  which  forcibly  remind  one  of  Rus- 
sian methods,  but  .  .  .  after  all,  let  us  compare  the  lot  of  the 
Russian  workingman  with  that  of  the  German.  What  rights  has 
the  former?  He  has  the  right  to  the  knout,  the  right  to  Siberia. 
He  is  moved,  therefore,  by  very  different  motives  in  his  protest 
against  tyranny.   .    .    . 

What  is  to  be  the  aim  and  end  of  this  strike  [that  is  now  pro- 
posed] ?  The  winning  of  manhood  suffrage  in  Prussia.  What 
do  you  mean  by  that?  We  want  the  right  to  send  representa- 
tives to  Parliament  that  they  may  work  there  in  our  interests. 
And  in  order  to  arouse  the  enthusiasm  of  the  masses  for  the 
general  strike  we  proceed  to  ridicule  parliamentary  activity.  We 
cry,  "  Parliamentarism  is  Cretinism."  You  ask,  can  we  gain  any- 
thing for  the  proletariat  by  parliamentary  activity!  But  you 
ask  the  working-class  to  enter  into  a  mass  strike  to  gain  the  right 
to  elect  representatives  to  a  parliament  in  which  they  can  accom- 
plish nothing,  a  parliament  whose  work  you  describe  as  Cretinism ! 
I  cannot  understand  such  logic.  .   .  . 

We  will  have  the  general  strike  when  it  becomes  inevita- 
ble, but  until  then,  let  us  remember  Bebel's  words :  "  The  general 
strike  is  the  '  ultima  ratio '  of  the  Social  Democracy."  Let  us 
bide  our  time. 

.  .  .  The  problem  before  us  must  be  definitely  separated  from 
the  question  of  a  spontaneous  general  strike,  one  that  grows,  with 
elemental  force,  out  of  the  industrial  life  of  a  people  that,  widen- 
ing and  spreading,  leads  to  sharp  conflicts  and  finally  to  a  general 


408       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

settlement.  We  must  not  forget  that,  notwithstanding  our  great 
strength,  we  are  after  all  a  minority  of  the  working-class,  though 
a  large  one.  Our  party  is  democratic  in  its  principles.  No  one 
would  contend  that  the  majority  should  determine  the  views  of 
the  minority.  It  would  be  just  as  undemocratic  to  force  the  ma- 
jority, through  a  mass  strike  of  the  minority,  to  make  Socialist 
politics.  There  is  only  one  way  to  prepare  for  the  final  struggle 
— education,  organization.  To  my  mind  a  special  propaganda  for 
the  general  strike  is  wrong.  Teach  the  masses  the  meaning  of 
our  movement,  make  them  class-conscious;  that  is  the  work  we 
must  do.    Everything  else  will  take  care  of  itself.  .   .   . 

As  the  situation  grows  more  and  more  critical,  the  need  of 
perfect  discipline  grows  daily  gi'eater.  On  several  occasions  we 
have  passed  through  dangerous  periods,  times  when  it  seemed 
as  if  the  brutal  tyranny  of  the  rulers  of  our  country,  and  espe- 
cially of  our  Prussian  powers,  could  no  longer  be  borne.  We 
were  strong  enough  to  pass  through  these  crises  without  blood- 
shed, but  it  was  thanks  to  the  Social  Democratic  movement,  to 
the  self-sacrificing  discipline  of  its  members.  I  wish  to  remind 
you  of  this,  those  of  you  who  believe  that  "a  general  strike  is  not 
possible  without  bloodshed.  Our  comrades  in  Belgium  have 
proved  that  great  strikes  can  be  managed  without  riots,  without 
loss  of  life.  There  was  no  confusion,  no  lawlessness.  The  most 
admii-able  feature  of  the  strike  was  its  wonderful  order,  its  rigid 
discipline.  He  is  pursuing  a  dangerous  course  who  tries  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  a  general  strike  by  breaking  up  the  discipline 
of  labor  organizations,  by  robbing  the  masses  of  their  confidence 
in  their  leaders,  by  glorifying  the  unorganized  as  the  saviours 
of  their  class.  Where  we  have  discipline  and  order,  where  all 
hearts  work  in  harmony,  where  leaders  and  their  followers  are 
bound  to  each  other  by  mutual,  unswerving  confidence,  there,  and 
only  there,  can  we  fight  and  win  the  final  battle. 

4.   BERNSTEIN,   FOR  THE  MAJORITY 

I  was  one  of  the  first  members  of  the  German  Socialist  Party 
to  declare  that  it  may  become  advisable,  perhaps  inevitable,  that 
we  adopt  the  general  strike.  I  still  hold  this  opinion,  and  I  will 
vote  in  favor  of  the  resolution  presented  by  the  executive  board. 
Further,  in  view  of  present  conditions  in  Germany,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  go.     The  industrial  outlook  warns  us  against  adopK 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  409 

ing  the  romantic  ideals  of  those  who  believe  in  the  present  possi- 
bility of  a  general  strike.  .    .    . 

How  do  you  propose  to  carry  out  your  general  strike  in  Ger- 
many? "Will  you  go  into  it  blindfolded,  without  considering  the 
possible  results?  We,  too,  know  how  to  begin!  But  I  should 
like  to  know  how  it  will  end!  Perhaps  Comrade  Rosa  Luxem- 
burg can  offer  suggestions.  In  Belgium,  370,000  to  450,000  work- 
ers took  part  in  the  well-prepared  strike.  If  we  wish  to  do  as 
well,  relatively,  we  must  be  able  to  draw  out  at  least  two  and  a 
half  to  three  million  workers.  Will  you  tell  me  (to  Rosa  Luxem- 
burg) whether  you  think  this  is  possible?  Can  you  arrange  such 
a  strike  without  violent  uprisings;  can  you  keep  it  up  without 
a  great  slump  after  the  first  enthusiastic  days  are  over?  For 
in  such  a  strike  the  first  loss  in  numbers  spells  failure.  Let  us 
be  guided  by  i^ast  experience.  Different  countries  vary  widely 
in  their  attitude  toward  the  general  strike,  according  to  tradi- 
tions and  the  strength  of  the  party  organization.  Liebknecht, 
in  an  article  in  the  Neue  Welt,  of  Berlin,  mentions  Sweden, 
saying  that  we  might  have  learned  there  how  to  carry  on  a 
strike.  (Denial  from  Liebknecht.)  It  was  so  reported  in  the 
Vorwaerts.  The  Swedish  strike  of  1909.  though  not  political  in 
character,  was  a  mass  strike  of  the  Swedish  workers.  What  was 
the  result?  I  will  not  speak  of  the  illusions  that  were  cherished. 
...  In  1907  and  1908  the  Swedish  Labor  Union  Federation 
numbered  about  180,000  members.  .  .  .  Then  came  the  great 
strike  in  1909,  and  to-day  the  Swedish  Labor  Federation  has 
dwindled  so  that  it  counts  80,000  to  90,000  members.  ...  The 
experience  of  others  should  teach  us  caution.  .  .  .  We  must 
consider  the  conditions  peculiar  to  our  own  country.  We  must 
reckon  with  the  strong  organization  of  the  manufacturing  class, 
with  the  opposition  of  other  organizations  which  stand  against 
the  unions  that  are  with  us  in  the  struggle.  And  then,  I  repeat, 
when  will  you  stop  your  general  strike?  When  universal  suf- 
frage has  been  gi-anted?  You  might  just  as  well  say  that  you 
will  stop  when  the  red  flag  flies  over  Berlin.  .   .   . 

5.   ROSA   LUXEMBURG,   FOR  THE   MINORITY 

When  I  heard  the  speech  of  Comrade  Scheidemann  yesterday, 
a  feeling  of  sadness  crept  over  me,  as  I  recalled  last  Sunday's 
opening  of  our  Convention,  and  the  greetings  that  were  brought 


410       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

to  us  by  our  foreign  guests,  from  Holland,  from  Belgium,  and 
from  Switzerland.  One  after  the  other  they  repeated,  "  To  us 
nothing  is  so  important  in  your  Convention  as  the  debate  on  the 
general  strike;  for  us  in  Holland,  in  Belgium,  in  Switzerland 
the  question  has  become  a  burning  one.  But  we  feel,  though  in 
our  countries  the  general  strike  is  no  longer  theoretical,  but  a 
practical  question  in  party  tactics,  that  we  must  go  to  the  German 
Social  Democracy,  to  the  leaders  of  the  International  movement, 
for  a  deep,  thoroughgoing,  serious  discussion  of  the  underlying 
pi-inciples  of  this  pi-oblem."  Then  came  Scheidemann's  speech 
on  the  mass  strike.  I  fear  our  foreign  guests  will  hardly  feel 
repaid  if  they  expected  from  our  party  leaders  an  unbiased  and 
broad-minded  treatment  of  this  very  important  subject.  If  they 
hoped  to  get  from  our  executive  committee  a  wide  outlook  over 
the  political  and  mdustrial  situation  in  Germany,  and  within 
the  German  Party,  in  connection  with  this  subject;  if  they  ex- 
pected to  hear  definite  proposals  for  future  activity,  or  a  clear-cut 
statement  of  party  tactics  and  party  work,  I  fear  they  have 
not  been  repaid.  For  Scheidemann's  speech  was  anything  but 
a  logical  and  serious  consideration  of  the  problem.  It  sounded 
but  two  notes.  He  cried  with  Faust's  Famulus  Wagner,  "  See 
how  wonderfully  we  have  progressed  on  every  hand."  He  calls 
to  arms  against  the  grumblers,  against  the  dissatisfied  critics  in 
the  party  itself.  ...  I  believe  that  the  first  requisite  for  a  real 
political  leader  .  .  .  is  a  sensitive  ear  for  all  that  lives  and 
moves  in  the  soul  of  the  masses.  .    .    . 

The  great  mass  of  our  organized  members,  the  rank  and  file, 
is  thirsting  for  a  new  spirit  in  our  party  life,  .  .  .  that  a  more 
vigorous,  a  more  virile  tone  be  used  in  our  struggle,  [and]  are 
sick  of  the  all-holy  methods  of  only-parliamentarism.  .  .  .  The 
executive  board  itself  was  forced  to  admit  in  its  official  report 
and  in  Scheidemann's  speech  a  number  of  disquieting  facts.  TVe 
hear  that  our  membership  does  not  show  the  desired  increase, 
that  our  newspapers  report,  in  some  cases,  a  standstill;  in  some 
eases,  even  a  loss  in  the  number  of  readers.  Scheidemann  tells 
us  that  every  sensible  man  would  expect  the  masses  to  rise  in 
revolt  against  conditions  in  Pi'ussia,  against  the  Prussian  suffrage 
law.  against  the  shameful  result  of  the  last  Prussian  election,  .  .  . 

He  was  forced  to  admit  that  our  agitation  against  the  military 
bill  was  a  deplorable  failure.  These  are  facts,  facts  that  would 
speak  to  every  serious  party  leader  of  the  need  of  a  thorough 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  4U 

analysis  of  conditions,  facts  that  call  for  decisive  measures,  which 
demand  that  we  search  for  the  roots  of  the  existing  evil  and 
remedy  it  by  adequate  and  fundamental  changes.  And  yet  the 
executive  passes  lightly  over  them.  Standstill  in  organization? 
Loss  of  readers?  Why,  it's  the  crisis!  Shall  we  look  placidly 
on  while  each  industrial  crisis  overthrows  what  we  have  pains- 
takingly built  up  in  the  years  of  prosperity? 

The  Prussian  people  did  not  revolt  after  the  shameful  result 
of  the  elections,  as  it  seemed  to  Scheidemann  they  should.  But 
our  executive  has  nothing  to  say.  ...  It  might  be  a  little  more 
to  the  point  to  ask  if  our  tactics  were  not  to  blame,  ...  to  ask 
what  can  be  done  to  avoid  such  occurrences"? 

Then  comes  the  unbelievable  failure  of  our  great  movement 
against  the  military  bill,  this  most  outrageous  piece  of  imperial- 
istic audacity  we  have  ever  experienced.  Again,  our  board  finds 
a  plausible  explanation.  .  .  .  Our  executive  board  should  have 
been  the  first  to  sound  the  alarm,  to  place  the  question  before 
the  whole  party.  If  we  have  accomplished  so  little,  must  we  not 
seek  new  ways  and  means  to  imbue  the  masses  with  the  thought 
and  ideals  of  the  Socialist  movement?  Instead,  we  are  pacified 
with  weak  explanations  and  comforting  assurances. 

6.   BAUER,   FOR  THE   MAJORITY 

The  labor  unions  have  been  criticised  because  they  have  not 
yet  spoken  on  the  question  of  the  general  strike.  It  has  been 
called  characteristic  of  their  whole  attitude.  But  the  whole 
question  is  not  a  labor-union  question.  I  am  not  speaking  here 
as  a  union  man,  but  as  a  comrade.  The  labor-union  movement 
has  no  reason  for  taking  part  in  this  discussion.  Because  a  few 
comrades  who  are  always  dissatisfied  with  the  growth  of  the 
party  and  the  activity  of  its  leading  committees  are  pleased  to 
discover  a  new  method  by  which  they  hope  to  influence  our 
tactics  along  really  revolutionary  Imes,  we  are  all  expected  to 
rush  pell-mell  after  them  to  take  part  in  the  discussion.  .  .  . 
To  carry  on  such  debates  constantly  brings  not  a  growth  but  a 
demoralization  of  the  movement,  and  the  union  leaders  have  not 
the  slightest  interest  in  the  pursuance  of  such  activities.  I  believe 
that  the  unions  stand  aloof  with  a  feeling  of  strength.  Because 
they  know  their  might,  because  the  leaders  know  their  responsi- 
bility, they  do  not  join  in  this  game  of  generalities  that  can 


412       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

produce  no  practical  results.  Comrade  Luxemburg  admits  that, 
at  the  pi'esent  time,  the  general  strike  is  unfeasible.  .    .    . 

To  investigate  fairly  the  possibilities  of  a  mass  sti'ike  and  its 
defects,  we  must  look  to  those  countries  where  it  has  already 
received  a  practical  application.  We  must  profit  by  their  experi- 
ences. The  first  general  strike  of  importance  took  place  in 
Holland.  A  number  of  experienced  men  have  debated  its  effects 
in  the  columns  of  the  Frankfurter  Volkstimme.  Ankersmith,  of 
Amsterdam,  expressly  states  that  the  strike  was  followed  by 
increased  persecution  of  the  proletariat.  The  strike  was  called 
as  a  protest  against  the  attempted  encroachments  upon  the  rights 
of  the  railroad  and  state  employees  to  organize.  The  strike  was 
a  failure,  and  as  a  result  the  new  labor  laws  of  1906  contained 
a  number  of  reactionai'y  clauses  directed  against  workmen,  among 
others  one  which  prohibited  picketing. 

We  had  a  great  general  strike  movement  in  Sweden.  Swedish 
labor  unions,  which  were  forced  into  the  struggle  by  the  united 
manufacturers,  at  that  time  were  a  splendidly  organized  body. 
It  was  a  heroic  struggle,  but  possible  only  because,  hand  in  hand 
with  the  workers  of  that  small  country,  went  the  solidarity  of 
the  workers  of  other  nations,  above  all,  that  of  the  German 
Social  Democracy.  Without  the  millions  collected  from  foreign 
sources  t4ie  strike  would  have  collapsed  long  before,  would  have 
become  a  catastrophe  for  the  Swedish  woi'kers.  What  would 
Germany  do  in  a  similar  situation?  To  whom  should  we  look 
for  support?  Germany  leads  all  other  countries  of  the  workers' 
International  in  practical  solidarity.  Except  from  Austria  and 
Scandinavia,  we  could  expect  little  support  beyond,  perhaps,  the 
famous  telegram  from  France  which  expressed  heartfelt  sym- 
pathy and  contributed  20  francs. 

In  Sweden,  the  mass  strike  resulted  in  the  loss  of  about  one- 
half  of  the  labor-union  membership.  For  years  to  come  effective 
labor  struggles  in  Sweden  are  practically  out  of  the  question ; 
the  best  workers  in  the  Swedish  movement  have  been  forced  to 
emigrate.  If  we  will  profit  by  these  experiences  we  will  be 
extremely  careful  in  considering  the  general  strike  as  a  factor  in 
our  struggle. 

In  Belgium,  the  strike  was  comparatively  successful.  It  was 
not  forced  over  the  hands  of  the  leaders,  however,  but  was  well 
organized  and  thoroughly  prepared.  It  was,  above  all,  a  splendid, 
disciplined  movement,  one  that  reflects  the  highest  honor  upon 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  413 

the  Belgian  proletariat.  The  comrades  who  stood  in  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  Belgian  uprising  believe  that  much  has  been  gained. 
But  we  have  secured  the  views  of  a  dozen  of  the  most  prominent 
labor  leaders  of  Belgium,  and  their  opinions  differ  radically  from 
those  expressed  by  the  party  officials.  Comrade  Schneider,  of  the 
German  Factory  Workers'  Union,  who  was  in  Belgium  at  the 
time  of  the  strike,  expresses  a  still  more  unfavorable  opinion. 
The  union  officers  report  that  the  number  of  those  blacklisted 
after  the  strike  is  so  great  that  for  years  to  come  the  whole 
energy  of  the  unions  will  be  used  up  in  assisting  them.  This 
means  that  the  labor  movement  in  Belgium  has  suffered  a  relapse 
from  which  it  will  require  many  years  to  recover.  .   .   . 

Comrade  Luxemburg  agitates  for  Syndicalism,  for  continuous 
tumults  and  excitement,  for  a  wild  strike  here  and  another  there. 
Such  things  are  impossible  in  Germany.  Our  unions  have  taken 
care  of  that.  What  has  been  the  effiect  of  Syndicalist  activity 
in  Italy?  The  national  industrial  organizations  are  disrupted; 
the  workers  are  powerless.  In  France,  where  they  preach  general 
strike  and  use  it  wherever  possible,  these  strikes  have  become 
harmless  to  the  employers.  These  uprisings  have  no  practical 
value.  They  usually  result  ua  more  stringent  laws  against  the 
laboring  population.  .   .   . 

7.    KARL   LIEBKNECHT,   FOR   THE   MINORITY 

It  is  unfair  to  make  those  who  call  for  a  general  strike  appear 
as  though  they  were  only  idle  talkers.  The  Avhole  situation,  as 
it  lies  before  us  since  the  last  Prussian  election,  calls  louder  than 
words  for  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  means  we  have  at  our 
command.  Not  the  whim  of  an  intellectual  has  precipitated  this 
turmoil;  it  was  the  inevitable  result  of  the  present  crisis  that 
caused  this  call  for  the  general  strike.  I  agree  with  you  that 
this  discussion  was  aroused  at  an  inopportune  moment.  But  it 
arose  because  it  had  to  come,  because  it  was  a  necessity.  Its 
coming  at  this  unfortunate  time  ...  is  not  sufficient  reason  for 
ridiculing  the  problem  that  has  grown  out  of  the  heart  of  the 
proletarian  movement ;  is  no  excuse  for  discrediting  it  as  has  been, 
and  is  being  systematically  done.  I  must  reproach  the  Comrades 
Seheidemann  and  Bauer  for  doing  this.  I  know  very  well  that 
some  of  those  who  are  called  general  strike  fanatics  have  gone 
too  far.    I  do  not,  by  any  means,  agree  with  all  that  has  been 


414       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

said  and  written.  .  .  .  This  attempt,  upon  the  part  of  the  Com- 
rades Scheidemann,  Bauer,  and  others,  to  discredit  the  supporters 
of  a  general  strike,  should  cause  us  to  study  the  executive  com- 
mittee resolution  closely,  to  interpret  it  with  a  measure  of  dis- 
trust. The  resolution  purports  to  be  a  renewed  declaration  in 
favor  of  the  general  strike.  There  is  no  need  of  such  a  declara- 
tion. We  have  given  it  at  Jena  and  at  Mannheim.  But  the 
resolution  contains  something  that  makes  it  thoroughly  unpalata- 
ble, the  reference,  I  mean,  to  a  complete  harmony  of  all  parts 
of  the  working-class  movement.  Such  harmony  is  well-nigh  im- 
possible. If  that  were  a  necessary  condition  there  would  never 
have  been  a  general  strike.  The  phraseolog-y  of  the  resolution 
tends  clearly  to  weaken,  not  to  encourage.  Nor  do  I  understand 
why  this  resolution  should  demand  so  insistently  that  the  gi-eat 
mass  be  "  filled  with  the  enthusiasm  of  Socialist  ideals,"  that  it 
be  "ready  to  sacrifiee  everything  for  the  success  of  the  fight." 
This  is  peculiar  where  we  are  discussing  a  struggle  for  a  right 
which  is  not  purely  proletarian,  but  merely  democratic  in  its 
principles,  a  struggle  in  which  we  are  sure  to  have  a  certain 
measure  of  assistance  from  non-proletarian  sources.  These  pas- 
sages in  the  resolution  presented  by  the  executive  board  show 
plainly  enough  the  desire  to  handcuff  the  general  strike  discussion, 
not  only  for  the  present,  but  for  all  time.  .  .   . 

You  who  declare,  on  the  one  hand,  that  you  desire  a  general 
strike,  and  say,  on  the  other  hand,  that  you  want  deeds,  not 
words,  what  do  you  mean?  I  insist  that  Comrade  Scheidemann, 
and  with  him  the  others  who  purport  to  be  upholders  of  the 
general  strike,  are  in  favor  of  it  only  in  words.  Deep  down  in 
their  hearts  they,  too,  are  opponents.  Their  arguments  are  argu- 
ments against  the  idea  of  a  general  strike.  If  the  objections 
advanced  by  Scheidemann  and  Bauer  were  sound,  if  the  objec- 
tions made  by  Bernstein  .  .  .  were  valid,  then  the  general  strike 
is  rank  nonsense,  and  we  need  no  resolution.  .   .    . 

Bauer  makes  a  mistake  when  he  says :  "  Why  do  we  speak  of 
these  things?  We  will  call  the  general  strike  when  the  moment 
for  it  has  come."  No,  in  order  to  call  a  strike  in  this  sense, 
if  we  wish  to  avoid  a  wild,  uncontrolled  uprising,  the  idea  must 
first  be  understood  by  the  people.  They  must  know  its  whole 
meaning,  realize  its  whole  responsibility.  The  thought  must  be- 
come alive  in  the  masses,  and  it  can  become  alive  only  in  the 
living  flow  of  popular  discussion.    Whether  or  not  to-day  is  the 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  415 

time  to  begin  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  question.  Schiedemann's 
comparison  with  a  weapon  we  are  not  ready  to  use  does  not  hold 
water.  No  one  has  said  the  general  strike  shall  be  used  to-day. 
.  .  .  But  even  in  times  of  great  hardship  we  may,  we  must 
prepare  new  weapons  for  the  future.  And  these  new  weapons 
in  the  struggle  for  political  freedom  must  be  sharper  than  those 
we  have  used  before.  •   .   . 

8.  STATEMENT  OF  BELGIAN  DELEGATES 

The  Belgian  labor  unions  have  not,  on  the  whole,  suffered  any 
material  loss  of  members  through  the  general  strike.  Reports 
submitted  three  months  before  and  three  months  after  the  strike 
prove  this  conclusively.  When  we  speak  of  losses  in  some  places 
we  must  also  consider  the  gains  that  others  have  made.  One 
hundred  minus  10  equals  90,  but  90  plus  10  is  again  100. 

It  is  incorrect  to  maintain  that  the  labor  unions  of  Belgium 
had  to  use  the  greater  part  of  their  financial  resources  to  assist 
the  victims  of  the  general  strike.  The  books  of  the  relief  fund 
for  the  support  of  the  black-listed  strikers  were  closed  more  than 
two  months  ago.  We  have  proved  to  the  clerical  press  that  the 
general  strike  has  neither  endangered  nor  crippled  the  financial 
condition  of  the  labor-union  movement.  In  Brussels  alone,  Le 
Peuple,  through  a  single  appeal,  collected  more  than  100,000 
francs  in  voluntary  contributions  for  the  wagon-makers  who  have 
been  locked  out  for  three  months,  and  who  for  six  weeks  supported 
their  members  from  their  own  fund.  You  see  the  Belgian  unions 
are  by  no  means  weakened;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  preparing 
for  new  struggles. 

The  conflicts  of  the  loeked-out  wagon-workers  and  of  the  hat- 
makers  of  Brussels,  as  well  as  those  of  the  metal-workers  of  Ant- 
werp (2,000  of  whose  members  are  unemployed  because  the  indus- 
try is  suffering  heavily  through  the  crisis),  are  of  a  purely  eco- 
nomic nature.  The  former  both  began  before  the  general  strike. 
Nor  can  we  regard  the  metal-workers  as  its  victims,  since  they 
joined  the  strike  after  an  understanding  with  their  employers. 

This  correction  is  not  to  be  construed  as  an  interference  on 
the  part  of  the  Belgian  delegates  in  German  affairs.  Every  nation 
must  determine  its  own  tactics.  But  the  delegation  here  repre- 
sented considered  it  their  duty  to  oppose  the  spread  of  legendary 
stories  concerning  the  Belgian  general  strike. 


416       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

9.    SCHEIDEMANN,   CLOSING   THE   DEBATE 

[The  minority  resolution  declares  that]  "A  mass  strike  cannot 
be  called  at  the  command  of  party  or  union  leaders;  it  cannot  be 
artificial  in  its  conception."  I  believe  we  all  agree  that  a  general 
strike  cannot  be  artificially  produced.  .  .  .  But  the  sentence  I 
have  quoted  expresses  a  tinge  of  ridicule,  in  fact  it  directly  op- 
posed the  resolution  of  Jena  and  Mannheim.  What  do  we  read 
there?  "When  the  executive  committee  believes  that  the  time  is 
ripe  for  a  general  strike  it  shall  act  hand  in  hand  with  the 
General  Commission  of  Labor  Unions  to  take  such  steps  as  seem 
necessary  to  the  success  of  this  measure."  Surely  that  means 
that  the  executive  bodies  of  the  party  and  labor-union  movements 
shall  be  empowei-ed  to  enforce  decisive  measures. 

But  here  in  the  minority  resolution  we  read :  "  Not  at  the  com- 
mand of  party  or  union  leaders."  Comrades,  I  will  tell  you 
wherein,  in  my  opinion,  lies  the  fundamental  difference  between 
the  resolution  of  the  executive  committee  and  that  of  Comrade 
Luxemburg.  The  former  speaks  in  favor  of  an  eventual  general 
strike,  carried  out  by  a  well-disciplined,  well-trained,  class- 
conscious  proletariat  that  will  act  when  the  signal  is  given.  The 
latter  can  be  interpreted  in  only  one  way — as  a  defense  of  wild 
strikes;  in  other  words,  a  defense  of  that  which  we  commonly 
call  "  Syndicalism."  (Ledebour :  "  Perversion  !  ")  But,  comrades, 
if  that  is  not  the  significance  of  this  resolution,  why  do  you  not 
simply  indorse  the  decisions  of  Jena  and  Mannheim,  that  these 
committees  be  empowered  to  act  at  the  right  moment?  No,  it  is 
impossible  for  those  of  us  who  desire  to  follow  our  proved  tactics, 
.  .  .  Avho  are  ready  when  the  time  shall  come  to  support  a  gen- 
eral strike,   ...  to  support  this  resolution. 

There  have  been  objections  to  the  fourth  paragraph  of  the 
executive  committee  resolution  which  repudiates  the  methods  of 
those  who  propagate  uprisings,  wild  strikes,  foolish,  ill-considered 
strikes  that  must  break  our  own  backs.  This  clause  was  absolutely 
necessary.  Again  the  resolution  states:  "A  political  general 
strike  can  be  carried  out  with  a  fair  certainty  of  success  only 
where  all  parts  of  the  working-class  movement  are  wholly  united." 
"  What  do  you  mean  by  '  wholly  united  '  ?  "  we  have  been  asked. 
The  point  is  simply  this— that  a  majority  in  each  of  the  com- 
mittees in  question  must  vote  favorably  before  any  decisive  action 
can  be  undertaken.     The  "wholly,"  therefore,  must  not  be  mis- 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  417 

understood  to  read  that  the  "  nay  "  of  a  single  man  may  make 
action  impossible. 

10.   "  VORWAERTS  " — EDITORIAL   SUMMARY 

If  we  needed  proof  for  our  contention  that  a  discussion  of  the 
general  strike  need  not  be  a  waste  of  time  .  .  .  the  general  strike 
debate  to  which  we  listened  to-day  furnished  it  m  a  most  con- 
vincing form.  For  the  arguments  used  by  some  of  our  authori- 
tative comrades  proved,  more  plainly  than  words,  how  necessary 
it  is  to  implant  the  desire  for  revolutionary  activity  more  deeply 
into  the  masses,  that  we  may  stand  prepared  for  battle  when  the 
fateful  hour  comes. 

We  do  not,  by  any  means,  see  in  the  political  mass  strike  a 
remedy  for  all  ills,  an  irresistible  force  which  will  thi'ow  open 
the  great  doors  of  the  future  with  one  mighty  blow.  We  do  not 
wish  to  drive  a  German  worker  lightly  into  a  grave  conflict.  We, 
too,  are  seriously  concerned  for  the  welfare  of  the  organizations 
built  up  by  decades  of  laborious  and  deserving  effort  for  the 
protection  and  the  assistance  of  the  working-class.  Nor  do  we 
favor  senseless  uprisings  and  Syndicalistic  attempts.  On  the 
contrary,  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  senseless  revolutionary 
romanticism.  But  hi  spite  of  this  we  consider  it  just  as  wrong, 
just  as  senseless,  just  as  harmful  to  the  party,  to  believe  that 
the  revolutionizing  of  the  public  spirit  can  be  left  for  all  times 
in  the  hands  of  our  leaders,  that  the  executive  committee  of  the 
party  and  the  General  Commission  of  Labor  Unions  would,  infal- 
libly, when  the  situation  is  ripe,  take  the  necessaiy  steps  to  pre- 
pare "  suitable  measures."  .   ,   . 

However  well  our  labor  unions  may  be  fitted  to  carry  out  every- 
day labor  struggles,  they  may  not  yet  understand  how  to  arouse 
that  stubborn,  unyielding  spmt  of  battle  that  alone  will  enable 
us  to  bear  up  luider  the  severe  conflict  that  stands  before  us. 
Popular  discussion  of  the  general  strike  has  this  advantage,  that 
it  destroys  romantic  revolutionaiy  as  well  as  revisionistie  illusions 
and  shoAVS  to  the  masses  the  whole  bitterness,  the  greatness  of 
the  struggle.  Surely  a  few  resolutions  are  not  enough.  Unceas- 
ing intensive  agitation  and  education  must  arouse  the  masses  to 
great  sacrifices,  without  which  no  class  in  the  whole  history  of 
human  progress  has  ever  won  its  emancipation.  .    .    . 

Many  comrades  look  upon  the  general  strike  as  a  means  of 


41S       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

defense  against  encroachments  upon  our  right  to  organize,  and 
upon  our  political  rights,  but  regard  it  as  a  poor  weapon  for 
aggressive  warfare.  .  .  .  What  if  they  attempt,  by  artistic  rear- 
rangement of  the  election  districts,  to  oust  the  Socialists  where 
they  are  most  firmly  seated?  Will  you  then  use  the  general 
strike  which  you  deemed  so  dangerous  for  an  attack  upon  Prussian 
reaction?   .    .    . 

It  was  gratifying  that,  among  others,  Comrade  Frank  objected 
not  only  to  the  blanketing  of  the  general-strike  discussion,  but 
also  to  the  "  conservative  phraseology  "  that  Comrade  Bauer  felt 
called  upon  to  use  in  opposition  to  the  so-called  revolutionary 
phraseology  of  others.  He  declared  the  general  strike  must  be- 
come a  familiar  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  workers,  if  we  desire 
them  to  be  ready  to  sacrifice,  not  for  a  small  increase  in  wages, 
but  for  the  interest  of  our  class.  .   .   . 

(The  general-strike  debate  was  closed  at  a  late  hour  by  the 
adoption  of  the  resolution  of  the  executive  committee  by  a  vote 
of  335  agamst  142.  .   .   . ) 


VI.    THE   GENERAL   STRIKE   IN   ITALY,    1914  * 

By  Oda  Olberg 

"This  general  strike  differed  in  principle  in  no  way 
from  the  earlier  general  strikes  which  have  been  pro- 
claimed as  protests  against  police  outrages  since  1904.  The 
difference  lay  only  in  the  scope  of  movement:  it  was 
deeper,  more  inclusive,  and  more  threatening,  .   .   . 

"...  The  bloodshed  of  the  7th  of  June  in  Ancona  gave 
rise  to  three  different  movements  which  had  scarcely  any 
other  relation  with  one  another  than  their  common  cause. 
The  executive  committee  of  the  Socialist  Party  and  the  Fed- 
eration of  Labor  proclaimed  a  general  strike  in  the  whole 
country  immediately  upon  the  news  of  the  bloodshed  [at  An- 
cona] .  Independent  of  this  protest  movement,  and  from  24 
to  28  hours  earlier,  a  movement  broke  out  in  Romagna  which 
was  led  by  a  committee  of  Republicans  and  anarchists  of 

*  From  an  article  in  Die  Neue  Zeit,  July  31,  1914. 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  419 

Ancona.  This  movement  was  completely  spontaneous,  .  .  . 
and  was  cut  off  from  all  relation  with  the  movement  of 
the  country  at  large  by  the  disabling  of  telegraph  and 
telephone  and  the  cessation  of  railway  service  during  the 
whole  of  the  duration  of  the  strike.  After  the  mass  move- 
ment in  Romagna  had  overflowed  into  the  neighboring 
provinces  on  the  8th  of  June,  and  on  the  midnight  of  the 
8th  was  declared  in  the  whole  country,  the  union  of  railway 
workers  proclaimed  a  general  strike  on  the  night  of  the 
10th  of  June,  without  accomplishing  anything  further  than 
the  crippling  and  obstruction  of  the  railway  traffic  in 
various  towns  of  the  country.  This  movement,  which  as 
a  demonstration  of  power  was  a  total  failure,  was  con- 
ducted by  the  railway  workers'  union.  .   .   . 

"The  readiness  of  the  great  mass  of  workers  of  Italy  to 
strike  .  .  .  is  a  generally  known  and  a  noteworthy  fact. 
When  it  comes  to  a  protest  against  brutalities  of  the  police, 
the  Italian  proletariat  has  always  been  ready  for  action. 
But  the  Federation  of  Labor,  the  party  executive,  and  the 
[Socialist]  group  in  Parliament  have  frequently  not  been 
ready.  Nevertheless,  strikes  had  become  the  rule,  so 
that  the  Federation  of  Labor,  which  now,  as  before,  is  in 
Reformist  hands,  regarded  it  as  the  lesser  evil  to  support 
the  movement,  which  it  could  not  check,  rather  than  to  be 
carried  along  with  it. 

''The  party  executive,  since  the  Congress  of  Reggio 
Emilia  (July,  1912),  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  revolu- 
tionaries, who  have  never  condemned  the  general  strike, 
although  there  are  various  opinions  in  their  ranks  upon  its 
value  and  applicability.  We  see  the  principal  cause  for  the 
effective  conduct  of  the  [last]  general  strike  in  the  quick 
and  energetic  action  of  the  party  executive  and  the  Fed- 
eration, which  gave  the  order  for  the  general  strike  scarcely 
30  hours  after  the  bloodshed,  just  as  in  the  year  1904,  when 


420       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

the  movement  attained  similar  depth  and  power.  .  .  .  Be- 
sides, the  masses  had  for  some  time  been  filled  with  the 
thought  of  a  general  strike,  were  inwardly  prepared  for  it. 
and  their  elite  was  not  held  back  through  all  kinds  of 
considerations  and  prudence,  as  in  the  reformistic  era, 
considerations  which  arose  from  the  anxiety  not  to  de- 
stroy a  political  situation  favorable  for  the  masses. 

"We  will  not  deny  that  the  widespread  unemployment 
.  .  .  also  favored  the  strike.  .  .  , 

"Now  as  to  the  result  of  the  general  strike.  Before  one 
can  judge  this  question,  one  must  be  clear  as  to  the  pur- 
pose of  the  general  strike.  The  general  strike  was  a  pro- 
test against  a  deed  of  violence,  which  the  Italian  pro- 
letariat could  in  no  way  justify  or  accept.  Accordingly, 
it  wanted  to  show  the  bourgeoisie  that  while  it  might  allow 
its  police  and  carabiniers  to  fire  upon  the  people  without 
legal  warning,  that  the  masses,  through  their  cessation  of 
labor,  can  obstruct  the  whole  operation  of  bourgeois  life 
and  injure  bourgeois  interests.  Naturally  the  working- 
class,  hy  this  line  of  action,  cuts  into  its  own  flesh.  If  the 
general  strike  interferes  with  the  profit  and  convenience  of 
the  bourgeoisie,  it  often  deprives  the  proletariat  of  daily 
necessaries.  Certainly  there  is  a  tremendous  eloquence  in 
the  sudden  stopping  of  production,  and  of  public  services. 
There  is  never  a  clearer  understanding  of  what  the  pro- 
letariat creates  than  on  the  day  when  it  folds  its  arms. 
But  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  proletariat  itself  makes 
the  greatest  economic  sacrifice  in  a  general  strike.  Besides 
the  dead  and  wounded,  the  imprisoned  are  solely  on  the 
side  of  the  workers.  Regarded  as  a  calculation,  the  gain 
in  the  general  strike  is  never  on  the  side  of  the  proletariat. 
To  the  victims  against  whose  death  the  protest  is  made 
are  always  added  other  victims.  .  .  .  The  general  strike  is 
no  compensation  for  a  wrong  that  has  been  suffered,  and  is 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  421 

not  intended  as  such.  It  is  an  expression  of  power  in 
opposition  to  another  expression  of  power.  It  does  not 
bring  immediate  fruits,  is  no  rational  expression  of 
strength,  if  one  regards  a  short  period  only.  It  gives 
the  proletariat  the  feeling  of  its  own  power  and. responsi- 
bility, and  shows  the  bourgeoisie  the  limit  of  theirs.  Be- 
sides, it  permits  experience  to  be  gained  for  the  final, 
decisive  struggle  with  which  the  capitalistic  society  may 
turn  into  a  Socialistic  society.  From  this  point  of  view 
we  can  no  more  regard  its  victims  as  serving  no  purpose 
than  the  bourgeoisie  regard  the  accidents  at  its  military 
maneuvers  as  being  useless.  .  .  . 

"A  word  on  the  excesses.  On  the  whole  there  were  few 
acts  of  violence :  a  few  attacks  on  persons,  and  damage  to 
property  of  little  importance  for  a  movement  which  shook 
the  greater  part  of  the  country.  For  two  or  three  days 
the  total  reckoning  of  acts  of  violence  which  were  given 
in  the  bourgeois  press  is  short  and  unimportant.  It  must 
be  recalled  that  in  this  strike  the  bourgeois  resistance  was 
for  the  first  time  organized  and  proceeded  with  incredible 
violence  under  the  protection  of  the  police.  When  these 
bourgeois  rowdies  could  find  an  isolated  worker,  they  drove 
the  secret  police  against  him,  who  arrested  him  with  blows 
and  kicks.  .   .   . 

"If  one  wishes  to  learn  a  strategical  lesson  from  the 
conduct  of  the  general  strike,  it  is  this :  that  for  a  complete 
development  of  power,  the  possession  of  the  telegraph  and 
telephone  service  is  indispensable.  This  is  a  weighty  prob- 
lem of  the  general  strike,  because  it  is  here  the  question 
of  the  maintenance  of  a  service  and  not  its  discontinuance. 
This  time,  too,  the  Government  cut  the  strikers  off  from  all 
telegraph  and  telephone  service.  The  party  executive  was 
fully  twenty-four  hours  without  any  news.  The  lack  of  news 
from  one  town  to  another  prevented  simultaneous  action, 


422       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

and  did  not  allow  the  masses  to  become  aware  of  the  great- 
ness of  the  movement.  Besides,  orders  given  by  the  organ- 
ization through  signals  are  exceptionally  important  for 
Italy,  where  the  general  strike  movement  will  doubtless  be 
repeated.  To-day  party  comrades  do  not  dare  to  oppose 
any  stupid  vandalism,  because  they  fear  to  be  taken  for 
police  in  civil  clothes.  Indeed  several  shots  were  fired  at 
Comrade  Peraccina,  professor  of  pathology  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Florence,  when  he  tried  to  mediate  in  a  struggle 
at  a  barricade.  The  man  later  wrote  to  Peraccina  that  he 
had  taken  him  for  a  secret  policeman.  Finally  the  councils 
of  labor  .  .  .  had  to  undertake  the  issuing  of  a  bulletin. 
In  Rome  there  were  no  newspapers  for  three  days.  .   .   . 

"On  the  whole,  one  can  say  that  this  general  strike  con- 
firmed the  experience  gained  in  the  previous  ones:  as  it 
embraced  a  great  part  of  the  masses  and  interrupted  labor 
in  the  whole  country,  it  was  a  fearful  expression  of  power 
and  a  stirring  means  of  protest.  Naturally  one  may  regard 
it  as  an  error  to  stir  up  the  fear  of  the  proletariat  among 
the  bourgeoisie,  and  to  show  one's  power,  because  this 
necessarily  has  the  effect  of  arousing  the  bourgeoisie  to 
defense.  .   .   . 

"As  to  the  railroad  strike  we  can  be  very  brief.  The 
movement  failed,  and  failed  under  conditions  which  al- 
lowed it  to  be  seen  beforehand  that  it  could  not  result 
otherwise.  It  was  proclaimed,  after  the  rest  of  the 
working-class  had  already  been  twenty-four  hours  on 
strike,  and  under  the  expressed  supposition  that  this  gen- 
eral strike  would  go  beyond  the  bounds  of  a  mere  demon- 
stration of  protest.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  say  its  proclama- 
tion was  an  error  due  to  a  false  judgment  of  the  situation. 
Besides  the  railroad  workers,  whose  very  strong  organiza- 
tion is  under  a  Syndicalist  leadership,  have  hitherto 
gained  no  great  name  for  themselves  in  the  field  of  sym- 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  423 

pathetic  strikes.     If  they  struck,  it  was  always  for  profit 
to  their  own  profession. 

''The  movement  in  Romagna  puts  the  person  who  must 
write  about  it  under  the  painful  necessity  of  finding  his 
way  among  a  mass  of  unconnected  and  contradictory  re- 
ports, among  which  it  is  difficult  to  separate  the  true  from 
the  false.  We  shall  merely  indicate  the  essential  char- 
acteristics of  the  movement.  .  .  .  This  district  is  primarily 
an  agricultural  district.  ...  Its  population  .  .  .  was  per- 
suaded, on  the  8th  of  June,  from  Ancona,  to  proclaim  the 
republic  everywhere,  [on  the  supposition  that]  this  had 
already  happened  in  all  the  rest  of  Italy.  The  news  was 
not  doubted  and  no  resistance  was  offered.  They  even 
placed  the  red  flag  in  place  of  the  flag  of  the  monarchy. 
In  the  little  places  the  carabiniers  were  disarmed  or  shut 
up  in  the  barracks,  local  governments  were  constituted, 
the  means  of  existence  were  distributed,  reforms  in  local 
taxation  laid  out,  etc.  Because  all  this,  on  account  of  its 
lack  of  success,  was  afterwards  turned  into  a  farce,  it  is 
not  worth  while  to  dwell  upon  it.  What  is  worthy  of  ob- 
servation is  only  the  great  susceptibility  of  the  masses  to 
illusions,  and  their  wonderful  moderation  which  kept  them 
from  all  acts  of  violence  against  persons  and  all  useless 
destruction.  That  the  telegraph  and  telephone  were  made 
unserviceable  and  the  railroads  blocked  lay  in  the  nature 
of  the  case  and  cannot  be  called  vandalism.  The  June 
days  showed  that  the  population  of  Romagna  and  the 
Marches  is  enthusiastically  ready  to  raise  the  Republican 
flag  .  .  .  without  accompanying  the  change  by  orgies  of 
revenge  and  without  expecting  enrichment  from  it.  The 
absence  of  any  act  of  revenge  is  all  the  more  remarkable, 
as  there  exists  in  many  places  the  greatest  bitterness  be- 
tween workers  and  landlords,  as  the  result  of  the  obstinate 
economic  struggles  of  recent  years.     [The  strike  in  these 


424       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

districts  sometimes  involved  several  hundred  thousand  agri- 
cultural laborers.] 

"The  June  days  further  prove  that  the  ruling  class  in 
Romagna  and  the  Marches  made  their  peace  with  what  they 
supposed  to  be  the  new  government  without  any  effort  at 
defense.  The  monarchy  appeared  to  the  bourgeoisie  of 
those  places  as  really  not  worth  lifting  a  hand  for.  If  it 
has  become  anti-Eepublican  now  that  the  hour  of  reaction 
has  struck,  that  undoubtedly  shows  its  lack  of  character, 
but  not  its  monarchical  sentiment. 

' '  Of  the  June  days  it  may  truly  be  said  that  they  showed 
the  true  marks  of  a  political  revolution,  because  in  this 
period  political  power  passed  from  one  class  of  the  popula- 
tion to  another.  The  Republican  committee  gave  orders 
and  the  bourgeoisie  obeyed:  delivered  up  cereals,  handed 
over  their  automobiles,  even  offered  money  which  was  re- 
fused. The  affair  turned  into  a  farce,  not  because  it  passed 
without  bloodshed,  but  because  the  presupposition  that  a 
revolution  had  been  accomplished  in  all  the  rest  of  the 
country  proved  false.  That  the  masses,  without  meeting 
resistance,  hauled  down  the  royal  colors  in  a  hundred 
places,  and  replaced  them  with  the  red  flag,  is  a  much 
more  significant  fact  to  the  monarchy  [precisely]  because 
it  was  accomplished  without  bloodshed,  and  because  there 
was  no  resistance  from  the  ruling  classes. 

*'Our  party  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  movement  in 
Romagna,  though  it  could  not  refuse  to  give  its  sympathy 
to  the  child-like  revolutionary  idealism  manifested  there, 
nor  refuse  its  support  to  those  persecuted  on  account  of 
this  movement.  It  was  a  republican  movement  in  a  popula- 
tion which  had  thought  republican  for  generations.  No 
Socialist  fighters  and  no  Socialist  goal.  For  us  [it  was] 
a  trial  of  strength  which  did  not  take  into  account  the 
powers  of  resistance  of  present  society,  and  which  was 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  425 

aimed  at  a  goal  which  was  not  worth  a  serious  effort.  We 
can  rejoice  because  of  the  revolutionary  spirit  which  came 
to  life,  but  cannot  be  proud  of  it  as  a  fruit  of  our  party- 
activity  :  the  lesson  of  these  days  is  rather  a  serious  warn- 
ing for  our  party.  It  shows  valuable  material  which  our 
party  has  not  yet  won  and  cultivated. ' ' 

Vn.  THE  RUSSIAN  GENERAL  STRIKE  OF  JULY,  1914. 

(From  the  New  York  Volkszeitung) 

*'At  the  beginning  of  the  movement,  the  workers,  incited 
by  the  bloodshed  at  the  Putiloff  works,  in  which  50  were 
injured  and  4  killed,  entered  upon  a  three-day  protest 
strike  at  the  call  of  the  active  organizations.  But  the 
masses  were  so  bitterly  provoked  by  the  actions  of  the 
police  and  Cossacks  that  the  decision  of  the  executive  coun- 
cils of  the  leading  parties  to  end  the  strike  on  the  evening 
of  July  20 — which,  however,  was  kept  from  the  general 
mass  as  a  result  of  the  confiscation  of  the  two  Social  Dem- 
cratic  papers — secured  no  hearing.  Until  this  time  the 
streets  of  St.  Petersburg  were  thronged  with  peacefully 
demonstrating  workers  who,  when  President  Poincare 
passed  by,  cried,  'Long  live  the  Republic!  Amnesty! 
Down  with  autocracy !  Long  live  liberty ! '  Then,  inflamed 
to  the  greatest  fury  by  the  attacks  of  the  police  and  Cos- 
sacks, the  strikers  erected  barricades  on  July  21  in  various 
public  places.  For  the  first  time  since  its  founding,  the 
Russian  capital  saw  huge  barricades  spring  up,  behind 
which  the  workmen,  armed  with  stones,  sought  shelter 
from  the  assaulting  Cossacks. 

"The  fiercest  conflicts  occurred  on  the  nights  and  days 
of  July  22  and  23.  Several  thousand  workmen  took  part 
in  these  fights.  From  most  of  the  barricades — consisting 
for  the  most  part  of  telephone  and  telegraph  poles,  over- 


426       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

turned  carts,  and  stone  piles — red  flags  were  seen  fluttering. 
Women  and  children  helped  with  the  building  of  the  bar- 
ricades. Broken  up  by  the  police,  the  masses  of  men  reas- 
sembled at  different  points  in  order  to  take  up  the  fight 
anew.  The  police  and  military  volleyed  fiercely  upon  the 
crowds  until,  after  a  time,  it  became  impossible  to  count 
the  dead  and  wounded. 

"During  the  week,  according  to  the  report  of  the  factory 
inspection  committee,  over  two  hundred  thousand  work-, 
men  took  part  in  the  strike  in  St.  Petersburg  alone  (which 
falls  somewhat  short  of  the  true  number).  .  .  .  Even  a 
portion  of  the  street  railway  men  and  of  the  shop  em- 
ployees of  several  railroads  ceased  work.  Only  the  presence 
of  numerous  troops  and  gendarmes  prevented  the  most  im- 
portant roads  from  taking  part  in  the  strike.  The  extent 
and  strength  of  the  movement  may  be  shown  further  by 
the  fact  that  the  marine  barracks  were  watched  by  armed 
soldiers  to  prevent  the  sailors  housed  in  them  from  going 
over  to  the  strikers. ' ' 

Vin.    THE   GENERAL   STRIKE   IN   NEW   ZEALAND,    1913 

By  Prof.  J.  E.  Le  Rossignol 
(From  American  Economic  Review,  1914) 

"The  trouble  began  in  "Wellington  with  a  minor  dispute 
concerning  traveling  pay  between  the  Union  Steamship 
Company  and  about  a  dozen  members  of  the  Shipwrights' 
Union,  a  branch  of  the  Wellington  Waterside  Workers' 
Union,  which  itself  was  affiliated  with  the  United  Federa- 
tion of  Labor  and  had  canceled  its  registration  under  the 
Arbitration  Act.  The  Shipwrights'  Union  went  on  strike 
on  October  18.  The  Waterside  Workers  decided  to  call  a 
special  'stop-work'  meeting  on  the  wharf  at  eight  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  October  22  to  consider  the  grievances  of 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  427 

the  shipwrights.  The  'stop-work'  meeting  was  held,  as  an- 
nounced, and  lasted  about  two  hours,  "When  the  men  went 
back  to  work  some  of  them  found  other  union  men  working 
on  their  jobs,  whereupon  the  executive  of  the  union  de- 
manded that  the  late-comers  be  reinstated  forthwith.  The 
shipping  companies  refused  to  do  this,  and  the  strike  was 
called.  The  control  of  the  strike  was  then  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  executive  of  the  United  Federation  of  Labor, 
as  provided  in  the  constitution. 

"In  support  of  their  refusal  to  obey  the  dictates  of  the 
union,  the  employers  took  the  ground  that  the  agreement 
under  which  the  men  had  been  working  had  been  broken 
and  was  therefore  void.  .  .  .  The  employers  claimed  also 
that  as  the  union  was  not  registered  under  the  Arbitration 
Act  the  agreement  had  no  binding  force.  They  objected, 
also,  to  dealing  with  the  Federation,  as  that  organization 
was  in  principle  opposed  to  agreements,  and  as  some  of  the 
leaders,  notably  the  secretary,  Mr.  P.  Hickey,  had  often 
used  strong  language  in  condemning  them. 

"By  the  end  of  October  there  were  over  5,000  watersiders 
on  strike  in  the  various  ports,  while  disorders  were  increas- 
ing and  disturbance  to  trade  was  becoming  daily  more  seri- 
ous ;  but  at  the  same  time  large  bodies  of  special  constables 
were  encamped  on  the  outskirts  of  several  towns,  waiting 
until  they  had  sufficient  force  to  take  possession  of  the 
wharves.  At  Wellington,  on  November  5,  a  thousand  spe- 
cial police  rode  down  to  the  railway  wharf  from  their  camp 
at  Mount  Cook  to  protect  a  shipment  of  race  horses,  and 
on  the  way  sustained  a  fierce  attack  from  a  mob  of  strikers 
and  their  sympathizers  throwing  stones,  bricks,  and  other 
missiles.  The  police  charged  the  mob  several  times,  and 
the  affray  was  very  serious,  resulting  in  about  thirty  casual- 
ties.   On  the  next  day  the  police  once  more  surrounded  the 


428       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

wharves ;  there  was  no  further  resistance,  and  regular  work 
was  be^n  by  a  new  union  registered  under  the  Arbitra- 
tion Act,  assisted  by  some  of  the  seamen.  The  new  union 
began  with  47  members,  but  before  the  end  of  the  strike 
more  than  2,000  were  enrolled,  chiefly  farmers. 

"The  course  of  events  was  very  similar  at  Auckland, 
where,  on  November  8,  a  force  of  over  1,000  police  occupied 
the  waterfront.  As  a  protest  against  the  use  of  the  special 
police,  the  Federation  ordered  a  general  strike  in  Auckland, 
and  on  Monday,  November  10,  the  strike  leaders  claimed 
that  14  unions,  involving  7,500  workers,  were  idle.  Later 
the  seamen  also  went  on  strike,  bringing  the  total  up  to 
8,000  or  more. 

''In  opposition  to  the  stand  of  the  employers,  the  work- 
ers, while  admitting  a  minor  breach  of  agreement,  claimed 
that  this  did  not  involve  the  abrogation  of  the  agreement. 
They  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  Arbitration 
Court  and  demanded  unconditional  reinstatement.  They 
called  the  affair  a  lockout,  rather  than  a  strike,  and  desig- 
nated the  employers'  actions  as  'sheer  pin-pricking.'  They 
claimed  that  the  employers  had  no  right  to  compel  them 
to  register,  as  the  act  itself  did  not  do  so  but  was  merely 
a  permissive  statute.  Mass  meetings  were  held;  violent 
speeches  were  made  by  some  of  the  labor  leaders;  there 
was  some  violence  and  much  intimidation ;  and  for  some 
days  the  wharves  were  in  the  hands  of  the  strikers  and 
practically  all  the  shipping  was  tied  up. 

"The  attitude  of  the  Government  was  very  firm,  and  it 
was  determined  to  maintain  order  at  any  cost.  On  October 
25  the  commissioner  of  police  issued  a  call  for  volunteers 
to  enroll  as  special  constables.  The  call  received  immediate 
response  from  clerks,  civil  servants,  and  other  young  men 
of  the  cities,  but  especially  from  the  country  people;  and 


THE  GENERAL  STRIKE  429 

presently  hundreds  of  mounted  farmers  were  riding  toward 
Wellington  to  enroll  as  special  constables  and  to  break  the 
strike  by  acting  as  volunteer  wharf  laborers.  The  farmers 
were  threatened  with  serious  losses  because  of  the  stoppage 
of  transportation  at  the  beginning  of  summer,  and  were 
determined  to  protect  themselves  to  the  best  of  their  ability, 
following  the  example  of  the  'Free  Labor  Brigade'  of 
Sweden,  which  did  so  much  to  break  the  general  strike  of 
1909.  .   .   . 

"Only  the  drivers  came  out  in  Wellington.  The  strike 
was  at  no  time  very  serious  in  Dunedin,  where  the  regular 
police  were  able  to  keep  order.  The  port  of  Lyttelton  was 
closed  until  November  18,  when  work  was  resumed  with 
the  members  of  a  new  union  under  the  protection  of  a  large 
force  of  special  constables.  The  strike  was  more  general 
on  the  West  Coast,  where  the  mines  and  sawmills  were 
closed  for  many  weeks  and  industry  was  at  a  standstill. 

' '  The  following  estimate  of  the  number  of  unionists  and 
strikers  was  given  by  the  Wellington  Evening  Post  on 
November  20,  and  is  probably  fairly  accurate: 

Number  of  Strikers 

Seamen   2,000 

Miners  4,000 

Watersiders    5,000 

Other  unions   5,000 

Total    16,000 

"From  these  figures  it  is  evident  that  the  strikers  con- 
stituted a  small  minority  of  all  union  workers.  There  are 
about  71,600  union  laborers  among  the  300,000  wage- 
earners,  male  and  female,  in  New  Zealand ;  of  these,  60,600 
have  accepted  the  act.  Because  of  the  large  bodies  of 
special  constables  at  all  important  points,  there  was  little 


430       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

violence  after  the  early  outbreaks,  and  merely  a  'strike  of 
folded  arms, '  which  practically  failed  within  a  week  of  the 
general  call.  Presently  it  was  found  that  the  strike  funds 
were  running  low,  and  some  unions  were  ordered  back  to 
work  that  they  might  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  rest. 
On  November  23  the  general  strike  was  called  off  at  Auck- 
land, leaving  only  the  transportation  section  still  out. 

''The  seamen's  strike  was  officially  declared  off  on  De- 
cember 19,  and  on  the  same  day  it  was  decided  to  call  off 
the  strike  for  all  other  workers,  except  the  miners,  as  from 
Saturday,  December  20.  The  seamen  were  to  renew  their 
agreement  for  a  period  of  three  years,  the  Auckland  branch 
to  remain  registered  and  the  Wellington  and  Dvmedin 
branches  to  register  under  the  Arbitration  Act,  The  water- 
siders  at  all  the  ports  immediately  flocked  back  to  the 
wharves,  asking  to  be  enrolled  in  the  new  unions,  all  of 
which  were  registered.  Work  at  the  Huntly  mine  was 
resumed  on  January  6,  1914,  with  a  new  union  of  over  one 
hundred  members,  under  the  protection  of  the  police,  and  on 
January  10  the  old  unionists  voted  to  join  the  new  union. 
A  few  days  later  the  workers  in  the  state  mine  agreed  to 
go  back  under  the  act,  as  also  did  the  miners  at  Blackball, 
and  the  great  strike  was  ended. ' ' 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  COMPULSORY  ARBITRATION  OF  LABOR 
DISPUTES 

The  Socialist  parties  of  the  Continent  of  Europe  and  of 
America  are  practically  unanimous  against  all  forms  of 
compulsory  arbitration  of  labor  disputes.  But  the  Labor 
parties  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand  have  been  largely 
instrumental  in  introducing  the  system  prevailing  in  those 
countries,  and  there  has  been  a  very  great  disagreement 
on  the  subject  also  among  British  labor-unionists.  We 
therefore  give  a  resume  of  the  last  discussion  of  this  sub- 
ject by  the  British  Labor  Party,  as  well  as  a  typical 
resume,  from  a  Socialist  source,  of  the  situation  in  New 
Zealand,  where  the  system  was  first  introduced. 

I.  DISCUSSION  AT  CONFERENCE  OP  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY,   1913 

Mr.  H.  Skinner  (Typographical  Association)  moved  the 
following : 

That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Conference,  rates  of  wages,  the 
regulation  of  hours,  and  other  conditions  embodied  in  agreements 
of  a  local,  district,  or  national  character,  voluntarily  entered  into 
between  trade-unions  as  representing  the  workers  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  employers  in  a  given  industry,  should  be  legally 
enforceable  on  all  persons  employing  labor  in  that  industry;  and 
the  executive  committee  is  hereby  instructed  to  take  action  ac- 
cordingly. .   .   . 

Mr.  Skinner  declared  that  some  such  measure  was  neces- 
sary to  compel  the  recalcitrant  employer  to  enforce  an 

431 


432       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

agreement;  that  the  trade-unions  were  able  to  enforce  a 
disciplinary  influence  on  their  membership,  but  that  the 
employers  could  not  exercise  the  same  influence  on  their 
members.  The  details  of  the  law,  he  believed,  could  safely 
be  left  to  the  Labor  parliamentary  group.  He  denied  that 
the  proposal  was  in  the  nature  of  compulsory  arbitration. 

Mrs.  Webb  [Fabian  Society]  ventured  to  ask  the  Con- 
ference not  to  pass  the  resolution  because  it  contained  two 
dangerous  principles.  In  the  first  place,  if  an  agreement 
was  imposed  upon  the  employers,  it  must  be  imposed  upon 
the  workmen  too.  If  it  was  enforced  in  this  way,  it  was 
enforced  as  a  maximum  as  well  as  a  minimum.  The  whole 
principle  of  factory  legislation  and  of  wages  boards  was 
that  the  regulation  enforced  was  a  minimum  and  not  a 
maximum,  and  it  was  competent  for  any  employer  to  give 
more  than  was  laid  down  by  the  regulation,  and  it  was 
also  competent  for  any  workman  to  strike  for  more  than 
was  laid  down.  Therefore  the  weapon  of  the  strike  was 
kept  intact  as  well  as  having  the  advantage  of  legal  enact- 
ment. The  resolution  did  not  follow  that  principle.  It 
concerned  private  agreements  between  employers  and  em- 
ployed. As  the  state  had  not  been  called  in,  it  could  only 
be  enforced  as  a  civil  liability  by  an  action  for  damages. 
The  workers  would  then  find  themselves  in  the  position  of 
the  New  Zealand  workers  who  were  being  imprisoned  for 
refusing  to  obey  the  court.  The  only  way  of  dealing  with 
the  question  of  wages  in  a  quite  safe  manner  so  that  the 
weapon  of  the  strike  could  be  kept  intact  and  be  always 
ready  for  use,  was  to  proceed  by  the  wages  boards  by 
which  a  minimum  and  not  a  maximum  was  laid  down.  She 
suggested  that  the  resolution  should  be  rejected. 

Mr.  J.  R.  Clynes,  M.  P.  [Gas- workers]  declared  that  the 
two  objections  he  had  to  the  proposal  were  that  it  was  too 
premature  and  that  it  would  give  to  non-unionists  condi- 


COINIPULSORY  ARBITRATION  433 

tions  which  the  unionists  had  fought  and  paid  for.  The 
resolution  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  right  to  strike  or 
compulsory  arbitration.  He  did  not  believe  that  one 
needed  to  fear  that  the  industrial  council  wished  to  abolish 
the  strike  or  interfere  with  industrial  freedom  of  the 
workers. 

The  resolution  was  withdrawn,  as  many  expressed  a  de- 
sire to  give  further  and  closer  consideration  to  the  prin- 
ciples involved. 

n.    THE  EXPERIENCE   "WITH   COMPULSORY  ARBITRATION   IN 
NEW   ZEALAND 

By  Robert  H.  Hutchinson 
(From  The  New  Review,  January,  1910) 
"Under  what  favorable  conditions  the  system  of  arbitra- 
tration  was  inaugurated  in  New  Zealand  must  be  borne  in 
mind  at  the  outset.  Prior  to  its  inception  the  country  had 
been  under  the  thumb  of  the  large  farmer,  a  condition 
which  continued  until  a  coalescence  of  the  small  farmers 
and  the  laboring  men  of  the  towns  effected,  in  1890,  the 
overthrow  of  the  Conservatives  and  the  entrance  of  a  Lib- 
eral Party  into  Parliament.  Now,  although  a  protective 
tariff  stood  behind  the  manufacturer,  the  worker  and 
farmer  controlled  the  Government,  and  together  they  re- 
garded the  manufacturer  and  commercial  man  as  their 
antagonist.  The  country  was  limited,  its  exports  in  the 
way  of  manufactures  practically  nothing,  and  its  popula- 
tion small  and  homogeneous.  There  was  no  'rabble'  of 
unemployed,  labor  was  scarce,  of  a  high  order,  and  valuable, 
and  the  tariff  wall  enabled  the  manufacturer  to  shift  any 
additional  expense  resulting  from  legislative  pressure  on 
to  the  consumer.  Add  to  this  the  fact  that  beginning  in 
the  later  '90 's  a  wave  of  commercial  prosperity  swept  the 


434       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

country,  and  it  must  be  granted  that  New  Zealand's  posi- 
tion was  somewhat  ideal  for  the  institution  of  a  court  of 
arbitration.  On  the  whole,  the  idea  was  acceptable.  Farm- 
ers looked  to  it  as  one  instrument  among  others  to  curb 
the  arrogance  of  the  manufacturers;  workers  saw  in  it  a 
means  of  improving  their  lot;  and  even  the  employers 
welcomed  it  as  a  medium  for  settling  disputes  and  were 
glad  to  grant  concessions  to  their  employees  for  the  benefits 
which  would  accrue  from  industrial  peace. 

"It  would  be  futile  to  delay  in  criticising  the  sundry 
benefits  and  drawbacks  which  have  resulted  from  the  arbi- 
tration law  in  New  Zealand.  Undoubtedly  it  has  benefited 
the  progressive  employer  by  eliminating  the  cutthroat  com- 
petitors who  reap  their  profits  through  sweating  and  child 
labor.  Great  educative  benefits  also  have  resulted  from 
the  necessary  publicity  accompanying  an  award,  and  the 
popular  criticism  to  which  the  court  was  continuously  ex- 
posed. The  worker,  of  course,  has  profited  greatly.  It 
has  meant  for  him  not  only  increase  of  [money]  wages 
and  improved  conditions  under  which  to  work,  but  addi- 
tional leisure  and  independence  as  well.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  employers  have  complained  that  labor  has  decreased 
in  its  efficiency,  and  other  critics  fear  that  though  it  has 
helped  to  unite  and  solidify  labor  in  general,  it  has  taken 
the  steel  out  of  the  men  and  left  them  without  initiative. 
Meanwhile  the  public  complains  that  prices  have  gone  up 
and  the  investor  declares  his  capital  in  danger. 

"The  attitude  of  the  workers  has  of  recent  years  rad- 
ically changed.  Whereas  ten  years  ago  the  voices  foretell- 
ing the  failure  of  the  court  were  very  few  indeed  and  ill 
received,  the  opinion  is  growing  prevalent  that  they  were 
the  voices  of  true  and  not  false  prophets.  In  fact,  to 
support  the  Arbitration  Court  among  some  labor  circles 


COMPULSORY  ARBITRATION  435 

to-day  is  tantamount  to  declaring  oneself  a  reactionary. 
Men  and  women  among  the  workers  feel  that  the  court 
is  owned  and  controlled  by  the  capitalist  class ;  that  though 
their  labor  representative  is  a  factor  of  it,  yet  he  is  coun- 
terbalanced by  the  employers'  representative,  and  the 
judge,  being  also  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court,  belongs 
by  his  training  and  social  aflSliations  to  the  other  class, 
and  is  unavoidably  biased.  Whereas  a  few  years  ago  con- 
trary opinion  was  directed  against  the  personnel  and  prac- 
tice of  the  court,  it  is  to-day  resolving  itself  into  a  belief 
that  the  basic  principle  of  arbitration  is  at  fault.  Further- 
more, the  court  must  act  within  laws  enacted  by  a  cap- 
italist-controlled Parliament,  and  to  plead  before  it  under 
such  circumstances  is  a  hopeless  predicament.  Public 
opinion  behind  the  court  forbids  it,  in  fact,  to  act  in  any 
other  but  according  to  the  most  conventional  conceptions 
of  justice.  During  the  last  few  years  the  tendency  of  the 
court  has  been  to  regard  the  workers  as  a  discontented 
class  revolting  against  a  perfectly  satisfactory  order  of 
things,  and  upon  whom  the  court  must  pass  sentence.  The 
reputation  for  industrial  well-being  which  New  Zealand 
enjoys  makes  it  additionally  difficult.  One  hears  it  said, 
'the  workers  here  are  better  off  than  in  any  other  country 
in  the  world ;  they  have  no  right  to  complain. ' 

*'It  is  impossible  for  the  judges  to  act  impartially;  they 
are  too  much  restricted  on  every  side,  the  pressure  of  the 
capitalist  class  too  great.  .   .   . 

"The  court  is  no  longer  the  focussing  point  of  public 
interest  in  industrial  matters.  It  is  no  longer  the  axle 
.around  which  turn  the  wheels  of  business  life.  Differences 
between  employers  and  workers  are  settled  to  an  ever 
increasing  extent  outside  the  court,  and,  moreover,  force  is 
again  being  called  into  play.  Workers  are  resorting  to 
the  strike.     Employers,  however,  cling  to  the  system  and 


43G       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

use  it  in  a  previously  unnecessary  way.  When  a  union 
failing  of  its  purpose  before  the  court,  cancels  its  registra- 
tion and  declares  a  strike,  the  employers  rush  in  a  squad 
of  men,  pay  them  good  wages  for  the  time  being,  form 
them  into  an  arbitration  union  upon  a  program  dictated 
by  themselves  [the  employers],  and,  before  the  strikers 
know  it,  they  must  either  join  the  new  union  at  the  em- 
ployers' pleasure  or  go  without  work.  This  procedure 
has  been  a  feature  of  almost  every  recent  strike  and  was 
notoriously  so  during  the  late  crisis.  .   .   . 

"Such  is  the  practical  outcome;  other  inevitable  results 
are  no  less  in  evidence.  Though  wages  have  risen  since 
the  inception  of  the  act,  prices  have  gone  up  in  much 
greater  proportion,  and  the  wage-earner  finds  himself  in 
no  better  position  to-day  than  twenty  years  ago.  In  other 
respects  New  Zealand  has  progressed  along  substantially 
the  same  path  as  have  other  countries.  Wealth  has  be- 
come more  and  more  concentrated  into  the  hands  of  the 
few,  poverty  is  slowly  but  surely  on  the  increase,  and  class 
distinctions  are  becoming  each  day  more  pronounced. 
With  the  tendency  of  business  towards  monopoly  and  the 
inevitable  rise  in  the  cost  of  living,  labor  is  awakening, 
uniting,  and  demanding  its  just  share  of  what  it  produces. 
The  effect  of  these  twenty  years  of  arbitration  and  good 
times  has  been  merely  to  lull  the  worker  into  a  comfortable 
and  self-satisfied  condition  until  he  felt  himself  quite  as 
good  as  his  employer.  He  had  but  to  step  up  to  the 
Arbitration  Court  and  his  demands  materialized.  He  had 
leisure,  comfort,  and  good  pay.  But  to-day  he  feels  that 
all  these  years  he  has  been  fooled  and  cheated  and  the 
court  seems  a  very  grim  joke  indeed." 

(See  also  "New  Zealand"  and  "The  General  Strike.") 


COMPULSORY  ARBITRATION  437 

m.    COMPULSORY   ARBITRATION    IN   AUSTRALIA 

Editorials  in  The  Socialist  (Melbourne),  signed  by  Mordeeai 

[Both  in  New  South  Wales  and  in  "Western  Australia — 
as  in  other  instances — officials  put  in  office  by  the  Labor 
Party  had  fined  labor  unionists  for  striking.] 

"These  workers  are  brought  before  the  court  just  in 
the  same  way  as  the  person  who  commits  any  common 
offense,  and  for  what?  They  withhold  the  labor  which 
they  have  to  sell.  It  seems  that  we  are  drifting  back  to 
conditions  of  slavery.  When  the  worker  may  be  fined  or 
jailed  for  exercising  what  should  be  his  right  under  cap- 
italism— to  say  when  and  for  whom  he  will  work — he  is  a 
slave  indeed.  The  official  who  summoned  these  men  to 
appear  at  court  was  elected  to  look  after  working-class 
interests.  That  is  how  he  does  it.  We  compliment  him 
(and  his  party)  on  the  success  of  his  efforts  to  fool  the 
workers.  In  passing,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
leader  of  the  Federal  Labor  Party  is  of  the  same  mind  as 
his  state  brothers.  Speaking  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  Thursday,  April  16,  Mr.  Fisher  said :  '  If  I  could, 
I  would  prevent  strikes  absolutely. '  So  would  we,  by  abol- 
ishing the  social  system  which  makes  them  necessary.  At 
present  the  strike  is  the  only  way  for  the  workers  effectu- 
ally to  express  their  discontent.  Anyone  who  would  pre- 
vent them  doing  that  is  assisting  the  other  class  to  keep 
the  working-class  in  the  bondage  of  wage-slavery." 

(See  also  "Australia.") 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  SOCIALIST  PROGRAM  OF  LABOR  LEGISLA- 
TION AND  SOCIAL  REFORM 

All  the  Socialist  and  Labor  parties  and  other  labor 
union  organizations  have  concentrated  a  large  part  of  their 
activity,  undoubtedly  the  larger  part,  in  the  effort  to  secure 
labor  legislation.  We  make  no  attempt  to  measure  the  suc- 
cess of  this  effort,  as  this  would  require  a  volume  in  itself. 
Moreover,  it  is  difficult  to  say  in  what  proportion  the  legis- 
lation already  secured  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  enlightened 
selfishness  of  governments  actually  in  power,  and  to  what 
extent  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  their  fear  of  the  economic 
or  political  power  of  the  labor  unions  and  Socialist  parties. 

It  is  perfectly  practicable,  however,  to  give  the  Socialist 
program  of  labor  legislation,  as  well  as  the  British  varia- 
tion of  this  program. 

I.   PROGRAM   OF   COPENHAGEN   CONGRESS,   1910 

The  International  Congress,  held  at  Copenhagen  in  1910, 
adopted  a  resolution  on  labor  legislation,  declaring  that : 

The  increasing  exploitation  of  the  workers  consequent  upon  the 
development  of  capitalist  production  has  brought  about  conditions 
which  render  imperative  legislation  for  the  protection  of  the  life 
and  health  of  the  worker. 

In  no  country  do  the  laws  even  approximate  that  which  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  in  the  interests  of  the  workers,  and  which  could 
be  granted  without  detriment  to  existing  industry;  [and  reiterat- 
ing]  the  following  minimum  demands  regarding  legislation  for 

438 


LABOR  LEGISLATION  AND  SOCIAL  REFORM      439 

the  protection  of  workers  (without  distinction  of  sex)  made  by 
the  Paris  Congress  of  1889: 

1.  A  maximum  working  day  of  eight  hours. 

2.  Prohibition  of  boy  and  girl  labor  under  14  years. 

3.  Prohibition  of  night  work,  except  where  the  nature  of  the 
work  demands  of  public  welfare  make  it  inevitable. 

4.  Uninterrupted  rest  of  at  least  36  hours  in  each  week  for  all 
workers. 

5.  Complete  suppression  of  the  track  system. 

6.  Absolute  right  of  combination. 

7.  Effective  and  thorough  inspection  of  working  conditions, 
agricultural  as  well  as  industrial,  with  the  co-operation  of  persons 
elected  by  the  workers. 

The  Congress  recalled  the  action  of  the  Amsterdam  Con- 
gress (1904)  in  demanding  that  adequate  public  measures 
be  taken  ''for  the  support  and  care  of  the  sick,  those  dis- 
abled by  accident,  the  old,  the  invalids,  women  with  child 
and  mothers  in  childbed,  widows,  orphans,  and  the  unem- 
ployed; the  administration  of  such  measures  to  be  under 
the  control  of  the  workers,  and  the  same  treatment  to  be 
given  to  foreigners  as  to  those  belonging  to  the  country," 
and  called  ''upon  the  workers  of  all  nations,  whether  occu- 
pied in  industry,  in  commerce,  in  agriculture,  or  in  any 
other  branch,  to  break  down  the  opposition  of  the  govern- 
ing classes  and,  by  unceasing  agitation  and  strong  and  per- 
fect organization,  both  political  and  industrial,  to  win  for 
themselves  real  and  effective  protection." 

II.   RFSOLUTION  AT   THE  BRITISH  LABOR   PARTY   CONFERENCE 
ON   THE   NATIONAL    MINIMUM,    1913 

(Conference  of  1913) 

Mr.  W,  C.  Anderson  [I.  L.  P.]  moved  the  following: 

That  this  Conference  urges  the  Parliamentary  Labor  Party  to 
press  upon  the  Government  the  resolutions  carried  at  the  many 


440      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

War  Against  Poverty  Conferences  demanding  legislation  next  ses- 
sion to  secure  to  every  person  a  national  minimum  of  civilized 
life  by  measures  providing  for  a  legal  minimum  wage  in  agricul- 
ture and  all  industries,  the  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  to  48 
hours  per  week,  complete  provision  against  sickness,  the  guar- 
antee of  a  national  minimum  of  child  nurture,  the  prevention  of 
unemployment,  the  building  of  healthy  homes  for  all,  and  the 
abolition  of  the  Poor  Law. 

Mr.  Anderson  of  the  Independent  Labor  Party  and  W. 
S.  Sanders  of  the  Fabian  Society  urged  a  union  of  all 
forces  to  bring  about  this  reform.  The  resolution  was 
carried. 

m.   PUBLIC    FEEDING   OF   SCHOOL   CHILDREN 
(Conference  of  1914) 
Dr.  Marion  Phillips   (Women's  Labor  League)    moved 
the  following: 

That  this  Conference  calls  upon  the  Government  to  make  com- 
pulsory the  Education  (Provision  of  Meals)  Act,  and  to  extend 
it  so  that  necessitous  children  may  be  fed  during  holidays  and  to 
make  it  obligatory  that  feeding  should  be  carried  out  by  direct 
management  and  not  by  contractors. 

She  said  the  greater  part  of  the  resolution  had  been  car- 
ried at  previous  conferences.  The  only  new  point  was  that 
they  wished  to  make  it  obligatory  for  feeding  to  be  carried 
out  by  direct  management  and  not  by  private  contractors 
making  a  profit  out  of  the  business. 

The  resolution  was  seconded  and  agreed  to. 

(See  also  party  programs  of  Germany  and  the  United 
States.) 


CHAPTER  V 
UNEMPLOYMENT 

The  question  of  unemployment  plays  a  very  exceptional 
and  central  role  from  the  point  of  view  of  all  Socialist 
parties.  The  chief  reason  for  this  is  that  if  there  were  not 
always  present  in  industry  an  army  of  unemployed,  strikes 
would  be  far  more  effective.  Not  only  would  this  make 
possible  such  a  high  degree  of  organization  of  labor  as  to 
facilitate  the  general  strike,  but  it  would  also  put  the  labor 
unions  in  a  position  to  wage  a  much  more  effective  political 
struggle. 

I.  THE  INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESS   OF   COPENHAGEN,    1910 

(From  American  Party  Report) 
The  resolution  and  discussion  on  the  problems  of  unem- 
ployment and  co-operation  and  on  the  Socialist  program 
for  labor  legislation  we  take  from  the  report  of  the  Con- 
gress, made  by  the  American  delegates  to  the  American 
Party. 

The  following  is  the  resolution  on  the  question  of  unem- 
ployment : 

The  Congress  declares  that  unemployment  is  inseparable  from 
the  capitalist  mode  of  production  and  will  disappear  only  when 
capitalism  disappears.  So  long  as  capitalist  production  forms 
the  basis  of  society,  palliative  measures  alone  are  possible. 

This  Congress  demands  the  institution  by  public  authorities, 
under  the  administration  of  working-class  organizations,  of  gen- 
eral compulsory  insurance  against  unemployment,  the  expenses 
of  which  shall  be  borne  by  the  owners  of  the  means  of  production. 

441 


442       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  representatives  of  the  workers  most  urgently  demand  from 
the  public  authorities : 

(1)  Exact  statistical  registx'ation  of  the  unemployed. 

(2)  The  execution  on  a  sufficient  scale  of  important  public 
works  where  the  unemployed  shall  be  paid  the  trade-union  rate 
of  wages. 

(3)  In  periods  of  industrial  crisis  extraordinary  subsidies  to 
trade-union  unemploj'ed  funds. 

(4)  No  payment  to  an  unemployed  worker  to  cause  the  loss  of 
political  rights. 

(5)  Establishment  of  and  subsidies  to  labor  exchanges  in  which 
all  the  liberties  and  interest  of  the  workers  are  respected  by  co- 
operation with  trade-union  employment  bureaus. 

(6)  Social  laws  for  the  regulation  and  reduction  of  hours  of 
work. 

(7)  Pending  the  realization  by  legislation  of  general  and  com- 
pulsory insurance,  the  public  authorities  should  encourage  unem- 
ploj^ment  benefit  funds  of  trade-unions  by  financial  subsidies, 
these  subsidies  leaving  complete  autonomy  to  the  trade-union. 

n.   THE   GERMAN   CONGRESS  OF   1913 

a.  Edmondo  Peluso,  in  L'Himianite 

The  Congress  of  the  German  Socialist  Party  in  1913 
was  of  the  unanimous  opinion  that  unemployment  is  a 
consequence  of  the  capitalist  system  of  exploitation  and 
can  be  eradicated  only  by  the  abolition  of  the  present 
society.  But  palliatives  can  be  employed  and  the  duty  of 
the  Socialist  Party  is  to  see  that  this  is  done.  Comrade 
Timm,  Socialist  representative  in  the  Bavarian  Diet,  in  his 
report  on  the  unemployment  insurance  law,  said  in  part : 

The  first  thing  to  do  is  to  prevent  the  capitalists  in  such  critical 
time  from  lowering  existing  salaries.  The  second  step  is  for  the 
Government,  through  an  insurance  law,  to  help  the  unemployed. 

The  German  syndicates,  in  1912,  gave  nearly  nine  million 
marks  for  the  unemployed  out  of  their  funds. 

The  landowners  are  opposed  to  such  a  law,  and  demand  that 
the  unemployed  be  sent  to  the  farms,  where  hands  are  scarce. 


UNEMPLOYMENT  443 

In  Denmark,  such  an  insurance  law  exists,  and  the  state  and 
the  communes  have  to  pay  10,000,000  marks  yearly  for  this 
purpose. 

In  England,  about  2,500,000  workers  are  compulsorily  insured. 

In  Germany,  we  must  compel  the  bourgeoisie,  through  the 
union  of  our  forces,  to  grant  us  this  reform  law. 

The  motion  of  Timm  was  then  adopted  unanimously, 
b.  The  Timm  Resolution 

The  constant  and  periodically  gi-owing  problem  of  unem- 
ployment is  an  inseparable  feature,  an  inevitable  result  of  capital- 
ist production.  It  will  disappear  only  with  the  introduction  of 
a  socially  organized  system  of  production. 

But  we  must  strive,  even  under  present  conditions,  at  least 
to  alleviate  the  suffering  caused  by  unemployment  through  social 
legislation. 

We  demand,  therefore,  that  all  public  bodies  of  the  nation, 
states,  or  cities  insist  upon  immediate  completion  of  unfinished 
public  undertakings  and  plan  for  the  systematic  provision  of 
opportunity  for  work  at  the  prevailing  rate  of  wages. 

We  call  upon  organizations  to  arrange  mass  demonstrations 
which  shall  emphasize  and  support  the  measures  proposed  by 
their  representatives  in  the  legislative  bodies. 

Public  legal  unemployment  insurance  for  all  workers  and 
employees  can  be  established  only  by  national  legislation. 

Until  such  time  as  the  national  regulation  of  unemployment 
insurance  has  been  secured,  we  demand  municipal  support  through 
payments  to  the  labor-union  unemialoyment  insurance  funds. 

For  this  purpose  the  individual  states  must  be  called  upon 
to  grant  regular  endowments. 

The  enforcement  of  public  unemployment  insurance  legisla- 
tion is  possible  only  when  it  is  demanded  by  active  and  energetic 
agitation  through  our  political  and  industrial  organizations.  We 
call  upon  all  workers,  therefore,  to  join  these  organizations. 

III.    THE   OFFICIAL  REPORT   TO    THE   PROPOSED  VIENNA 
CONGRESS,   1914 

The  report  on  unemployment  to  the  proposed  Interna- 
tional Congress,  which  was  to  have  been  held  at  Vienna  in 


444       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

1914,  was  intrusted  by  the  International  Bureau  to  Vail- 
lant,  and  was  unanimously  indorsed  by  the  French  Con- 
gress. It  was  practically  certain  of  adoption  by  the  Con- 
gress at  Vienna,  had  the  latter  been  held.  A  summary  was 
given  in  The  Daily  Herald  (London). 

Vaillant  declared  that  capitalism  will  have  recourse  to 
the  aid  of  the  state  in  order  to  provide  that  reserve  army 
of  labor  which  it  requires  and  must  have.  It  will  promote 
emigration  or  immigration,  or  try  to  stop  both  according 
as  the  reserve  army  of  labor  rises  or  falls. 

He  then  reviewed  the  manner  in  which  the  various  Euro- 
pean countries  were  encouraging  and  suppressing  immi- 
gration and  emigration,  and  analyzed  the  crises  which  had 
taken  place  during  the  last  twenty  years. 

He  then  proposed  the  following  resolution,  w^hich  was 
to  be  submitted  to  the  Vienna  Congress : 

The  Congress — Considering  that  if  unemployment  can  only  dis- 
appear with  the  method  of  capitalist  production  for  which  it  is 
a  necessary  condition  of  existence  and  development,  there  are 
laws,  reforms,  and  means  which  even  now  can  prevent  or  mitigate 
in  some  measure  misery  and  suffering  and  their  aggravation  in 
times  of  depression  and  crisis; 

Considering  that  the  evil  of  unemployment  presses  not  only  on 
those  out  of  work,  but  unceasingly  threatens  all  members  of  the 
working-class  and  makes  the  whole  of  working-class  life  a  long 
torture  of  insecurity  and  dread ;  that,  therefore,  the  first  and  most 
necessary  measures  against  unemployment  and  its  evils  are  those 
which  best  protect  the  workers,  guarantee  their  security,  and  in- 
crease the  power  of  organization,  the  resistance  and  struggle  of 
the  working-class  [demands]  : 

1.  The  extension  of  the  right  of  trade-union  combination ; 

2.  Limitation  of  the  duration  and  intensity  of  labor — the  eight- 
hour  day  and  the  "English  week"  (Saturday  half-holiday); 
physiological  and  hygienic  limitation  of  the  intensity  and  rapidity 
of  labor; 

3.  Failing  a  trade-union  rate  of  wages,  a  minimum  wage  ac- 
cording to  the  cost  of  living; 


UNEMPLOYMENT  445 

4.  The  Australian  system  of  a  minimum  wage  and  wages 
boards  for  housework  and  low-paid  callings; 

5.  Prohibition  of  all  production  of  commodities  by  labor  in 
prisons  and  benevolent  establishments;  educational  work  to  be 
substituted  in  them  for  productive  work ; 

6.  Systematic  co-ordination  and  execution  of  public  works  in 
accordance  with  the  economic  situation,  the  state  of  the  markets, 
and  the  intensity  of  unemployment ; 

7.  Institution  of  a  national  organization  of  the  service  of 
"  placement,"  under  the  control  of  the  state  and  the  trade-unions; 

8.  Social  insurance  against  all  the  risks  of  working-class  life 
and  labor — unemployment,  accidents,  sickness,  invalidity,  infirm- 
ity, old  age,  etc. — without  workmen's  contributions,  and  managed, 
quite  independently,  by  the  unions  of  those  insured ; 

Insurance  guaranteeing  to  all  those  insured  reparation  for 
risks  undergone,  compensation  to  be  at  least  equal  to  the  proved 
loss  of  working  capacity  or  wages ; 

Establishment  of  all  institutions  and  measures  useful  for  the 
prevention  of  risks; 

Graduated  tax  upon  capital  and  incomes  of  the  wealthy 
classes,  the  provision,  by  an  annual  credit  in  the  budget,  of  neces- 
sary and  sufficient  sums  for  the  complete  working  and  develop- 
ment of  social  insurance;  the  capital  funds  fi'om  the  em- 
ployers' contributions  furnishing  useful  complementary  sums; 

9.  Permanent  and  periodical  inquiry  into  unemployment  by 
trade-unions  with  the  co-operation,  if  possible,  of  the  technical 
services  of  the  communes  and  the  state. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING 

In  the  chapter  on  the  Socialist  parties  and  the  labor 
unions  we  have  pointed  out  that  the  Socialist  parties  often 
regard  themselves  merely  as  the  political  expression  of  the 
organizations  of  the  largest  class  of  producers,  the  wage- 
earners.  But  all  producers  are  at  the  same  time  consum- 
ers, and  all  Socialist  parties  have  given  a  constantly  in- 
creasing share  of  their  attention  to  the  problems  of  the 
consumer.  Frequently,  in  recent  years,  it  has  even  ap- 
peared in  some  of  the  countries  of  continental  Europe  that 
the  Socialist  parties  have  been  giving  more  attention  to 
the  high  cost  of  living  than  to  strikes,  labor  legislation, 
and  other  matters  which  concern  the  wage-earners  as 
producers. 

But  this  is  a  comparatively  new  development ;  as  a  con- 
sequence, the  Socialist  position  is  not  altogether  defined; 
for  example,  the  International  has  not  decided  whether 
any  effort  shall  be  made  to  fix  prices  by  law.  Our  quota- 
tions, therefore,  while  not  indicating  any  final  conclusions, 
cover  the  more  important  part  of  the  period  (the  years 
since  1910)  during  which  this  topic  has  been  the  center  of 
discussion.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  prices  have 
never  risen  so  rapidly  as  in  recent  years,  and  that  in  all 
countries  they  have  gone  up  far  more  rapidly  than  wages — 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  favorably  situated  occupations. 
Hence  the  growing  importance  of  the  agitation,  which  led 
to  widespread  rioting  in  many  of  the  continental  nations — 
including  France,  Italy,  Germany,  and  Austro-Hungary. 

446 


THE  HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING  447 

I.  THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY  CONFERENCE,  1914 STATE 

REGULATED  PRICES 

(From  the  Official  Report  of  the  Conference) 
Mr.  0.   Connellan    [Leeds  Trades  Council]   moved  the 
following : 

That  this  Conference  is  of  opinion  that  the  time  is  opportune 
for  steps  to  be  taken  to  inquire  into  the  possibility  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  state-regulated  prices  for  domestic  commodities,  as 
a  national  correlative  to  the  minimum  wage. 

He  said  they  did  not  hope  the  Labor  Party  would  be 
able  to  secure  in  the  immediate  future  or  for  some  time 
the  state  regulation  of  prices  of  food,  but  the  fact  remained 
that  the  supply  of  food,  being  in  the  hands  of  a  few  rich 
merchants,  they  had  the  power  to  fix  their  own  prices.  He 
felt  that  it  was  a  matter  the  Labor  Party  ought  to  take  up. 

The  resolution  was  formally  seconded. 

Mr.  D.  J.  Davies  [Vehicle  Workers]  moved  the  follow- 
ing amendment: 

Delete  "  as  a  national  correlative  to  the  minimum  wage  "  and 
insert  "  and  other  commodities  which  are  compulsory  purchas- 
able by  the  workers  in  the  course  of  their  occupation." 

He  said  the  matter  he  wished  included  was  a  very  im- 
portant one  for  the  members  of  his  society.  Oil  fuel  was 
under  two  companies,  and  at  the  commencement  of  1913 
those  companies  raised  the  price  of  petrol  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  cost  the  union  thousands  of  pounds  to  fight  the 
employers  on  behalf  of  the  taxi-cab  drivers  of  London.  .  .  . 

Mr.  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald,  M.  P.,  said  that  when  they 
started  laying  down  the  policy  of  a  minimum  wage  those 
who  had  taken  the  trouble  to  think  the  matter  out  in  detail 
saw  they  would  have  to  go  farther.  Australia  had  had  to 
go  farther.    The  prices  of  certain  commodities  in  Australia 


448       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

were  now  fixed  by  the  state.  They  were  bound  to  go  from 
one  stage  to  another.  There  was  no  termination  in  this 
method  of  progress.  He  thought  the  cab-drivers  had  not 
raised  a  small  point  at  all.  The  question  of  oil  fuel,  its 
monopoly,  its  control,  its  management,  and  its  cost,  was 
going  to  be  one  of  the  biggest  economic  problems  that  the 
industrial  world  would  have  to  face.  He  therefore  hoped 
the  amendment  would  be  accepted. 

The  amendment  was  put  and  declared  carried;  and  the 
resolution  as  amended  was  then  agreed  to. 

n.  THE  FRENCH  PARTY  CONGRESS,  1914 

(From  Le  Peuple  of  Brussels) 
The  report  to  the  French  Congress  (on  the  "High  Cost 
of  Living")  was  introduced  by  the  well-known  Marxist 
and  agricultural  economist,  Compere-Morel.  In  his  report, 
general  as  well  as  specific  causes  were  ascribed  as  reasons 
for  the  increased  cost  of  living.  Thus  while  militarism, 
taxation,  emigration,  and  fluctuations  in  the  price  of  gold 
undoubtedly  play  some  part  in  this  increase,  nevertheless 
the  root-evil  must  be  sought  in  the  capitalistic  system 
itself.  The  consumer  is  helpless  against  trusts  and  com- 
binations, and  the  Socialistic  organization  alone  can  relieve 
the  body  politic  from  the  ruinous  opposition  of  the  interests 
of  the  producers  and  consumers. 

Vaillant  gave  importance  to  the  secondary  causes,  such 
as  the  tariff  on  consumption  goods.  He  favored  a  policy 
of  commercial  treaties  with  Germany,  which  the  German 
and  Austrian  Socialists  had  formulated.  Adolph  Braun 
proposed  labor-union  control  of  wages  and  their  regulation 
in  correspondence  with  the  prices  of  necessary  com- 
modities. 

Guesde  declared  that  no  one  had  denied  that  the  in- 


THE  HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING  449 

creased  cost  of  living  was  a  general  and  universal  condi- 
tion.   He  concluded : 

It  prevails  in  protectionist  as  well  as  in  free-trade  countries; 
in  those  localities  where  there  are  trusts,  as  well  as  in  those  where 
there  are  none;  in  countries  where  union  methods  have  been 
developed  (Belgium,  England,  Germany,  etc.),  as  well  as  in  coun- 
tries where  they  have  not;  it  is  found  where  there  is  no  govern- 
ment, as  well  as  in  those  countries  where  government  has  secured 
a  foothold.  From  this  it  follows  that  the  increase  of  prices  is 
of  an  inherently  capitalistic  origin.  Such  being  the  ease,  how 
can  we  offer  co-operation,  government  ownership,  and  free  trade 
as  the  sole  remedies  ?  .  .   . 

We  must  show  the  proletariat  that  it  must  employ  every 
means — even  the  labor  unions — if  it  is  ever  to  prepare  itself  for 
its  emancipation,  but  we  must  impress  upon  it  just  as  firmly 
that  the  solution  of  this,  as  well  as  of  other  social  problems, 
is  connected  inseparably  with  the  overthrow  of  the  capitalistic 
system.    Carthage  must  be  destroyed!     Down  with  capitalism! 

The  following  resolution  was  adopted : 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  cost  of  living  has  risen  to  such 
an  extent  that  it  is  becoming  impossible  to  live  like  human  beings, 
since  the  increase  of  wages,  which  follows  rather  than  precedes 
the  crisis  in  the  rise  of  prices,  is  often  slower  than  the  increased 
cost  of  living; 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  this  phenomenon,  far  from  being 
peculiar  to  our  nation,  arises  in  every  capitalistic  country,  protec- 
tionist or  free  trade,  of  the  Old  or  New  World,  and  occupies  the 
minds  of  all  proletarians  of  every  country.  And  since  the  high 
cost  of  living  is  an  evil  of  essentially  capitalistic  origin  and 
cannot  disappear  save  with  capitalism  itself ; 

Therefore,  the  Congress  appeals  to  the  workingmen  and  women 
of  all  countries,  who  suffer  from  the  increased  cost  of  living,  to 
ally  themselves  with  the  Socialist  Party  and  with  the  labor  unions, 
thus  strengthening  the  army  of  the  proletariat  that  is  consciously 
and  effectively  striving  against  the  high  cost  of  living. 

The  Congress  invites  them  at  the  same  time  to  make  use  of 
their  political  and  economic  powers : 

(1)  Replacing  indirect  taxes  upon  consumption  by  direct  taxes 


450       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

upon  capital,  accompanied  by  legislative  measures  checking  the 
shifting  of  such  taxes. 

(2)  Lessening  the  burden  of  public  expenditure. 

(3)  Encouraging  and  developing  the  agricultural  output. 

(4)  Placing  a  lower  rate  on  the  transportation  of  materials 
of  primary  importance  for  the  development  of  the  land  and  on 
the  shipping  of  agricultural  products. 

(5)  Regulating  the  prices  of  articles  of  principal  importance 
(bread,  meat,  rent,  etc.). 

(6)  Tariff  duties,  which,  while  not  being  exaggerated  in  the 
interest  of  protection,  would  take  into  account  the  legitimate 
interests  of  those  developing  the  land. 

(7)  The  development  of  co-operation,  by  which  the  consumer 
and  producer  can  do  away  with  the  robbery  that  has  been  prac- 
ticed on  both  by  the  middleman. 

(8)  Stopping  the  exodus  from  the  country  by  applying  labor 
legislation  to  the  agricultural  workers,  by  aiding  the  peasant  pro- 
ducers through  tax  reforms,  and  by  increasing  the  production  of 
commodities  through  the  medium  of  great  public  agricultural 
works. 

(9)  Limitation  of  armaments  and  abolition  of  war. 

(10)  Realizing  the  maximum  of  social  reforms  and  labor  legis- 
lation, so  as  to  keep  humanity  from  illness,  crime,  delinquency, 
insanity,  alcoholism,  and  destitution. 


m.    THE   WEBB   REPORT — PREPARED   FOR   THE  PROPOSED 
VIENNA   INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS,    1914 

While  the  International  Socialist  Congress  proposed  for 
Vienna  on  August  23,  1914,  was  never  held,  on  account  of 
the  war,  the  report  on  the  "High  Cost  of  Living,"  which 
was  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  Congress  by  Mr.  Sidney- 
Webb,  has  been  obtained. 

Mr.  Webb,  after  analyzing  the  situation  in  various  coun- 
tries, significantly  concluded  that  "it  is  melancholy  reflec- 
tion that,  except  in  so  far  as  the  growing  collectivism  has 
been  able  to  protect  and  supplement  the  workmen's 
standard  of  life,  at  least  a  majority  of  the  families  in  the 


THE  HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING  451 

world  find  themselves  amid  enormously  augmented  wealth, 
getting,  in  one  or  other  item,  actually  less  adequate  food, 
clothing,  housing,  leisure,  or  recreation  than  was  the  case 
20  years  ago."  He  recommended,  on  heJialf  of  the  British 
Section,  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolution: 

1.  That  the  rise  in  prices,  which  has  extended  to  nearh'  all 
commodities  in  every  civilized  country,  and  has  continued  already 
for  18  years,  has  practically  nowhere  been  accompanied  by  an 
equivalent  rise  of  money  wages,  and  has  consequently  resulted, 
notwithstanding  all  the  struggles  of  trade-union  organizations, 
in  a  degradation  in  the  standard  of  life  of  great  masses  of  the 
proletariat. 

2.  That  the  fundamental  cause  of  such  a  general  rise  of  prices 
is  to  be  sought  in  the  gi'owing  command  over  the  means  and 
processes  of  production,  and  over  the  markets  and  methods  of 
distribution,  which  the  capitalists  of  the  world  are  obtaining,  by 
means  of  their  monopolies,  combinations,  and  price-agreements; 
by  which,  on  the  one  hand,  prices  are  raised  to  the  consumer, 
and  on  the  other  hand — owing  to  the  increased  power  which 
these  same  monopolies,  combinations,  and  price-agreements  give, 
in  face  of  the  proletarian  competition  for  employment — the  wages 
of  labor  are  continually  being  driven  down  towards  bare  sub- 
sistence rates. 

3.  That  this  evil  outcome  of  capitalist  exploitation  and  the 
competitive  wage-system  accordingly  demands  the  urgent  consid- 
eration of  every  legislature;  in  order  that,  pending  any  complete 
grappling  with  the  evil  (which  can  only  be  accomplished  by  the 
transformation  of  society  on  a  Socialist  basis),  palliative  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  proletariat  may  everywhere  be  adopted. 

4.  Among  the  palliative  measures  to  be  commended  as  having, 
at  any  rate,  a  partial  success,  the  Congress  notes: 

(a)  The  action  of  many  municipalities  in  Germany,  Hungary, 
Italy,  and  elsewhere  in  keeping  down  prices  by  opening  municipal 
shops  and  bakeries,  and  supplying  meat,  fish,  bread,  etc.,  as  well 
as  medicines  for  the  sick,  at  cost  price. 

(6)  The  development — unfortunately  far  too  slow — of  the 
municipal  provision  of  dwelling  houses  to  be  let  at  the  cost  of 
construction  and  maintenance  only. 

(c)   The  growth  in  nearly  all  countries  of  the  democratic  co- 


452       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

operative  societies  which  bring  an  increasing  part  of  the  pro- 
visioning of  the  people  under  working-class  control. 

(d)  The  formulation  of  the  demand  by  trade-unions  that  there 
should  be  recognized  a  minimum  standard  of  wages  below  which 
they  must  never  be  allowed  to  fall,  based  on  the  ascertained  cost 
of  maintenance. 

(e)  The  concessions — as  yet  tardy  and  insufficient — by  public 
authorities  of  increases  of  wages  to  their  employees,  professedly 
in  proportion  to  the  increased  cost  of  living. 

And  the  working-class  throughout  the  world  should  press  such 
measures  forward. 

5.  That  in  view  of  the  increasing  spread  of  the  fixing  of  mini- 
mum rates  of  wages  by  law,  by  public  authorities,  or  by  collective 
agreements,  and  the  consequent  stereotyping  for  long  periods  of 
existing  money  rates  of  wages,  it  is  desirable  that  all  such  wage 
scales  should  be  accompanied  by  provisions  for  the  rates  of  wages 
to  rise  automatically  with  the  general  level  of  prices  of  commodi- 
ties, which  should  be  officially  ascertained  and  promulgated  year 
by  year.     (Our  italics.) 

The  last  proposal  would  mark  an  extremely  important, 
if  not  a  revolutionary,  innovation  in  Socialist  and  labor- 
union  policy. 


CHAPTER  VII 
AGRICULTURE 

The  Socialist  interest  in  agriculture  is  twofold:  (1)  the 
high  cost  of  living  is  attributed  chiefly  to  the  high  prices 
of  agricultural  products;  and  (2)  the  large  class  of  agri- 
cultural laborers,  and  small  agriculturists  practically  in 
the  condition  of  agricultural  laborers,  must  be  won  over 
to  Socialism  if  there  is  to  be  a  Socialist  majority  and  a 
Socialist  government. 

The  first  phase  of  this  question  we  have  considered  in 
the  previous  chapter.  The  importance  of  the  second  part 
of  the  problem  has  been  recognized  by  all  Socialist  parties 
for  many  years,  though  in  the  early  stages  of  the  present 
Socialist  movement  very  little  attention  was  given  to  it. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  International  movement  had 
assumed  no  definite  attitude  to  the  agrarian  question  in 
1896.  But  since  that  time  the  problem  of  gaining  the 
agricultural  vote  for  Socialism  has  been  carefully  consid- 
ered not  only  in  France,  America,  and  Great  Britain,  but 
also  in  a  number  of  the  smaller  countries,  such  as  Belgium, 
Denmark,  and  Roumania,  and  in  nearly  all  cases  consider- 
able success  has  already  been  achieved — though  only  a 
small  beginning  of  what  it  is  hoped  to  accomplish. 

The  agricultural  problem,  as  a  whole,  has  never  been  dis- 
cussed at  the  International  Socialist  Congresses,  and  as  a 
conseciuence  the  position  of  the  various  countries  differs 
radically.  But  there  is  far  less  difference  as  to  the 
high  cost  of  living,  and  this  latter  problem  has  led  all  the 

453 


454       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

Socialist  parties  to  certain  common  conclusions  as  to  agri- 
culture (as  the  previous  chapter  has  shown). 

It  will  also  be  seen  that  there  is  a  great  deal  in  common 
between  the  program  of  the  Socialists  of  France  and  of 
America,  the  two  great  countries  (together  with  Eussia) 
where  agriculture  is  most  important. 

I.    THE   INTERNATIONAL    CONGRESS   OF   LONDON,    1896 

The  Congress  of  the  International  held  at  London  in 
1896  adopted  the  following  resolution  on  the  agrarian 
question : 

The  ever-increasing  evils  of  the  capitalist  exploitation  of  agri- 
culture will  not  completely  disappear,  except  in  a  society  in 
which  the  soil,  as  well  as  the  other  means  of  production,  belong 
to  the  collectivity. 

The  modes  of  holding  land  and  its  distribution  among  the 
various  categories  of  the  agricultural  population  in  different 
countries,  present  a  diversity  too  great  to  allow  of  the  adoption 
of  a  general  formula,  imposing  on  all  labor  parties  the  same 
means  for  realizing  their  common  ideal,  and  applicable  to  all 
classes  which  are  interested  in  their  realization. 

But  every  labor  party  has  one  essential  and  fundamental  task: 
the  organization  of  the  rural  proletariat  against  those  who  exploit 
it.  Consequently  the  Congress  declares  that  it  must  be  left  to 
the  different  nationalities  to  determine  the  means  of  action  best 
adapted  to  the  situation  of  each  country. 

n.    OFFICCAL   REPORT   TO   THE  FRENCH  PARTY    CONGRESS   OF 

1912 

By  Compere-Morel 

(From  Le  Socialiste,  February  18  to  25,  1912) 

The  French  Party  has  perhaps  given  more  attention  to 

the  agricultural  problem  than  any  other  large  Socialist 

Party.     Its  chief  expert  and  authority  on  the  subject  is 


AGRICULTURE  455 

Compere-Morel.  The  following  propositions  presented  by 
him  to  the  Party  Congress  in  1912,  though  not  finally  acted 
upon,  indicate  the  past  progress  of  the  party,  its  present 
agricultural  problems,  and  the  line  of  their  probable 
solution : 

Whereas,  the  agricultural  wage-earners,  deprived  of  their  tools 
of  production,  are  converted  into  proletarians  to  the  same  extent 
as  are  the  wage-earners  of  mines,  railroads,  and  factories,  and  are 
paid  sub-human  starvation  wages; 

Whereas,  the  tenant-farmers  who  till  the  soil  which  they  do 
not  own  are  scarcely  less  exploited  by  the  great  landowners  than 
are  the  agi'icultural  laborers; 

Whereas,  small  proprietors  working  their  land  without  the  help 
of  day  laborers  are  exploited  by  the  money-lenders,  and  fall  more 
and  more  into  absolute  dependence  upon  middlemen,  to  whom 
they  become  increasingly  tributary,  and  the  small  farmers  are 
condemned  to  submit  to  their  terms,  whether  it  be  a  question  of 
manure,  seeds,  agricultural  machinery,  or  of  agricultural  prod- 
ucts. In  the  meanwhile,  they  face  the  prospect  of  their  real 
estate  shrinking  in  value  in  competition  with  the  large  es- 
tates;  .    ,    . 

Whereas,  the  whole  world  of  rural  labor,  tenant-farmer  and 
small  landed  proprietor,  has  every  reason  to  desire  to  have  that 
transfoi-mation  realized  which  is  the  aim  of  International  So- 
cialism ; 

Therefore,  the  party  should  increase  its  propaganda  in  the 
country  by  organizing  agricultural  workers  and,  with  their  help, 
should  hasten  the  political  expropriation  of  the  capitalist  class, 
the  indispensable  prelude  to  its  economic  expropriation. 

To  this  end,  while  reaffirming  that  the  solution  of  the  social 
problem  lies  wholly  and  exclusively  in  the  collective  ownership 
of  all  means  of  production,  exchange,  and  distribution,  the  party 
should  decide  upon  a  series  of  immediate  demands,  calculated  to 
prepare  the  French  peasantry  for  the  new  order. 

This  series  of  immediate  demands  is  as  follows: 

1,  Development  of  the  unions  of  agricultural  laborers. 

2,  Extension  of  all  labor  laws  to  agriculture  and  a  minimum 
wage  for  daj^-laborers,  as  well  as  those  hired  by  the  year,  to  be 
fixed  by  the  agricultural  unions  and  municipal  councils. 


456       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

3.  Establishment  of  a  normal  eight-hour  day.  During  the  busy 
seasons,  overtime  allowed  with  special  pay.  Weekly  rest  to  agri- 
cultural wage-earners. 

4.  Application  of  the  laws  of  hygiene  to  the  quarters  of  farm 
hands,  to  realize  the  maximum  of  favorable  conditions. 

5.  Prohibition  of  child  labor  under  13  years  of  age,  and  the 
farmwork  for  children  and  youths  before  7  a.m.  and  after  7  p.ii. 

6.  Appointment  of  agricultural  arbitrators,  with  right  of  ap- 
peal reserved  to  the  representatives  of  both  parties. 

7.  Revision  of  ground  leases  for  tenant-farming  by  arbitration 
committees,  which,  when  the  rent  exceeded  the  normal  ground 
rent,  should  reduce  the  rent  charge  to  the  normal  price;  and  the 
institution  of  a  rental  varying  according  to  the  crops,  inclem- 
encies of  the  season,  and  prices.  Indemnity  to  tenant-farmers 
when  leaving,  for  the  increased  value  given  to  the  property  during 
the  lease. 

8.  The  establishment  for  the  farmer  of  a  fund  to  include  farm- 
ing implements,  manure,  and  heads  of  cattle  which  are  indis- 
pensable to  the  exercise  of  the  vocation. 

9.  Abolition  of  taxes  of  labor  imposed  by  the  proprietor  upon 
the  tenant-farmers  and  the  abolition  of  landlord-tenants. 

10.  Development  of  agricultural  unions,  benefit,  and  co-opera- 
tive societies,  for  the  purpose,  first,  of  purchasing  fertilizer,  seed, 
etc.,  then  for  the  sale  of  agi-icultural  products,  and,  lastly,  for 
their  production,  the  administration  of  which  will  permit  the 
small  landowners  to  accustom  themselves  to  superior  methods  of 
management  and  the  use  of  new  agi'icultural  instruments. 

11.  Purchase  by  the  communes,  with  the  aid  of  the  state,  of 
agricultural  machines,  or  the  hiring  of  these  machines,  placed 
without  charge  at  the  service  of  the  small  cultivators. 

12.  Abolition  of  inheritance  taxes  under  5,000  francs. 

13.  Abolition  of  all  indirect  taxes  and  transformation  of  direct 
taxes  into  a  progressive  tax  on  incomes  above  3,000  francs;  ad 
interim,  the  abolition  of  the  ground  tax,  the  proprietors  cultivat- 
ing their  own  lands. 

14.  Lowering  of  the  transport  rates  for  fertilizer  machines 
and  agi'icultural  products. 

15.  Prohibition  of  the  communes  from  alienating  their  com- 
munal lands. 

16.  Revision  of  the  registry  of  lands  and  revision  of  lands  sub- 
divided by  the  communes. 


AGRICULTURE  457 

17.  Immediate  consideration  of  some  plan  of  public  works 
having  for  its  end  the  betterment  of  the  soil  and  the  development 
of  agricultural  production. 

18.  Freedom  to  hunt  and  fish,  limited  only  by  the  necessities  of 
conservation;  prohibition  of  private  preserves. 

19.  Free  courses  in  agronomy,  together  with  plots  of  land  for 
experiment. 

Therefore,  be  it  resolved  that  the  Lyons  Congress  vote  this 
program  of  immediate  reform,  and  declare  to  the  farmers  that 
we  wish  to  restore  the  possessions  of  those  that  have  been  dis- 
possessed and  to  respect  the  little  farms  of  others  which  they 
have  been  cultivating  themselves;  that  we  nevertheless  predict 
that  they  will  voluntarily  come  to  the  collective  form  of  property 
through  the  methods  of  co-oi^eration,  because  they  will  have 
recognized  all  its  advantages  with  their  own  eyes;  that  we  believe 
that  our  recruits  will  be  many,  and  that  the  reign  of  the  agrarians, 
that  reserve  army  of  reaction  and  social  conservatism,  will  be 
near  its  end. 


m.    THE   PROGRAM    ADOPTED   BY   THE   DANISH    CONGRESS, 

1913 

(From  Vorwaerts) 
The  agrarian  program  demands  the  nationalization  of 
the  estates  of  the  nobility,  of  the  church,  and  of  all  unculti- 
vated land.  The  right  of  eminent  domain  is  extended. 
The  use  of  socialized  land  is  to  be  given  to  agricultural 
laborers  and  persons  in  a  similar  situation,  the  necessary 
capital  for  cultivation  to  be  furnished  when  necessary  by 
the  community.  Where  co-operative  cultivation  is  profita- 
ble it  is  to  be  encouraged  by  the  community.  Further- 
more, the  state  is  to  support  agriculture  by  furnishing 
capital  for  cultivation,  to  help  in  the  improvement  of  the 
land,  etc.  The  organization  and  support  of  agricultural 
schools  are  demanded.  The  state  is  to  undertake  and  super- 
intend the  building  of  private  dwellings  and  is  to  struggle 
against  land  speculation  by  itself  building  dwellings  for 


458       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

laborers.  Where  the  right  of  using  socially  owned  land 
is  given  over  to  private  persons,  a  tax  is  to  be  fixed  cor- 
responding to  the  value  of  the  land.  Besides  the  tax 
against  landowners,  there  is  to  be  a  taxing  of  the  incre- 
ment in  land  value. 

IV.    THE   AGRARIAN   QUESTION   IN   THE   UNITED   STATES  * 
1.  RECENT  TENDENCIES   IN   AGRICULTURAL   CONCENTRATION 

By  A.  M.  Simons 

Present-day  American  agriculture  has  grown  directly 
out  of  conditions,  most  of  which  originated  in  the  years 
directly  after  the  Civil  War.  At  this  time  the  most  ex- 
tensive effort  ever  tried  in  any  country  was  made  to  main- 
tain a  race  of  small  farmers.  In  the  20  years  following 
1860,  65,000,000  acres  of  land  were  distributed  by  the  na- 
tional government  in  small  farms.  A  much  larger  amount 
was  given  to  the  railroads  during  this  same  period,  and 
a  large  portion  of  this  was  also  distributed  to  small  farmers. 

In  the  South  the  great  plantations  were  divided  up 
by  the  destruction  of  the  system  of  chattel  slavery  into 
hundreds  of  thousands  more  small  farms. 

In  the  intense  competition  for  production  of  agricul- 
tural products  that  followed,  the  income  of  the  farmer,  like 
that  of  the  wage-worker,  was  reduced  to  the  point  which 
would  sustain  life  and  permit  a  continuance  of  the  race  of 
farmers.  The  remainder  went  to  the  transportation, 
storage,  and  marketing  companies  that  control  the  farmers' 
product  in  its  later  stages.  (Our  italics  throughout 
article.) 

By  1890  there  were  no  more  farms  to  be  distributed, 
save  in  isolated  localities  or  after  the  expenditure  of  large 
sums  for  drainage  or  irrigation.    These  were  not  numerous 

*  From  Socialist  Party  Campaign  Book  of  1913. 


AGRICULTURE  459 

enough  or  in  sufficiently  active  connection  with  agriculture 
as  a  whole  to  act  as  an  outlet  for  the  farmers  who  were 
being  crowded  from  the  land  in  the  older  localities. 

The  20  years  since  1890  have  seen  the  transformation 
of  those  conditions  that  have  served  to  distinguish  agri- 
culture from  factory  industry.  It  has  seen  the  element  of 
chance  largely  eliminated.  Agricultural  invention,  im- 
proved machinery,  and  better  breeding  of  plants  and  ani- 
mals have  not  only  greatly  increased  the  product,  but  have 
brought  conditions  of  production  to  a  point  where  they 
much  more  closely  approximate  those  existing  in  the  mill, 
mine,  and  factory. 

The  disappearance  of  free  land  has  shown  itself  most 
strikingly  in  the  tremendous  increase  in  the  cost  of  this 
fundamental  instrument  of  production  in  agriculture. 

In  the  200  years  in  which  the  continent  was  conquered, 
prairie  sod  turned,  forests  cleared,  millions  of  farm  homes 
and  other  buildings  erected,  and  during  which,  in  fact, 
more  labor  was  applied  to  land  than  at  any  previous  time 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  the  total  value  of  all  land 
reached  only  a  little  over  thirteen  billion  dollars.  In  the 
last  10  years,  when  less  new  land  was  brought  under  culti- 
vation than  at  any  period  in  the  last  half-century,  the 
value  added  to  the  land  was  over  fifteen  billion  dollars. 

This  great  increase  in  farm  values  has  been  most 
marked  in  a  few  special  sections  and  is  only  a  part  of  a 
movement  that  shows  how  agriculture  is  concentrating  in 
certain  localities. 

In  the  states  touched  by  a  circle  with  a  500-mile  radius 
and  Chicago  as  its  center,  there  is  already  located  57.7 
per  cent  of  the  value  of  all  farm  property,  60.7  per  cent 
of  the  value  of  all  farm  land,  51.3  per  cent  of  the  value 
of  all  live  stock,  and  68  per  cent  of  the  value  of  all  cereals 
is  produced.     It  was  just  in  this  territory  that  the  value 


460       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  this  land  increased  most  rapidly,  over  60  per  cent  of 
the  total  increase  in  the  last  10  years,  being  in  the  states 
touched  by  such  a  circle. 

Even  more  important  is  the  fact  that  in  this  territory 
the  number  of  farms  decreased  by  over  30,000  in  the  last 
10  years.  Here  where  industry  is  most  profitable;  here 
where  land  is  increasing  most  rapidly  in  value ;  here  where 
the  product  is  greatest;  here  the  children  of  the  farmers 
are  being  driven  from  the  farms  and  the  number  of  oppor- 
tunities for  new  openings  in  agriculture  are  growing  con- 
stantly  less.  In  the  five  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Missouri,  and  Iowa,  which  form  the  heart  of  this  territory, 
the  most  important  agricidtural  section  of  the  United 
States,  the  popidation  in  rural  localities  absolutely  de- 
clined, and  this  decline  in  farms  was  in  those  operated  by 
owners.  There  are  10,000  less  farms  operated  by  owners 
in  Iowa  than  there  were  in  1900 ;  8,000  less  in  Indiana,  and 
13,000  less  in  Illinois. 

In  1880,  69  per  cent  of  the  farms  of  Illinois  were  op- 
erated by  owners  and  31  per  cent  by  tenants;  in  1910,  41 
per  cent  were  operated  by  tenants  and  but  59  per  cent  of 
the  farmers  owned  the  land  upon  which  they  worked. 

In  the  counties  in  which  the  value  of  land  and  product 
is  greatest,  this  percentage  runs  much  higher. 

This  increase  in  tenantry  in  proportion  to  the  value 
of  the  product  and  to  the  perfection  of  agriculture  is  even 
more  strikingly  seen  in  the  only  other  section  of  the  country 
that  can  rival  this  one  in  importance. 

In  the  cotton  section,  wherever  we  find  a  high  pro- 
duction of  cotton  we  find  a  high  ratio  of  tenantry.  In 
Texas,  55  per  cent  of  the  farms  are  now  operated  by  ten- 
ants ;  in  Mississippi  and  Georgia,  66  per  cent ;  South  Caro- 
lina, 63  per  cent ;  in  Louisiana  and  Oklahoma,  55  per  cent, 
and  everywhere  this  percentage  is  swiftly  increasing. 


AGRICULTURE  461 

When  the  countries  in  which  the  production  of  cotton 
is  greatest  are  studied,  this  percentage  rises  to  a  far  higher 
point.  In  the  six  leading  cotton  counties  of  Georgia,  the 
percentage  of  the  land  tilled  by  tenants  varies  from  73 
per  cent  to  85  per  cent ;  in  the  six  leading  cotton  counties  of 
South  Carolina,  between  66  and  80  per  cent  of  the  farms 
are  rented.  Mississippi  furnishes  a  most  striking  example 
of  this  kind  of  evolution.  Its  alluvial  bottoms  are  the 
greatest  cotton-producing  country  in  the  world.  There  are 
eight  counties  here  where  the  average  value  of  the  land  in 
farms  is  more  than  $25  per  acre.  In  this  section,  which 
represents  the  very  apex  of  cotton  cultivation,  89  per  cent 
of  the  farms  were  operated  by  tenants  in  1900  and  92  per 
cent  in  1910. 

But  in  both  the  North  and  the  South  a  new  force  is 
coming  in  to  hasten  every  one  of  the  tendencies  that  have 
been  noted.  In  every  industry,  so  long  as  the  principal 
operation  had  to  be  performed  by  either  man  or  animal 
power,  any  high  development  of  concentrated  ownership 
and  of  capitalist  exploitation  was  impossible.  In  farming 
the  great  task  has  been  the  turning  of  the  soil,  and  hitherto 
this  has  been  done  by  animal  power.  Now  the  farm  tractor 
has  come,  driven  hy  kerosene  oj  gasoline  or  steam,  to  do 
this  work,  and  is  'bringing  the  same  revolution  there  thai 
the  application  of  the  explosive  engine  has  brought  in  trans- 
portation. Although  these  tractors  are  of  very  recent  in- 
troduction, yet  they  are  already  accomplishing  a  revolu- 
tion. Their  great  expense  places  them  far  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  renter  or  even  the  small  farm  owner,  even  if  the 
latter  were  able  to  use  them  economically  on  his  small  acres. 
These  machines  will  be  operated  by  mechanics — not  by 
farmers,  when  necessary ;  and  for  mechanics  the  entire 
labor  supply,  trained  in  mines  and  mills  and  factories,  will 
be  available. 


462       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

In  cotton  production  a  similar  mechanical  revolution  is 
taking  place.  Here  the  great  task  is  that  of  picking,  and 
already  mechanical  cotton  pickers  are  being  introduced 
that  do  the  work  of  from  16  to  20  men. 

In  market-gardening  a  similar  transformation  is  taking 
place.  Here  glass-covered  farms  with  heat  and  water  and 
light,  controlled  artificially,  are  so  expensive  as  to  be  as 
completely  beyond  the  reach  of  those  who  work  in  them  as 
the  great  factories  in  which  thousands  of  wage-workers 
toil. 

To  sum  up,  the  disappearance  of  free  land  and  the 
swift  rise  in  farm  values  is  placing  the  land  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  small  farmer.  The  race  of  tenants  is  increas- 
ing. The  farm  tractor,  the  cotton-picker,  the  mechanical 
milker,  the  great  inventions  now  in  use  in  the  production 
of  vegetables  near  cities,  all  these  are  tending  to  create  a 
condition  in  which  the  worker  on  the  farm  will  be  as  com- 
pletely separated  from  the  instrument  with  which  he  works 
as  is  the  worker  in  the  factory. 

It  is  not  the  Socialist  or  the  working-class  who  are 
taking  the  small  farm  from  its  owner;  it  is  the  great 
forces  of  capitalism  which  are  fostered,  maintained,  and 
supported  in  every  way  by  the  political  parties  of  the 
capitalist  class.  The  Socialist  Party  does  not  come  forward 
to  assist  in  this  process  of  reducing  the  farmer  to  the  con- 
dition of  tenant  and  wage-worker.  The  Socialist  Party 
comes,  on  the  contrary,  to  point  to  a  way  out;  to  point  to 
the  possihility  of  release  for  the  farmer  now  heing  driven 
from  his  land. 

Since  this  article  was  prepared  for  the  1912  campaign 
book  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  has 
published  a  bulletin  (No.  41,  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry) 
which  confirms  in  a  most  remarkable  manner  the  conclu- 
sions drawn  above. 


AGRICULTURE  463 

The  investigators  of  the  department  selected  three 
typical  areas,  one  each  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Iowa.  In 
these  typical  districts,  says  the  report,  "  of  the  700  farms 
studied,  57  per  cent  were  operated  by  owners  and  43  per 
cent  by  tenants. ' ' 

The  average  capital  invested  per  farm  was  $17,535  in 
Indiana,  $51,091  in  Illinois,  and  $23,193  in  Iowa.  The 
general  average  for  all  the  farms  in  the  three  districts  was 
$30,606,  a  far  greater  sum  than  the  average  investment  in 
manufacturing  or  trading. 

On  these  farms  the  owners  who  worked  their  own 
farms  made  a  little  less  than  factory  wages.  The  report 
says:  "  Deducting  5  per  cent  interest  on  the  average  capital 
leaves  an  average  labor  income  of  $408  for  the  273  farm 
owners.  .  .  .  The  assertion  that  farmers  are  making  large 
profits  is  erroneous.  They  are  living  on  the  earnings  of 
their  investment  and  not  on  the  real  profits  of  the  farm. 
.  .  .  One  farmer  out  of  every  22  received  a  labor  income 
of  over  $2,000  a  year.  One  farmer  out  of  every  3  paid  for 
the  privilege  of  working  his  farm,  that  is,  after  deducting 
5  per  cent  interest  on  his  investment  he  failed  to  make  a 
plus  labor  income." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  of  the  entire  number  9  men 
with  less  than  $5,000  capital  received  $74  for  their  year's 
work.  Only  2  farmers  out  of  46  with  less  than  $10,000 
invested  made  over  $400.  Out  of  the  entire  273  only  12 
men  received  over  $2,000  labor  income.  Each  of  these  had 
more  than  $20,000  invested.  The  chance  of  a  farm  owner 
making  a  labor  income  of  $1,000  with  less  than  $15,000 
invested  is  less  than  1  in  20.  This,  it  must  be  remembered, 
is  in  the  most  favorable  agricultural  region  in  the  United 
States. 

But  the  tenant  without  capital  is  equally  helpless.     To 


464       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

quote:  "  Almost  without  exception  the  tenant's  income  is 
in  direct  proportion  to  the  sum  he  has  invested. ' ' 

These  are  all  the  phenomena  that  have  preceded  and 
forced  concentration  in  ownership  in  other  lines  of  in- 
dustry. That  this  concentration  is  taking  place  is  noted: 
' '  According  to  the  last  census  the  farms  in  the  North  Cen- 
tral States  are  growing  fewer  in  number  and  larger  in 
area.  ...  Of  all  the  farms  operated  by  owners  there  were 
20  of  just  40  acres  in  area,  the  average  labor  income  of 
which  was  $70.  None  made  a  labor  income  of  $1,000. 
There  were  26  men  on  80-acre  farms  and  only  one  of  them 
made  a  labor  income  of  $1,000.  Of  the  25  men  on  160-acre 
farms,  1  in  5  made  $1,000  or  more."  In  other  words,  the 
farm  of  less  than  160  acres  is  helow  the  point  of  profitable 
operation.  The  table  giving  area  and  income  shows  a  con- 
tinuous and  unbroken  increase  of  labor  income  as  the 
acreage  of  the  farm  increases,  and  the  reporters  comment 
on  this  as  follows:  "Thus  the  decrease  in  the  number  of 
farms  in  the  North  Central  States  is  no  cause  for  alarm. 
It  is  rather  a  sign  that  land  is  being  utilized  more  efficiently 
and  that  the  same  products  are  being  produced  at  less 
cost." 

This  is  a  complete  confirmation  of  the  Socialist  theory 
of  concentration,  but  scarcely  carries  comfort  to  the  small 
farm  owner  who  is  being  forced  into  the  ranks  of  tenants 
and  hired  laborers. 


What  Socialism  will  do  for  the  Farmer 

The  Socialist  Party  proposes  to  do  all  in  its  power  to 
alleviate  the  condition  of  the  farmer  who  now  works  with 
his  own  hands  on  his  little  bit  of  land ;  but  it  is  not  blind 
to  the  fact  that  all  the  Socialists  or  anyone  else  could  do 
would  not  protect  him  in  that  ownership  against  the  power- 


AGRICULTURE  465 

ful  forces  that  are  taking  his  farm  from  him.  So  the  party 
comes  forward  with  the  proposal  that  producers  of  wealth 
on  the  farm  shall  join  with  those  of  the  factory  to  obtain 
the  ownership  of  the  things  necessary  to  their  lives. 

Just  as  the  Socialist  Party  proposes  to  restore  the 
ownership  of  the  factory  and  mill,  the  mines  and  the 
railroads  to  those  who  work  in  them  and  who  create  wealth 
through  their  use,  so  it  proposes  to  restore  the  lands  and 
the  machinery  to  the  men  who  produce  the  crops  of  this 
country ;  but  this  cannot  be  individual  ownership  in  either 
case ;  so  the  Socialist  Party  Relieves  the  time  has  now  come 
for  the  beginning  of  socially  operated  farms;  these  farms 
would  he  sufficiently  large  to  use  the  most  improved  ma- 
chinery; they  would  ie  officered  and  directed  hy  the  socially 
trained  graduates  of  our  agricultural  educational  institu- 
tions and  their  wealth  would  all  go  to  those  who  produced 
it  and  worked  upon  the  farm. 

Pending  the  time  when  such  farms  can  be  established, 
the  following  program  adopted  at  our  National  Convention 
pledges  the  party  to  the  enactment  of  a  series  of  measures 
especially  designed  to  afford  relief  to  the  great  class  of 
workers  on  the  farm. 


Proposed  Farmers'  Program 

1.  The  Socialist  Party  demands  that  the  means  of  transporta- 
tion and  storage  and  the  plants  used  in  the  manufacture  of  farm 
products  and  farm  machinery  shall  be  socially  owned  and  demo- 
cratically managed. 

2.  To  prevent  the  holding  of  land  out  of  use  and  to  eliminate 
tenantry,  we  demand  that  all  farm  land  not  cultivated  by  owners 
shall  be  taxed  at  its  full  rental  value,  and  that  actual  use  and 
occupancy  shall  be  the  only  title  to  land. 

3.  We  demand  the  retention  by  the  national,  state,  or  local 
governuig  bodies  of  all  land  owned  by  them,  and  the  continuous 
acquirement  of  other  land  by  reclamation,  purchase,  eondemna- 


466       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

tion,  taxation,  or  otherwise;  such  land  to  be  organized  as  rapidly 
as  possible  into  socially  operated  farms  for  the  conduct  of  col- 
lective agricultural  enterprises. 

4.  Such  farms  should  constitute  educational  and  experimental 
centers  for  crop  culture,  the  use  of  fertilizers  and  farm  ma- 
chinery, and  distributmg  points  for  improved  seeds  and  better 
breeds  of  animals. 

5.  The  formation  of  co-operative  associations  for  agricultural 
purposes  should  be  encouraged. 

6.  Insurance  against  diseases  of  animals  and  plants,  insect 
pests,  and  natural  calamities  should  be  provided  by  national, 
state,  or  local  governments. 

7.  We  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  elimination  of  farm 
tenantry  and  the  development  of  socially  owned  and  operated 
agriculture  will  open  new  opportunities  to  the  agricultural  wage- 
worker  and  free  him  from  the  tyranny  of  the  private  employer. 


2.  AGRARIAN  RESOLUTION  OF  1912 

In  addition  to  the  above  program,  the  Convention  of 
1912  made  the  following  demands : 

1.  The  erection  by  the  state  at  convenient  points  of  elevators 
and  warehouses  for  the  storage  of  grain,  potatoes,  and  other 
farm  products;  and  connected  with  these  provisions  for  municipal 
markets  wherever  the  people  of  the  community  desire.  We  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  constitutional  amendments  providing 
for  these  measures  were  killed  by  the  old  parties  in  the  last 
legislature. 

2.  Establishment  by  the  state  of  one  or  more  plants  for  the 
manufacture  of  farm  machinery  and  binder  twine. 

3.  State  or  county  loans  or  mortgages  and  warehouse  receipts, 
the  interest  charges  to  cover  the  cost  only. 

4.  State  insurance  against  destruction  of  animals  and  crops. 

3.   THE   AGRARIAN   PROGRAM   IN   OKLAHOMA 

The  Socialist  Party  of  the  State  of  Oklahoma  adopted 
the  following  program  in  1912 : 


AGRICULTURE  467 

Article  27.  Renters'  and  Farmers'  Program. — The  Socialist 
Party  stands  for  every  measure  that  will  add  to  the  material, 
intellectual,  and  moral  welfare  of  the  working-class,  and  as  the 
working-class  of  Oklahoma  is  largely  made  up  of  agricultural 
workers,  we  submit  the  following  as  the  Renters'  and  Farmers' 
Program  of  the  Socialist  Party  of  Oklahoma : 

Section  1.  The  retention  and  constant  enlargement  of  the 
public  domain — 

By  retaining  school  and  other  public  lands; 

By  purchase  of  arid  and  overflow  lands  and  the  state  reclama- 
tion of  all  such  lands  now  held  by  the  state  or  that  may  be 
acquired  by  the  state ; 

By  the  purchase  of  all  lands  sold  for  the  non-payment  of  taxes ; 

By  the  purchase  of  segregated  and  unallotted  Indian  lands ; 

By  the  retention  of  leased  lands  after  the  expiration  of  leases 
and  the  payment  of  the  improvements  thereon  at  an  appraised 
valuation. 

Section  2.  Separation  of  the  department  of  agi'iculture  from 
the  political  government  by  means  of — 

Election  of  all  members  and  officers  of  the  board  of  agricul- 
ture by  the  direct  vote  of  the  actual  farmers — subject  to  the  right 
of  recall; 

Introduction  of  the  merit  system  among  the  employees. 

Section  3.  Erection  by  the  state  of  grain  elevators  and  ware- 
houses for  the  storage  of  farm  products;  these  elevators  and 
warehouses  to  be  managed  by  the  board  of  agriculture. 

Section  4.  Organization  by  the  board  of  agriculture  for  free 
agricultural  education  and  the  establishment  of  model  farms. 

Section  5.  Encouragement  by  the  board  of  agriculture  of  co- 
operative societies  of  farmers — 

For  the  purchasing  of  land; 

For  the  buying  of  seed  and  fertilizer; 

For  the  purchase  and  common  use  of  implements  and  ma- 
chinery ; 

For  the  preparing  and  sale  of  produce. 

Section  6.  Organization  by  the  state  providing  for  loans  on 
mortgages  and  warehouse  certificates,  the  interest  charges  to  cover 
cost  only. 

Section  7.  State  insurance  against  diseases  of  animals,  diseases 
of  plants,  insect  pests,  hail,  flood,  storm,  and  fire. 

Section  8.    Exemption  from  taxation  of  dwellings,  tools,  farm 


468       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

animals,  implements,  and  improvements  to  the  amount  of  one 
thousand  dollars. 

Section  9.  A  graduated  tax  on  the  value  of  rented  land  and 
land  held  for  speculation. 

Section  10.  Absentee  landlords  to  assess  their  own  lands,  the 
state  reserving  the  right  to  purchase  such  lands  at  their  assessed 
value,  plus  10  per  cent. 

Section  11.  Land  now  in  possession  of  the  state  or  hereafter 
acquired  thi'ough  purchase,  reclamation  of  tax  sales,  to  be  rented 
to  landless  farmers  under  the  supervision  of  the  board  of  agri- 
culture at  the  prevailing  rate  of  share  rent  or  its  equivalent.  The 
payment  of  such  rent  to  cease  as  soon  as  the  total  amount  of 
rent  paid  is  equal  to  the  value  of  the  land,  the  tenant  thereby- 
acquiring  for  himself  and  his  children  the  right  of  occupancy. 
The  title  to  all  such  lands  remaining  with  the  Commonwealth. 

See  also  "  Roumania  ";  and  note  absence  of  agrarian 
measures  in  German  program  under  ' '  Germany. ' ' 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  LAND 

It  is  obvious  that  the  agricultural  problem  is  very 
largely  the  same  as  the  land  problem.  But  this  fact  has 
not  as  a  rule  been  fully  recognized  by  the  Socialists — 
outside  of  Great  Britain.  This  is  due  to  the  natural  fact 
that  the  land  problem,  aside  from  its  purely  agricultural 
aspects,  is  more  important  in  that  country  than  elsewhere. 
Land  rent,  especially  urban  land  rent,  absorbs  a  very  con- 
siderable proportion  of  the  total  income  of  Great  Britain, 
doubtless  a  larger  proportion  than  in  any  other  of  the  great 
nations. 

The  only  country,  therefore,  in  which  the  problem  of  the 
nationalization  of  the  land  or  of  land  rent  has  been  in  the 
forefront  of  Socialist  discussion  is  Great  Britain.  There 
have  been  innumerable  scientific  discussions  of  the  question 
among  the  Socialists  of  Germany  and  other  countries,  but 
it  is  only  in  Great  Britain  where  it  has  assumed  the  first 
political  importance — and  it  is  therefore  only  in  Great 
Britain  that  the  Socialist  parties  have  taken  a  definite 
attitude  towards  the  problem — although  we  may  assume 
that  the  Socialists  of  other  countries  will  proceed  largely 
along  parallel  lines. 

I.   THE   BRITISH   LABOR  PARTY   CONFERENCE  OF    1914 

(From  Official  Report  of  the  Conference) 

Mr.  "W.  C.  Anderson  [I.  L.  P.]  moved  the  following: 

That  this  Conference,  whilst  expressing  its  satisfaction  at  the 

469 


470       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

increasing  interest  now  being  taken  in  the  land  question  by  re- 
formers and  politicians,  warns  the  working-class  against  favoring 
any  proposals  which  would  strengthen  the  position  of  the  great 
territorial  owners,  or  perpetuate  the  private  ownership  of  the 
land,  whether  by  the  creation  of  a  class  of  peasant  proprietors 
or  otherwise,  and  declares  that  only  such  proposals  for  temporary 
and  immediate  reform  as  tend  towards  bringing  the  land  and 
its  values  into  the  ownership  of  the  community  are  worthy  of 
support.  Further,  as  a  practical  means  of  nationalizing  the  land 
the  Conference  recommends  the  Parliamentary  Party  to  prepare 
and  introduce  a  bill  enacting  that  a  levy  shall  be  assessed  on  all 
landed  estates,  urban  and  rural,  for  the  setting  up  of  a  land 
redemption  fund  to  enable  the  nation  to  reacquire  its  lost  rights 
of  ownership  in  the  land  within  a  reasonable  period,  and  on  terms 
which  shall  fairly  recognize  all  existing  interests. 

He  said  the  whole  problem  was  coming  before  the  coun- 
try in  a  prominent  way.  The  resolution  suggested  that 
the  land  should  be  the  property  of  the  people ;  that  there 
should  be  a  tax  on  both  urban  and  rural  land,  and  by  that 
means  a  redemption  fund  could  be  set  up  which  would 
enable  the  country  within  a  reasonable  time  to  secure  con- 
trol and  possession  of  the  land  with  a  reasonable  regard  for 
existing  interests. 

The  resolution  was  formally  seconded  and  agreed  to. 

II.   THE   CONFERENCE  OF   THE   BRITISH  INDEPENDENT   LABOR 
PARTY,    1914 

The  Congress  passed  a  vigorous  resolution  in  favor  of 
the  nationalization  of  land,  as  follows : 

That  this  Conference,  whilst  expressing  its  satisfaction  at  the 
increasing  interest  now  being  taken  in  the  land  question  by 
reformers  and  politicians,  warns  the  working-class  against  favor- 
ing any  proposals  which  would  strengthen  the  position  of  the 
great  territorial  owners,  or  perpetuate  the  private  ownership  of 
the  land,  whether  by  the  creation  of  a  class  of  peasant  proprietors 
or  otherwise,  and  declares  that  only  such  proposals  for  temporary 


THE  LAND  471 

and  immediate  reform  as  tend  towards  bringing  the  land  and  its 
values  into  the  ownership  of  the  community  are  worthy  of  sup- 
port. Further,  as  a  practical  means  of  nationalizing  the  land, 
the  Conference  recommends  the  Parliamentary  Party  to  prepare 
and  introduce  a  bill  enacting  that  a  levy  shall  be  assessed  on  all 
landed  estates,  urban  and  rural,  for  the  setting  up  of  a  land 
redemption  fund  to  enable  the  nation  to  reacquire  its  lost  rights 
of  ownership  in  the  land  within  a  reasonable  period,  on  terms 
which  shall  fairly  recognize  all  existing  interests. 

That  this  Conference,  believing  the  land  question  cannot  be 
solved  by  denunciation  of  landowners  and  vague  reference  to  the 
taxation  of  land  values,  calls  upon  the  N.  A.  C.  to  organize  a 
land  nationalization  campaign  and  to  formulate  a  scheme  for 
the  socialization  of  the  land — to  urge  upon  the  Labor  Party  in 
Parliament  and  on  municipal  and  other  public  bodies  the  neces- 
sity for  the  adoption  of  such  a  scheme,  and  for  a  public  inquiry, 
by  royal  commission  or  otherwise,  to  demand  public  production 
of  titles  to  land  in  order  to  bring  to  public  knowledge  the  basis 
on  which  the  present  system  of  land  tenure  is  possible. 

m.  THE  CONFERENCE  OF  THE  BRITISH  SOCIALIST  PARTY,  1914 

(Resolution  adopted  by  1914  Conference,  including  discussion) 

The  British  Socialist  Party  at  this  Conference  advocated, 
by  an  overwhelming  majority,  the  solution  of  the  land 
question  through  a  system  of  free  transportation,  the  so- 
cialization of  land,  co-operative  production,  the  destruction 
of  the  slums,  and  the  placing  of  their  inhabitants  into  the 
country. 

The  resolution  submitted  by  H.  M.  Hyndman,  on  behalf 
of  the  executive  committee,  read  as  follows : 

This  Conference  of  the  British  Socialist  Party  being  convinced 
that  the  land  proposals  of  the  Liberal  Government  are  useless, 
harmful,  and  reactionary;  that  taxation  of  so-called  land  values, 
however  justifiable  from  the  point  of  view  of  readjustment  of 
middle-class  burdens,  solves  no  problem  of  production  or  distri- 
bution for  the  mass  of  the  people;  that  leasehold  enfranchise- 
ment is  similarly  futile;  that  the  refusal  of  both  political  factions 


472       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

to  face  the  reorganization  of  agriculture  and  rural  production 
generally,  as  well  as  land  ownership  in  country  and  in  town,  is 
a  grave  danger  to  the  nation ;  and  that  no  scheme  of  land  reform 
can  be  even  moderately  beneficial  which  fails  to  deal  in  the  first 
instance  with  the  question  of  transport  on  a  national  scale,  re- 
solves: (1)  That  a  national  system  of  free  transport  by  rail  and 
motor  road  should  be  set  on  foot  forthwith;  (2)  that  the  right 
of  the  nation  to  resume  possession  of  its  own  land  should  at  once 
be  declared  and  acted  upon;  (3)  that  co-operative  production  on 
the  land  and  in  factories  under  the  control  of  the  community  and 
local  councils  be  commenced  at  an  early  date,  beginning  with  the 
organization  of  unemployed  labor;  the  goods  so  produced  being 
communally  distributed  among  the  producers  and  not  thrown 
upon  the  competitive  market  for  commodities;  (4)  that  the  de- 
struction of  the  slums  in  our  great  cities  be  commenced  immedi- 
ately, the  families  and  children  so  displaced  being  provided  with 
healthy  homes  in  the  country  and  taught  agriculture  in  addition 
to  their  ordinary  trades. 

"Mr.  Hyndman  said  that  it  was  very  important  to  discuss 
the  land  question  now  on  account  of  the  proposals  before 
the  country,  not  one  of  which  would  benefit  the  working- 
class  in  any  way.  He  thought  it  very  desirable  that  the 
Conference  should  pass  a  resolution  in  favor  of  something 
which  would  really  benefit  the  worker,  although  he  might 
not  get  it  at  once.  Agriculture  was  the  most  important 
and  valuable  of  all  industries,  and  its  decay  in  Great 
Britain  was  injurious  to  the  whole  people.  Even  to-day  it 
was  the  largest  and  most  important  single  industry.  The 
dependence  of  the  country  for  five-sixths  of  its  food  upon 
foreign  sources  of  supply  was  a  permanent  national  danger. 
Under  present  conditions  cost  of  transport  dominated  agri- 
cultural production,  and  the  railways  of  Great  Britain  con- 
stituted by  their  harmful  policy  a  great  system  of  protection 
in  favor  of  the  foreigner.  Canada,  the  United  States,  India, 
the  Argentine,  and  Australia  were  all  within  the  35-mile 
radius  of  London  as  reckoned  by  freight.    He  had  put  that 


THE  LAND  473 

fact  before  a  royal  commission  twenty-two  years  ago,  but 
from  that  time  to  this  no  proper  attention  had  ever  been 
paid  to  it.  The  differential  rates  in  favor  of  foreign  produce 
carried  by  British  railways  still  further  intensified  the  effect 
of  cheap  water  carriage  against  home  cultivation.  The  im- 
portant matter  of  free  transport  by  national  railways  or 
specially  built  motor  roads  could  only  be  settled  by  the 
nation  through  its  delegates  elected  under  proportional 
representation.  Free  transport  was  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant questions  of  the  moment,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
hope  the  agricultural  question  could  be  settled  until  free 
transport  was  obtained.  The  people  who  said  that  free 
transport  could  not  be  obtained  under  present  conditions 
forgot  there  were  a  good  many  things  free — sewage  and 
education  were  examples. 

"The  ownership  or  leasing  of  land  by  small  holders  im- 
posed of  necessity  excessive  and  unremunerated  toil  upon 
the  cultivators,  and  an  endless  gray  monotony  of  existence. 
Small  holdings  were  advocated  by  the  Liberal  Party,  and 
peasant  proprietorship  by  the  Tory  Party ;  both  proposals 
were  injurious  and  reactionary.  The  antagonism  between 
town  and  country  would  be  increased  by  the  creation  of 
a  class  of  small  cultivators  or  small  proprietors,  for  their 
interest  would  be  to  obtain  a  high  price  against  the  city 
workers,  and  the  increase  of  private  property  would  foster 
reaction.  Agricultural  land  of  itself  was  of  small  value; 
manure,  machinery,  glass  houses,  and  other  appliances  for 
tillage  were  more  valuable  than  the  land  itself,  and  culti- 
vators who  did  not  possess  these  to  a  sufficient  extent  were 
at  a  hopeless  disadvantage.  The  taxation  of  land  in  town 
and  country  would  be  mere  burden-shifting  in  the  interests 
of  the  capitalists,  and  no  wage-earner  would  thereby  have 
his  wages  increased  a  farthing.  Elevators  for  storage 
should  be  established  nationally  and  communally.    Healthy, 


474       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

comfortable  homes  for  the  whole  people  could  not  be  pro- 
vided under  capitalist  conditions.  The  entire  land  system 
must  be  considered  from  the  point  of  view  of  bringing  about 
co-operation  of  production  and  distribution  between  coun- 
try and  town.  Collective  organization  and  ownership  under 
capitalism,  the  competitive  wage-earning  system  remaining 
unchanged,  could  be  nothing  better  than  state  slavery  for 
the  workers. 

"L,  E.  Quelch  [Reading],  in  seconding  the  resolution, 
said  it  was  especially  the  business  of  Socialists  to  get  at 
grips  with  the  land  proposals  of  the  Liberal  Party.  He 
knew  the  conditions  of  life  in  the  villages,  and  said  that  at 
the  present  time — largely  owing  to  the  fact  that  in  the 
towns  and  cities  they  were  losing  their  influence  through 
the  work  of  the  Socialists  and  the  labor  movement  gen- 
erally— the  Liberals  were  advocating  these,  to  them,  drastic 
reforms  in  the  endeavor  to  get  back  their  political  influence 
in  the  agricultural  districts.  Now  was  the  time  for  the 
B.  S.  P.  to  bring  its  counter  proposals  in  opposition  to  those 
of  the  Liberal  Party. 

' '  Without  further  discussion  the  resolution  was  then  car- 
ried by  an  overwhelming  majority." 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  TRUSTS 

The  Socialists'  position  on  the  trust  question  is  derived 
from  their  attitude  towards  the  evolution  of  industry  gen- 
erally. Marx  predicted  the  coming  of  a  monopolistic  period 
in  industry  and  welcomed  it.  In  all  countries  the  Socialists 
have  approved  the  tendency  of  all  industry  to  be  organized 
on  a  larger  and  larger  scale,  as  they  look  forward  to  the 
day  when  all  the  more  important  industries  of  each  nation 
shall  be  operated  as  single  units  by  governments  under  the 
control  of  the  people. 

I.    THE   INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF   PARIS,    1900 

With  regard  to  trusts,  the  International  Congress  of 
Paris  (1900)  declared  that  "these  coalitions  of  the  ex- 
ploiters of  industry  and  commerce  are  inevitable,  constitut- 
ing a  high  form  of  production, ' '  but,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
they  have  a  tendency  in  the  long  run  "to  raise  prices 
everywhere  and  always  in  the  interest  of  the  combined 
capitalists  as  well  as  to  check  the  lowering  of  prices  which 
would  [otherwise]  result  from  the  improvement  of  pro- 
duction. ' '  They  tend,  furthermore,  the  Congress  declared, 
to  "increase  the  oppression  of  the  workers  by  opposing 
their  unions."  The  Congress  did  not  recommend,  how- 
ever, opposition  to  trust  formations,  regarding  the  organ- 
ization of  trusts  as  a  logical  result  of  the  system  of  produc- 
tion, which  should  be  tolerated,  under  suitable  conditions 
and  restrictions,  until  the  working-class  becomes  strong 

475 


476       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

enough,  through  political  and  industrial  organization,  to 
effect  their  expropriation. 

n.    THE   INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF   AMSTERDAM,    1904 

In  1904  the  International  Congress  of  Amsterdam  passed 
the  following  resolution  unanimously : 

The  trusts  have  their  complete  development,  even  in  competi- 
tion, in  the  world  of  production. 

They  grow  gradually  into  gigantic  associations,  organized  na- 
tionally, or  even  internationally,  and  reduce  many  industries  to  a 
complete  monopoly. 

The  trusts  are  an  inevitable  consequence  of  competition,  and 
they  represent  a  system  of  production  based  on  low  wages. 

In  these  conditions  the  associations  of  capitalists  of  all  coun- 
tries and  of  all  industries  form  powers  composed  on  the  basis 
of  their  common  interest.  Also  the  conflict  between  the  capitalist 
class  and  the  working-class  becomes  more  and  more  accentuated. 
Production  is  regulated,  diminishing  waste,  and  assuring  the  ef- 
ficiency of  labor,  but  all  the  benefit  is  for  the  capitalists,  while 
the  exploitation  of  the  workers  is  intensified. 

Considering  these  facts,  and  in  view  of  the  experiences  which 
show  the  futility  of  legislation  against  trusts. 

The  Congress  of  Amsterdam,  affirming  the  conclusions  of  the 
Congi-ess  of  Paris,  declares : 

1.  That  the  Socialist  Party  of  all  countries  should  abstain 
from  any  attempt  whatever  to  prevent  the  formation  of  trusts,  or 
to  restrain  their  development. 

2.  The  efforts  of  the  Socialist  Party  should  be  in  the  direction 
of  the  sociaUzation  of  production,  having  for  its  object  the  gen- 
eral well-being  and  the  elimination  of  profits. 

The  method  of  establishing  the  socialization,  and  the  order  in 
which  it  will  be  effected  will  be  determined  by  our  power  of  action 
and  by  the  nature  of  the  industries  tii;stified. 

In  opposition  to  these  organizations,  which  menace  the  economic 
organization  of  the  workers  by  the  consolidation  of  the  capitalist 
forces,  the  workers  of  the  whole  world  must  oppose  a  force  oi'gan- 
ized  nationally  and  internationally,  as  the  single  arm  against  cap- 
italist oppression  and  the  only  means  of  bringing  to  an  end  the 
regime  of  capitalist  society  by  establishing  Socialism. 


CHAPTER  X 
GOVERNMENT  OWNERSHIP 

The  Socialists  unanimously  favor  government  ownership 
in  every  case  where  they  feel  that  the  government  is  con- 
trolled by  the  people;  where  the  government  is  not  so 
controlled,  they  are  usually  opposed  to  government  owner- 
ship, A  large  number  of  governments  are  difficult  to 
classify,  and  in  such  instances  the  Socialist  position  is  de- 
cided according  to  circumstances — especially  in  regard  to 
the  policy  to  be  adopted  by  the  government  after  the  pro- 
posed nationalization  has  taken  place.  And  in  no  case  is 
government  ownership,  no  matter  on  how  large  a  scale, 
regarded  as  Socialism,  unless  the  Socialists  are  in  control 
of  the  government,  so  as  to  be  able  to  direct  the  policies 
of  the  governmental  industries  along  Socialist  lines. 

There  can  be  no  question  that  the  German  Party  has 
given  more  attention  to  this  problem  than  has  any  other 
Socialist  group.  The  principles  laid  down  in  the  Reichstag 
in  1913  are  therefore  of  first  importance. 

Under  the  more  democratic  government  of  Great  Britain, 
the  policy  to  be  followed  in  nationalized  industries  has  nat- 
urally received  less  attention.  There  the  whole  effort  has 
been  made  to  secure  nationalization,  without  making  any 
conditions — under  the  assumption  that  the  government  is 
already  sufficiently  democratic  to  insure  at  least  considera- 
ble benefits  to  the  people. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  is  probably  to  be 
regarded  as  being,  on  the  whole,  at  least  as  democratic  as 
that  of  Great  Britain.    But  the  greater  centralization  of 

477 


478       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

capital  in  this  country,  in  the  hands  of  the  trusts,  has  led 
American  Socialists  to  a  somewhat  more  critical  attitude 
towards  government  ownership.  It  is  for  that  reason  that 
the  proposed  nationalization  of  the  banking  system  has 
not  yet  been  fully  acted  on  by  the  American  Party. 


I.    THE   SOCIALIST    GROUP   IN   THE    GERMAN    REICHSTAG,    1913 

(From  speech  of  Hoeh  in  the  Reichstag,  1913) 

We  would  be  in  favor  of  a  government  monopoly  if  the  income 
derived  therefrom  were  used  to  cut  down  the  taxes  on  foodstuffs 
and  necessary  articles  of  consumption,  or  for  social  purposes. 
I  have,  in  the  following  sentences,  outlined  my  idea  of  a  state 
monopoly:     (Our  italics.) 

(1)  The  nation  shall  secure  possession  of  the  existing  industries 
by  confiscation  {Enteignung),  wherever  it  is  impossible  to  pur- 
chase them  at  their  actual  cost  price. 

(2)  The  management  of  the  potash  works,  as  well  as  the  sale 
of  its  products,  shall  be  conducted  by  the  nation  under  the  direct 
supervision  of  an  advisory  commission.  This  commission  shall 
consist  of  members  elected  by  the  Bundesrat,  the  Reichstag,  and 
representatives  of  the  employees  and  managing  officials  of  the 
potash  works,  elected  by  secret  and  equal  ballot. 

(3)  The  employees  and  staff  of  the  potash  works  shall  have 
entire  freedom  to  organize.  All  laws  concerning  workingmen's 
protection  and  compensation  shall  be  appbcable  to  workers  em- 
ployed in  the  state  monopoly,  especially  those  laws  introduced  in 
the  Trade  and  Commercial  Law.  The  workday  shall  not  increase 
over  eight  hours,  and  in  places  where  the  work  is  dangerous  to 
the  health  of  the  worker  it  shall  be  reduced  to  less  than  eight 
hours. 

In  every  plant  the  employees,  together  with  the  management, 
shall  elect  by  an  equal,  secret,  and  direct  ballot  an  employees* 
commission  (Arheiterausschuss),  which  shall  determine  the  wages, 
salaries,  and  general  conditions  of  work  for  the  plant.  This  com- 
mission shall  likewise  settle  all  differences  and  shall  have  the  right 
to  appeal  to  the  general  commission  against  the  decisions  or  orders 
of  the  management  concerning  working  conditions. 

(4)  Wages  and  salaries  shall  be  determined  by  the  management 


GOVERNMENT  OWNERSHIP  479 

and  the  workingmen's  commission  upon  the  basis  of  a  minimum 
wage.  The  minimum  wage  must  receive  the  indorsement  of  the 
Reichstag. 

(5)  The  selling  price  of  the  product  shall  be  fixed  separately 
for  home  and  for  export  sale,  by  law,  after  due  consideration  of 
the  home  agricultural  industry. 

(6)  The  profits  of  the  potash  works  shall  be  used  to  reduce 
taxes  on  foodstuffs  and  necessary  articles  of  consumption  or  for 
social  purposes. 

If  the  state  ownership  of  the  potash  works  is  carried  out  ac- 
cording to  these  fundamental  principles,  I  am  convinced  that  we 
shall  have  accomplished  somethuig  in  the  interests  of  the  laboring 
class.     (Great  applause  from  the  Social  Democrats.) 

n.    THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY   CONFERENCE   OF   1913 

(From  official  Report  of  Conference) 

"Mr.  Herbert  Smith  [Miners]  moved: 

"  That  it  be  an  instruction  to  the  Labor  members  in  the  House 
of  Commons  to  seize  every  opportunity  to  press  forward  in  that 
House  the  bill  to  nationalize  the  coal  mines  and  minerals  of  the 
United  Kmgdom,  and  provide  for  the  national  distribution  and 
sale  of  coal. 

"He  said  that  he  thought  the  matter  had  been  talked 
about  long  enough.  The  bill  had  already  been  prepared  and 
was  under  the  consideration  of  the  Labor  Party. ' ' 

"The  resolution  was  put  and  agreed  to. 

"Mr,  J.  N.  Mercer  [York  Labor  Party]  formally  moved 
the  following: 

"  That  this  Conference  declares  that  in  the  interests  of  the 
workers,  the  railways,  land,  canals,  and  waterways,  now  monop- 
olized by  a  few  persons,  should  become  the  property  of  the 
nation,  with  a  view  of  them  being  utilized  and  worked  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people;  and  that  the  executive  committee  be  in- 
structed to  take  such  parliamentary  action  that  may  be  necessary 
to  secure  this  end. 

"The  resolution  was  formally  seconded  and  agreed  to." 


480       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

III.    THE    REPORT    ON    CURRENCY    TO    THE    SOCIALIST    PARTY    OP 
THE    UNITED   STATES,    1914 

In  1913  the  National  Committee  elected  a  sub-committee 
to  investigate  the  banking,  bank  credit,  currency,  and  mone- 
tary systems  of  the  United  States.  This  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Karl  Sandberg,  Arthur  Le  Sueuer,  and  Lucien 
Sanial,  the  latter  of  whom  did  not  participate  in  the  report, 
made  their  report  in  May,  1914.  After  a  detailed  analysis 
of  the  monetary  system,  they  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
this  system  had  been  created  by  laws  passed  by  Congress 
which  "have  put  into  the  hands  of  a  few  individuals,  who 
probably  do  not  number  one  in  one  hundred  thousand,"  a 
power  that  gradually  "has  come  to  control  the  entire  na- 
tion"; that  this  power  has  been  the  means  by  which  the 
present  capitalist  system  has  been  perfected ;  that  without 
the  destruction  of  this  economic  power  the  overthrow  of 
the  capitalist  system  is  impossible. 

A  bill  was  proposed  in  the  report,  as  follows : 

Title. — To  provide  for  a  national  banking  and  money  system, 
for  its  maintenance  and  operation ;  for  the  creation  of  a  national 
board  of  banking  and  money,  defining  the  powers  and  duties 
of  said  board;  prohibiting  the  loanmg  of  money  and  the  ex- 
tension of  credit  for  hire  by  private  persons,  or  by  any  firm, 
co-partnerships,  corporation,  or  by  combinations  of  persons,  firms, 
co-partnerships,  or  combinations  of  kind  whatsoever. 

Scope  and  Purpose.— Section  1.  The  general  scope  and  pur- 
pose of  this  act  is  to  establish  a  governmental  monopoly  of  the 
loanmg  of  money  and  the  extension  of  credit  for  hire,  and  to 
provide  a  way  to  commercialize  the  credit  of  all  classes  of 
business  and  commerce,  and  to  prevent  the  overcapitalization  of 
private  business,  industries,  and  commercial  enterprises  of  all 
kinds. 

The  party  has  not  yet  acted  on  the  recommendations  of 
this  committee. 


CHAPTER  XI 
IMPORT  DUTIES 

The  Socialists  of  Europe  are  either  in  favor  of  immediate 
free  trade  or  of  a  rapid  lowering  of  the  tariffs.  The  Aus- 
tralian Labor  Party,  however,  takes  the  opposite  position. 
(See  Australia.)  The  American  Socialist  Party  also  leans 
towards  free  trade  or  low  tariffs;  but  ex-Congressman 
Berger  and  other  leaders  are  opposed  to  any  sudden  tariff 
changes.  The  American  position,  on  the  whole,  has  been 
that  the  tariff  question  is  a  secondary  issue  which  con- 
cerns capital  more  than  it  does  labor. 

The  Socialists  of  Germany  strongly  favor  free  trade,  to 
be  brought  about  gradually  by  trade  treaties  with  all  other 
countries.  However,  there  has  been  a  very  small  minority 
in  Germany  defending  the  protective  policy,  and  there  are 
signs  that  in  that  country  and  elsewhere  this  minority  may 
be  considerably  strengthened  by  the  present  war. 

The  present  position  of  the  European  Socialists  is  illus- 
trated by  the  resolution  of  the  Italian  Party  Congress  of 
1914;  that  of  the  American  Party  by  the  discussion  at  the 
Congress  of  1912. 


I.  THE  ITALIAN   CONGRESS  RESOLUTION  AGAINST 
PROTECTIONISM,    1914 

The  Fourteenth  National  Congress  of  the  Italian  Socialist  Party 
(1914)  considering  that  the  protective  tariff  is  a  means  by  which 
certain  capitalistic  gi'oups  exercise  a  most  odious  exploitation  at 

481 


482       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

the  expense  of  the  great  mass  of  consumers;  that  it  is  one  of 
the  strongest  factors  in  the  high  cost  of  living  and  diminishes 
proportionally  the  effective  value  of  money,  in  fact  of  the  render- 
ing useless  the  advantage  of  the  increase  in  wages  obtained  by 
the  workers  by  virtue  of  their  organization ; 

Considering  that,  if  it  maintains  some  industries  in  artificial 
life,  it  prevents  others  from  starting  and  developing,  which  use 
as  raw  material  the  products  of  the  protected  industries  and  would 
have  a  luxuriant  development  and  successfully  attack  the  inter- 
national market  if  they  could  first  get  their  raw  material  cheaper; 
and  while  it  is  beyond  question  a  hurt  to  the  workers  in  so  far 
as  they  are  consumers,  brings  them  no  advantages  (on  the  con- 
trary, it  does  harm  to  many)  even  as  sellers  of  labor; 

Considering  finally  that  the  artificial  life  given  to  certain  indus- 
tries renders  competition  still  fiercer  between  nations,  and  more 
frequent  the  danger  of  conflicts  between  them,  and  impels  them 
to  seek  by  colonial  enterprises  markets  for  their  products  on 
terms  of  monopoly;  and  thereby  offers  an  incentive  to  the  con- 
tinual increase  of  armaments  and  to  squanderings  that  con- 
stitute a  new  burden  for  the  workers ; 

Decides,  on  the  eve  of  the  renewal  of  the  treaties  of  commerce 
to  use  all  the  power  of  the  party  to  ventilate  the  secret  prac- 
tices of  the  groups  of  protected  capitalists  and  to  obtain  the 
abolition,  even  if  only  gradually,  of  the  protective  tariff,  and 
gives  a  mandate  to  the  executive  committee  of  the  party  to 
organize  such  an  agitation  and — since  the  question  also  interests 
many  other  nations — to  solicit  for  this  purpose  the  intervention 
of  the  International  Socialist  Bureau. 


n.   THE  AMERICAN   CONVENTION  OF   1912 

The  discussion  regarding  paragraph  3  of  the  political  de- 
mands of  the  party  platform  shows  the  Socialist  attitude  in 
1912  as  to  the  tariff.  (See  Part  I.)  As  will  be  noticed,  free 
trade  is  definitely  favored,  but  there  is  disinclination  to 
make  an  issue  of  the  tariff,  on  the  ground  that  it  has  little 
importance  for  the  working-class  as  such.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  the  tariff  plank  was  finally  struck  out. 


IMPORT  DUTIES  483 

Section  3  of  the  political  demands  was  read  as  follows : 

3.  The  gradual  reduction  of  all  tariff  duties,  particularly 
those  on  the  necessities  of  life.  The  Government  to  guarantee 
the  re-employment  of  wage-earners  who  may  he  disemployed  by 
reason  of  changes  in  tariff  schedules. 

At  the  Party  Convention  of  1912,  Delegate  Barnes  of 
Pennsylvania  opposed  the  clause  which  guaranteed  employ- 
ment of  those  displaced,  on  the  ground  that  reduction  in  the 
tariff  would  not  throw  anyone  out  of  a  job  for  more  than 
a  week.  It  would  simply  reduce  the  projQts  of  American 
firms.  He  declares  that  one  could  buy  a  Douglas  shoe,  an 
American  sewing  machine,  or  a  McCormick  reaper  cheaper 
abroad  than  at  home.  Delegate  Berger  then  spoke  as 
follows : 


Delegate  Berger  [Wisconsin]  :  I  have  always  held  that  the 
tariff  issue  is  not  a  working-man's  issue. 

Delegate  Barnes :  That  is  what  I  think. 

Delegate  Berger:  I  have  always  told  them  that  there  is  always 
free  trade  in  labor.  While  our  manufacturers  are  protected  by 
300  per  cent  in  some  instances,  there  is  always  free  trade  in 
labor.  However,  we  are  facing  a  condition  and  not  a  theory. 
We  have  to  take  a  stand.  In  all  the  countries  that  I  know  of 
where  we  have  a  Socialist  Party,  the  Socialist  Party  as  such 
takes  the  stand  for  free  trade  more  or  less.  That  is  the  Inter- 
national view.  However,  if  we  do  it  in  this  country  we  face  the 
following  situation :  Entire  cities,  entire  communities  have  been 
built  up  by  the  high  tariff.  If  there  should  be  a  sudden  reduc- 
tion many  thousands  would  be  thrown  out  of  employment,  and 
we  meet  this  situation  by  this  paragi-aph.  I  am  not  saying  that 
the  Socialist  Party  should  make  free  trade  or  high  tariff  an 
issue.  We  have  a  thousand  better  issues.  We  are  simply  ex- 
plaining our  stand  on  this  question,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  this 
clause  is  all  right. 

Delegate  Hillquit:  How  are  they  to  be  re-employed? 

Delegate  Berger:  The  Government  to  give  them  emplojrment. 


484       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  Government  can  do  it.  This  does  not  mean  that  we  should 
go  out  and  preach  free  trade  or  that  we  should  take  a  stand 
for  high  tariff.  It  simply  explains  our  position  on  the  tariff. 
But  for  my  part  I  shall  never  make  an  issue  of  the  tariff.  I  do 
hope  that  you  will  accept  this  as  read. 

The  motion  to  strike  out  clause  3  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
117  ayes  and  94  nos.     (Our  italics.) 


CHAPTER  XII 
TAXATION 

The  present  Socialist  movement  is  about  50  years  old. 
During  the  first  half  of  this  period  comparatively  little 
attention  was  given  to  problems  of  taxation.  It  was  con- 
sidered that  all  taxes  were  expended  almost  exclusively  for 
capitalistic  purposes,  and  were  paid  also  by  capitalists,  as 
the  wages  of  the  working-people  were  kept  at  the  same  low 
level  in  any  case.  If  taxes  raised  the  cost  of  living,  it  was 
only  necessary  for  the  capitalist  slightly  to  increase  wages ; 
if  the  indirect  taxation  of  the  workingman  consumer  was 
small,  then  less  wages  were  paid. 

But  there  has  been  a  growing  tendency,  as  we  have 
pointed  out  in  dealing  with  the  high  cost  of  living,  to  regard 
the  workingman  as  a  consumer  as  well  as  a  producer,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  Socialist  parties  have  begun  to  appeal 
to  other  elements  of  the  masses  besides  manual  wage- 
earners.  However,  the  Socialists  of  the  continent  of  Eu- 
rope did  not  make  a  problem  of  practical  politics  out  of 
the  taxation  question  because  of  their  position  on  the  voting 
of  budgets.  Until  the  beginning  of  the  present  war,  with 
the  single  exception  of  Germany,  all  the  parties  of  con- 
tinental Europe  refused  to  vote  in  favor  of  the  govern- 
mental budget  as  a  whole,  on  the  ground  that  many  of  the 
purposes  for  which  the  governmental  money  was  expended 
were  anti-Socialistic,  for  example  (and  chiefly),  the  army 
and  navy.  Besides  voting  against  governmental  expendi- 
tures, the  Socialists  thus  voted — at  the  same  time — against 
all  forms  of  taxation. 

485 


486       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  one  exception  was  Germany,  and  this  exception  oc- 
curred only  in  1913.  Undoubtedly  the  voting  of  addi- 
tional taxation  for  military  purposes  by  the  Socialists  in 
that  year  was  caused  by  preparations  for  the  present  war 
then  taking  place  in  Germany  and  other  countries.  Even 
on  this  occasion,  the  Socialists  did  not  vote  for  the  budget 
as  a  whole,  and  it  is  still  denied  by  a  large  portion  of  the 
party  that  Socialist  principles  allow  such  a  vote.  Never- 
theless, the  majority  now  undoubtedly  feels  that  govern- 
mental budgets  may  be  supported  in  the  future.  And 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Socialists  of  certain  other 
countries  are  prepared  to  follow  the  Germans'  example, 
largely  on  the  ground  of  the  financial  support  given  by 
the  Socialists  of  all  countries  to  their  governments  since 
the  beginning  of  the  present  war. 

The  discussion  and  action  of  the  German  Party  Congress 
of  1913  was  then  the  first  practical  decision  reached  by  So- 
cialists on  the  taxation  question.  Moreover,  the  conclusions 
reached  as  to  general  taxation  policy  (aside  from  the 
budget  question)  were  in  accord  with  the  previous  Socialist 
position  in  Germany  and  in  the  other  countries. 

The  discussion  of  the  military  and  of  the  taxation  ques- 
tions at  the  Congress  of  the  German  Party  in  1913  was 
really  one  discussion.  The  military  problem  is  handled  in 
the  volume,  Socialists  and  the  War.  In  order  to  make 
clear,  however,  the  position  of  the  Congress  as  to  taxation, 
it  is  necessary  to  show  the  relation  of  this  question  to  the 
military  problem.  For  this  purpose  we  quote  the  article 
by  Herman  Wendel,  Socialist  member  of  the  Reichstag,  in 
The  New  Review  (September,  1913). 


TAXATION  487 

I.    THE   TAXATION   QUESTION 

By  Herman  Wenclel  (Member  of  the  Reichstag) 
"If  the  fight  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  against  the 
strengthening  of  the  army  was  a  battle  in  which  from  the 
very  beginning  it  was  impossible  to  hope  for  victory,  it 
was  otherwise  with  the  struggle  over  the  bill  providing 
the  necessary  funds.  The  ruling  class,  nobility  and  bour- 
geoisie, has  hitherto,  by  means  of  indirect  taxation,  saddled 
upon  the  propertyless  masses  the  cost  of  its  expensive  naval 
and  military  policy.  Indirect  taxation  was  Bismarck's 
ideal  ("because  the  individual  does  not  suspect  that  he  is 
paying  taxes"),  and  by  indirect  taxes  and  assessments  all 
the  expenses  of  the  military,  naval,  and  colonial  policies 
have  been  met  in  the  glorious  era  of  Wilhelm  II.  Thereby 
all  the  food  articles  and  the  absolute  necessities  of  the 
great  mass  have  been  gradually  raised  in  price  to  the  ex- 
treme limits  of  the  endurable.  The  burden  of  the  German 
people  through  indirect  taxation  amounts  to-day  to  25 
marks  (six  dollars)  per  person.  That  is  to  say,  a  working- 
class  family  of  four  persons  (father,  mother,  two  children), 
having  an  income  of  1,000  marks,  pays  out  100  marks,  or 
10  per  cent  of  its  income,  in  indirect  taxes !  The  last  great 
plundering  of  the  people  through  indirect  taxes  was  accom- 
plished in  1907.  As  is  well  known,  the  Social  Democratic 
representation  in  the  Reichstag  [had]  decreased  in  the 
elections  of  1907  from  81  to  43.  The  reactionary  parties 
thought  to  make  use  of  this  opportunity,  and  they  put 
through  a  'financial  reform'  with  new  taxes  amounting  to 
500,000,000  marks  (about  $125,000,000),  which  were  ob- 
tained almost  exclusively  by  indirect  taxes  upon  brandy, 
beer,  tobacco,  matches,  etc.  The  Social  Democratic  Party 
has  always  opposed  vigorously  all  attempts  at  new  indirect 
taxation  and  has  several  times  sought,  though  without  sue- 


488       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

cess  against  the  bourgeois  majority,  to  carry  through  its 
taxation  program  providing  for  direct  and  progressive  in- 
come, property  and  inheritance  taxes  throughout  the  Em- 
pire. Thus  far  the  direct  taxes  have  been  reserved  for 
the  federal  states,  where  they  are  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
reactionary  Parliaments — witness  Prussia ! — and  hence  can 
be  assessed  according  to  the  will  and  desire  of  the  possess- 
ing classes.  The  bourgeois  parties,  chiefly  the  representa- 
tives of  the  great  landowners  and  of  mobile  capital,  have 
feared,  as  the  devil  fears  holy  water,  to  hand  over  by  an 
imperial  income  and  property  tax  'the  pocketbook  of  the 
possessors'  to  the  Reichstag,  elected  by  universal  and  equal 
suffrage. 

' '  If  the  great  landowners  and  the  owners  of  mobile  cap- 
ital had  had  their  way,  the  immense  cost  of  the  monstrous 
military  increase  would  now  also  have  been  saddled  by 
means  of  indirect  taxes  upon  the  propertyless  masses  of 
the  people.  But  .  .  .  the  wind  had  changed.  The  people, 
embittered  by  the  taxation  robbery  of  1907,  had  cast  four 
and  a  quarter  million  of  Socialist  votes  in  the  Reichstag 
elections  of  1912,  and  in  the  Parliament  were  seated  110 
Socialists  who  could  not  be  utterly  ignored.  .   .   . 

"Nothing  would  have  pleased  the  reactionary  parties 
better  than  if  the  Social  Democratic  Party— dogmatically 
applying  the  principle:  'Not  a  man  nor  a  penny  for  this 
system' — had  stood  passively  aside  and  left  entirely  to 
the  majority  of  the  Reichstag  the  framing  of  the  finance 
bill.  The  Conservatives  and  Clericals  even  sought  to  im- 
pose upon  the  Government  the  condition  that  the  military 
bill  and  the  finance  bill  should  be  passed  by  one  and  the 
same  majority.  That  would  have  meant  the  entire  elimina- 
tion of  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  for  under  no  circum- 
stances could  it  have  voted  for  the  increase  of  the  army. 
But  after  the  army  increase  was  no  longer  to  be  avoided, 


TAXATION  489 

it  could  well  take  part  in  the  framing  of  the  finance  law 
in  a  manner  according  with  its  principles  and  also  with 
the  contents  of  the  joint  manifesto  issued  March  1,  1913, 
by  Social  Democratic  representatives  in  the  German 
Reichstag  and  by  the  Socialist  representatives  in  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  namely :  That  the  delegations 
on  both  sides  of  the  Rhine  were  determined,  in  case  the 
resistance  against  the  military  bills  in  the  two  countries 
should  be  unsuccessful,  to  see  to  it  that  the  new  burdens 
should  fall  upon  the  rich. 

"Therefore  a  motion  was  [made]  by  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic representation  during  the  discussion  of  the  military 
tax  in  plenary  session.    It  read: 

The  tax  upon  incomes  shall  amount,  with  an  income  of  from 
5,000  marks  to  10,000  marks,  to  1  per  cent  of  the  income ;  of  the 
next  partial  or  complete 

10,000  marks 3  per  cent  of  the  income 

50,000      "      6     "      "       "     " 

100,000      "      9     "      "      "     "  " 

500,000      "      12    "      "       "     "         " 

1,000,000      "      15    "      "       "     "         " 

' '  This  motion  was  naturally  lost,  but  in  the  form  in  which 
the  military  assessment  was  finally  passed  it  reached  deeply 
enough  into  the  money  bags  of  the  rich.  The  tax  upon 
property  begins  at  a  property  of  10,000  marks  only  when 
there  is  at  the  same  time  an  income  of  at  least  5,000  marks, 
otherwise  not  until  50,000  marks,  and  it  rises  from  0.15 
per  cent  to  1.5  per  cent  for  properties  of  more  than 
5,000,000  marks.  For  incomes  the  tax  begins  with  1  per 
cent  for  5,000  marks,  and  rises  to  8  per  cent  for  incomes 
of  500,000  marks.  Even  comparatively  small  incomes  of 
between  5,000  and  10,000  marks,  which  were  drawn  upon 


490       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

for  the  defense  fund,  had  an  educational  purpose,  for 
these  are  the  incomes  of  all  those  elements  of  society,  such 
as  school  principals,  judges,  and  retired  officers  in  the  army 
and  navy  societies,  who  are  the  loudest  shouters  for  mili- 
tary increases,  who  had  never  before  been  called  upon  to 
open  their  pocketbooks.  But  the  main  portion  of  the 
military  assessment  falls  upon  properties  of  between 
100,000  and  1,000,000  marks.  The  255  taxpayers  in 
Prussia,  each  of  whom  is  assessed  upon  more  than  10,000,000 
marks,  must  together  pay  81,000,000  marks.  The  richest 
armament  manufacturer  in  Germany,  the  husband  of 
Bertha  Krupp,  will  have  to  pay  a  round  6,000,000  for  his 
share  alone.  That  will  surely  have  a  cooling  effect  upon 
the  overflowing  military  enthusiasm  of  these  circles  of 
society. 

"The  Conservatives  offered  violent  resistance  to  these 
property  taxes,  but  the  votes  of  the  Social  Democratic 
Party  were  necessary  in  order  to  pass  the  law.  It  would 
have  been  remiss  in  its  duty  to  the  working-class  had  it 
allowed  this  opportunity  to  pass  without  imposing  upon 
the  rich  a  portion  of  the  burdens  entailed  by  a  policy  pur- 
sued solely  in  the  interests  of  the  rich. 

"But  the  Social  Democratic  representatives,  after  ma- 
ture reflection,  also  voted  in  favor  of  the  military  assess- 
ment, although  it  would  have  passed  even  had  they  voted 
against  it.  This  affirmative  vote  arose  from  the  circum- 
stance that  the  military  assessment  represents  the  first 
step  toward  a  taxing  system  corresponding  in  principle 
to  the  demands  of  the  Social  Democracy.  .    .   . 

"As  before,  we  hold  to  the  principles  'Not  a  man  and 
not  a  penny  for  this  system!'  But  in  this  case,  after  the 
man  had  been  granted  by  the  capitalist  majority,  it  was 
solely  a  case  of  having  the  penny  paid  by  the  capitalist 


TAXATION  491 

class  alone.     That  is  in  nowise  contradictory  of  Socialist 
principles.  .    .    . 

"If  the  question  is  put  whether  the  capitalist  class  shall 
enjoy  its  surplus  value  untaxed  and  the  working-class  be 
bled  by  means  of  indirect  taxes,  or  whether  the  capitalist 
class  shall  pay  heavy  taxes  from  their  stolen  surplus  value 
and  the  working-class  be  protected  from  an  increase  in 
the  price  of  necessities,  there  can,  for  a  Socialist,  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  answer. ' ' 


n.  REPORT  BY  WURM  TO  THE  GERMAN  PARTY  CONGRESS  OF 

1913 

The  discussion  of  general  principles  of  taxation  in  the 
Congress  was  led  by  Wurm,  who  submitted  the  following 
report  and  resolution,  which  were  adopted: 

It  is  not  a  mere  accident  that  we  have  had,  up  to  this  time, 
no  deeper  inquiry  into  the  tax  question.  For  our  past  needs 
Lasalle's  Arbeiterprogram  [1867]  has  been  suificient.  For  hith- 
erto there  has  been  no  opposition  of  interests  between  the  repre- 
sentatives of  mobile,  i.e.,  trade  or  industrial  capital,  and  fixed, 
or  immobile  capital,  i.e.,  land,  upon  the  question  of  taxation. 
Mobile  and  immobile  capital  were  united  in  their  desire  to  throw 
the  burden  of  taxation  upon  the  laboring  class,  by  taxing  the 
necessities  of  life.  In  the  state  legislatures  (Landtagen)  the 
struggle  between  movable  and  fixed  capital  is  [now]  increasing 
in  bitterness  from  day  to  day.  The  growing  capitalist  class  is 
vehemently  opposing  the  burdens  which  the  landowning  group 
is  trying  to  heap  upon  it.  The  parties  which  represent  the 
small  capitalist  and  the  middle  class, — the  Progressives,  a  part 
of  the  National  Liberals,  and  a  part  of  the  Center, — were  forced 
to  vote  in  favor  of  direct  taxes  on  capital  in  the  state  legis- 
latures. 

The  class  that  is  in  power  forces  its  weaker  opponents  to 
bear  the  burden  of  public  expenditures,  whether  the  landowning 
class  oppressed  the  capitaHst  class,  or  whether  the  two  together 


492       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

oppress  the  worker.  It  must  of  necessity  follow  that  when  the 
working-class  becomes  a  strong  political  factor,  the  hour  will 
come  when  it  will  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  the  struggle 
between  mobile  and  immobile  capital.   .    .    . 

Taxation  is  a  vital  part  of  the  exploitation  of  an  oppressed 
working-class  by  its  political  and  industrial  oppressors. 

.  .  .  The  amount  used  by  the  capitalist  class  for  its  subsistence 
is  the  consumption  fund,  while  that  part  of  the  surplus  value 
over  and  above  this  amount  goes  into  the  production  fund  of 
capitalist  society.   .    .   . 

National  undertakings  and  modern  corporations  prove  the  use- 
lessness  of  the  capitalist  as  an  individual  even  in  present-day 
capitalist  industry.  The  fund  necessary  for  the  development  of 
production,  on  the  other  hand,  must  be  kept  up  even  in  a  So- 
cialist state,  because  production,  invention,  and  distribution  must 
be  developed  to  the  utmost  possible  efficiency  in  order  to  make 
human  labor  so  profitable  that  each  individual  may  be  assured 
of  an  opportunity  to  develop  his  personality  and  capabilities  to 
their  fullest  extent.  Even  to-day  the  capitalist  is  by  no  means 
the  absolute  master  of  the  profits  which  his  factory  produces.  If 
he  should  use  the  whole  profit  for  his  personal  consumption  his 
competitors  would  soon  put  him  out  of  business.  If,  therefore, 
the  whole  surplus  value  were  to  be  confiscated  by  taxation,  the 
working-class,  too,  would  suffer. 

A  new  form  of  taxation  is  the  formation  of  state  monopolies, 
in  which  the  state  determines  the  price,  in  other  words,  levies  a 
sort  of  hidden  tax.  Fortunately  we  succeeded  in  preventing  a 
state  monopoly  of  petroleum.     (Applause.)   .    .    . 

In  my  resolution  we  read  as  follows:  .  .  ."Every  direct  tax 
[law],  even  if  levied  on  the  surplus  value  [profits,  etc.]  exclu- 
sively, shall  be  opposed,  if  its  purpose  is  not  in  harmony  with  the 
interests  of  the  working-class,  except  in  cases  where  this  opposi- 
tion to  the  direct  taxes  .  .  .  would  not  hinder  the  adoption  of 
the  law  in  question,  and  [at  the  same  time]  would  mean  ... 
taxes  even  more  unfavorable  to  the  working-class  [i.e.,  indirect 
taxes]."  In  other  words,  opposition  is  to  be  the  rule;  the  excep- 
tion, a  vote  in  favor  under  specified  conditions.  When,  there- 
fore, the  military  [appropriation]  bill  has  been  accepted,  we 
must  vote  in  favor  of  that  [military]  tax  bill  which  will  not 
force  the  worker  to  bear  the  tax  burden.  ..."  Not  one  cent  in 


TAXATION  493 

taxes  to  the  capitalist  state,"  you  say.  The  bourgeoisie  is  daily 
more  [and  more]  imperialistic.  Every  new  military  bill  is  sure 
to  be  accepted.  What  shall  we  do  when  the  military  bill  has 
become  a  law !  .  .  .  Shall  we  say :  "  Now,  good  Father  State, 
and  good  Ruling  Parties,  please,  we  should  like  to  pay,  besides !  " 
.  .  .  The  military  bill  has  passed.  The  only  question  remain- 
ing [is]  :  "  Shall  we  prevent  the  piling  up  of  new  burdens  upon 
the  shoulders  of  the  laboring  class,  or  shall  we  not?  "... 


in.    TAX   RESOLUTIONS    ADOPTED   BY    THE   GERMAN    CONGRESS 

OF   1913 

The  Congress  demands,  in  accordance  with  Article  X 
of  the  Party  Program : 

Graduated  income  and  property  taxes  to  cover  all  public  ex- 
penditures, in  so  far  as  these  can  be  covered  by  taxation.  .  .  . 
Inheritance  taxes,  graduated  according  to  the  size  and  value  of 
the  estates  and  the  degrees  of  relationship.  The  repeal  of  all 
indirect  taxes,  tariffs,  and  other  measures  that  sacrifice  the 
interests  of  the  people  at  large  to  those  of  a  small  minority. 

The  Congress  demands  further: 

The  expenses  of  the  states  (Bundesstaaten)  shall  be  covered 
by  additions  to  the  direct  national  taxes. 

To  cover  municipal  expenditures  we  demand,  in  accordance 
with  the  decision  of  our  Congress  of  Bremen :  State  endowments 
for  public  health,  public  education,  public  charity,  and  the  build- 
ing of  roadways. 

Additions  to  the  state  income,  property,  and  inheritance  taxes. 
Wherever  such  state  taxes  do  not  exist,  municipalities  shall  have 
the  right  to  levy  special  income,  property,  and  inheritance  taxes. 

Taxation  of  the  unearned  increment  of  land. 

The  Congress  further  declares: 

In  voting  on  national,  state,  or  municipal  tax  measures,  not 
only  the  character  of  the  tax,  but  its  purpose  as  well,  shall  deter- 
mine the  vote  of  the  Socialist  representatives. 


494      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

In  aecoi'dance  with  the  resokition  of  Niirnberg,  1908,  our 
representatives  shall  oppose  all  budgets  presented  by  a  capitalist 
government,  at  its  final  reading,  provided  the  opposition  of  our 
comrades  does  not  signify  the  adoption  of  a  budget  even  more 
dangerous  to  the  interests  of  the  working-class.  In  the  same 
manner,  every  direct  tax,  even  if  levied  only  on  the  surplus  value, 
shall  be  opposed,  if  its  purpose  is  not  in  harmony  with  the 
interests  of  the  working-class,  except  in  eases  where  this  opposi- 
tion of  the  direct  taxes  by  our  comrades  would  not  hinder  the 
adoption  of  the  law  in  question,  and  would  mean,  at  the  same 
time,  taxes  even  more  unfavorable  to  the  working-class. 

In  accordance  with  our  progi'am,  our  comrades  in  the  legis- 
lative bodies  have  always  striven  to  repeal  existing  indirect 
taxes,  the  burden  of  which  is  borne  by  the  working-class,  in 
favor  of  direct  taxes,  without  considering  the  purpose  for  which 
these  taxes  have  been  levied.  In  the  same  way  they  must  strive 
to  prevent  the  levying  of  new,  indirect  taxes  upon  the  working- 
class.  If  this  can  be  done  only  by  voting  in  favor  of  direct 
taxes,  they  shall  so  proceed,  because  in  that  ease  the  purpose  of 
the  direct  taxes  will  be  to  prevent  adoption  of  indirect  taxes. 

The  Congress  supports  the  declaration  of  the  parliamentary 
group  given  in  connection  with  the  vote  on  the  military  appro- 
priation bill,  and  expressly  approves  of  the  vote  of  the  Socialist 
representatives  in  favor  of  both  property  taxes. 

(See  also  "The  United  States.") 


CHAPTER  XIII 
IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  EACE  QUESTION 

That  any  genuinely  international  movement  would  be 
opposed  to  the  restriction  of  immigration  may  be  taken 
for  granted,  especially  if  the  restriction  were  along  racial 
lines.  The  decision  of  the  International  Congress  at  Stutt- 
gart was,  accordingly,  unanimous,  although  it  will  be  seen 
that  it  was  not  satisfactory  to  all  the  American  delegates. 

But  wherever  a  racial  difference  furnishes  a  good  pre- 
text, as  in  the  United  States  and  the  British  colonies,  the 
labor  unions  are  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  restricting 
the  competition  of  labor  along  racial  lines  by  anti-immigra- 
tion laws.  As  most  Socialist  parties  follow  the  labor  unions, 
it  cannot  be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  Australian  Labor 
Party  has  taken  the  same  position  and  that  the  American 
Socialist  Party  is  much  divided  on  the  question. 

Even  when  the  alien  race  is  already  in  the  country,  the 
labor  unions  often  continue  to  support  the  policy  of  dis- 
crimination.   This  is  seen  especially  in  South  Africa. 

I.   THE   INTERNATIONAL   SOCIALIST   CONGRESS   OF    1907 

After  a  long  and  animated  debate,  the  Stuttgart  Con- 
gress adopted  a  resolution  submitted  to  it  by  the  commis- 
sion on  emigration  and  immigration.  It  declared  that  im- 
migration and  emigration  were  phenomena  inseparable 
from  the  substance  of  capitalism,  and  that  the  restriction 
of  freedom  of  migration  and  the  exclusion  of  foreign  na- 
tions  and   races   were   fruitless   methods   of   solving   the 

495 


496       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

problem.  It  recognized  that  it  was  the  duty  of  organized 
workingmen,  however,  to  protect  themselves  against  the 
lowering  of  their  standard  of  living  which  frequently  re- 
sulted from  the  mass  importation  of  unorganized  working- 
men,  and  recommended  the  following  measures: 

I. — For  the  countries  of  immigration. 

1.  Prohibition  of  the  export  and  import  of  such  workingmen 
as  have  entered  into  a  contract  which  deprives  them  of  the  lib- 
erty to  dispose  of  their  labor  power  and  wages. 

2.  Legislation  shortening  the  workday,  fixing  a  minimum  wage, 
regulatmg  the  sweating  system  and  house  industry,  and  provid- 
ing for  sti'iet  supervision  of  sanitary  and  dwelling  conditions. 

3.  Abolition  of  all  restrictions  which  exclude  definite  nationali- 
ties or  races  from  the  right  of  sojourn  in  the  country  and  from 
the  political  and  economic  rights  of  natives,  or  make  the  acquisi- 
tion of  these  rights  more  difficult  for  them.  It  also  demands 
the  greatest  latitude  in  the  laws  of  naturalization. 

4.  For  the  trade-unions  of  all  countries  the  following  princi- 
ples shall  have  universal  application  in  connection  with  it : 

a.  Unrestricted  admission  of  immigrant  workingmen  to  the 
trade-unions  of  all  countries. 

h.  Facilitating  the  admission  of  members  by  means  of  fixing 
reasonable  admission  fees. 

c.  Free  transfer  from  the  organizations  of  one  country  to 
those  of  the  other  upon  discharge  of  the  membership  obligations 
towards  the  former  organization. 

d.  The  making  of  international  trade-union  agreements  for 
the  purpose  of  regulating  these  questions  in  a  definite  and  proper 
manner,  and  rendering  possible  the  realization  of  these  principles 
on  an  international  scope. 

5.  Support  of  the  trade-unions  of  those  countries  from  which 
the  immigration  is  chiefly  recruited. 

II. — For  the  countries  of  emigration. 

1.  Active  pro^Daganda  for  trade-unionism. 

2.  Enlightenment  of  the  workingmen  and  the  public  at  large 
on  the  true  conditions  of  labor  in  the  countries  of  immigration. 

3.  Concerted  action  on  the  part  of  the  trade-unions  of  all 
countries  in  all  matters  of  labor  immigration  and  emigration. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  emigration  of  workingmen  is  often 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      497 

artificially  stimulated  by  railway  and  steamship  companies,  land 
speculators,  and  other  swindling  concerns  through  false  and  lying 
promises  to  workingmen,  the  Congi'ess  demands: 

Control  of  the  steamship  agencies  and  emigration  bureaus,  and 
legal  and  administrative  measures  against  them  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  abuse  of  emigration  in  the  interest  of  such  capitalist 
concerns. 

III. — Regulation  of  the  system  of  transportation,  especially 
on  ships.  Employment  of  inspectors  with  discretionary  power 
who  would  be  selected  by  the  organized  workingmen  of  the 
countries  of  emigration  and  immigration.  Protection  for  the 
newly  arrived  immigrants  in  order  that  they  may  not  become 
the  victims  of  capitalist  exploiters. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  transport  of  emigrants  can  be 
regulated  only  on  an  international  basis,  the  Congress  directs 
the  International  Socialist  Bureau  to  prepare  suggestions  for 
the  regulation  of  this  question,  which  shall  deal  with  the  con- 
ditions, arrangements,  and  supplies  of  the  ships,  the  air  space 
to  be  allowed  for  each  passenger  as  a  minimum,  and  shall  lay 
special  stress  that  the  individual  emigrants  contract  for  their 
passage  directly  with  the  transportation  companies  and  without 
intervention  of  middlemen.  These  suggestions  shall  be  communi- 
cated to  the  various  Socialist  parties  for  the  purpose  of  legis- 
lative application  and  adaptation,  as  well  as  for  purposes  of 
propaganda. 

n.    THE   AMERICAN    CONGRESS   OF    1910.      ASIATIC 
IMMIGRATION 

No  discussion  of  the  Socialist  position  would  be  complete 
without  showing  the  attitude  of  the  International  and  of 
the  American  Socialist  to  that  world-question  which  is  the 
only  one  which  at  present  seems  at  all  likely  to  bring 
America  into  war. 

The  International  Socialist  Congress  at  Stuttgart  in 
1907,  which  was  the  first  to  take  this  matter  up,  declared 
in  a  most  definite  way  against  exclusion  along  racial  lines, 
as  being  in  conflict  with  th£  principles  of  proletarian 
solidarity. 


498       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  American  Party  Congress  at  Chicago,  held  three 
years  later  (1910),  showed  that  this  party  was  unwilling 
to  accept  the  Stuttgart  resolution.  The  American  Party 
Congress  of  1912  showed  a  similar  situation. 

In  view  of  the  somewhat  strained  relations  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  Japan,  which  many  think 
may  be  the  prelude  to  war,  the  timeliness  and  importance  of 
this  discussion  is  self-evident. 

The  majority  of  the  committee  (of  which  Untermann  was 
chairman)  appointed  to  report  on  this  matter  to  the  Amer- 
ican Socialist  Congress  of  1910,  argued  as  follows: 

Sometimes  the  party,  in  acting  for  the  immediate  interests  of 
the  working-class,  must  come  into  apparent  conflict  with  its  ulti- 
mate ideals.  This  is  unavoidable;  we  work  toward  our  ultimate 
ideals  through  and  despite  these  immediate  contradictions.  The 
Socialist  Party,  in  its  present  activities,  cannot  outrun  the  gen- 
eral development  of  the  working-class,  but  must  keep  step  with 
it.  .   .   . 

We  therefore  indorse  every  demand  made  and  position  taken 
by  the  International  Congress  on  this  question,  except  those  pas- 
sages which  refer  to  specific  restrictions  or  to  the  exclusion  of 
definite  races  or  nations.  We  do  not  believe  that  such  measures 
are  necessarily  "  fruitless  and  reactionary,"  as  stated  by  the  In- 
ternational Congress,  but  on  the  contrary  are  convinced  that  any 
measures  which  do  not  conform  to  the  immediate  interests  of  the 
working-class  of  the  United  States  are  fruitless  and  reactionai-y. 

We  advocate  the  unconditional  exclusion  of  Chinese,  Japanese, 
Coreans,  and  Hindoos,  not  as  races  per  se,  not  as  peoples  with 
definite  physiological  characteristics,— but  for  the  evident  reason 
that  these  peoples  occupy  definite  portions  of  the  earth  which 
are  so  far  behind  the  general  modern  development  of  industry, 
psychologically  as  well  as  economically,  that  they  constitute  a 
drawback,  an*  obstacle  and  menace  to  the  progi-ess  of  the  most 
aggressive,  militant,  and  intelligent  elements  of  our  working- 
class  population. 

We  recognize,  with  ]\Iai-x,  that  the  progress  of  working-class 
emancipation  does  not  proceed  uniformly  and  by  identical  meth- 
ods in  all  countries,  but  that  the  working-class  of  each  nation 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      499 

will  have  first  to  settle  with  its  own  ruling  class  before  absolute 
international  working-class  solidarity  can  be  realized.  (Our 
italics.) 

Against  this  it  was  argued  by  the  other  side  that  as  long 
as  the  working-people  are  divided  among  hostile  nations, 
often  engaged  in  making  war  against  another,  they  will 
never  he  able  to  accumulate  the  force  needed  to  overthrow 
the  ruling  class  in  any  nation. 

The  committee  report  favoring  exclusion  was  brought 
before  the  Convention  by  Untermann.     He  said: 

As  far  as  Asia  is  concerned,  Asia  has  immense  opportunities 
for  developing  an  outlet.  They  need  not  come  over  here.  Japan 
has  Manchuria  and  Korea.  China  has  vast  districts  which  it 
can  conquer.  Let  the  Chinese  capitalists  develop  Chinese  so- 
ciety, just  as  the  American  capitalists  have  developed  American 
society.  Let  them  find  room  for  their  unemployed  over  there 
and  employ  them  there  and  develop  their  own  society.  Let  the 
Socialists  of  those  countries  organize  their  co-operative  com- 
monwealth themselves  first,  and  then,  when  they  have  that  organ- 
ization, when  they  have  their  strong  Socialist  and  labor  organiza- 
tions, then  let  them  talk  to  us  about  international  solidarity. 
(Our  italics.) 

Untermann  declared  that  the  backward  environment  in 
China  has  developed  in  the  Chinaman  certain  qualities  that 
make  him  less  easily  assimilable  than  even  the  lowest 
European  immigrant. 

Victor  Berger,  also  a  member  of  the  committee,  dwelt 
upon  the  fundamental  differences  between  the  whites  and 
the  other  races.    He  said: 

We  are  all  of  the  same  type;  of  the  same  sort  of  thinking; 
we  may  fight  occasionally,  but  after  all  our  mode  of  thinking  is 
very  much  the  same.  But,  comrades,  it  is  entirely  different  with 
these  other  races.  They  have  their  own  history  of  about  ffty 
thousand  years.  That  cannot  be  undone  in  a  generation  or  in 
two  generations,  or  in  three  generations. 

The  committee's  resolution  was  defeated  and  a  substitute 


500       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

proposed  by  Morris  Hillquit  was  adopted.  At  the  Indian- 
apolis Convention  (1912)  the  committee  on  immigration 
again  reported  and  was  again  continued  until  the  next 
convention, 

m.    THE   AMERICAN   CONGRESS   OF    1912 

The  majority  of  the  committee  at  Indianapolis  (Unter- 
mann,  Stitt,  Wilson,  Hunter,  and  Wanhope)  reiterated 
their  former  position.  The  majority  report  was,  in  part, 
as  follows : 

In  the  course  of  the  discussion  [in  1910]  Morris  Hillquit  intro- 
duced a  substitute  for  both  reports.  This  substitute  evaded  the 
question  for  or  against  the  existing  exclusion  laws,  merely  de- 
manding that  the  mass  imiDortation  of  contract  laborers  from  all 
countries  should  be  combated  by  the  Socialist  Party. 

After  a  debate  lasting  nearly  two  days,  the  Congress  adopted 
Hillquit's  substitute  by  a  vote  of  55  against  50. 

This  close  vote  induced  the  Congress  to  recommit  the  question 
for  further  study  to  a  new  committee  on  immigration,  with 
instructions  to  report  to  the  National  Convention  of  1912. 

In  this  new  committee  the  same  alignment  immediately  took 
place.  After  a  fruitless  effort  of  the  chairman  to  get  unanimous 
action,  the  majority  decided  to  act  by  itself  and  let  the  minority 
do  the  same.  .    .   . 

Race  feeling  is  not  so  much  a  result  of  social  as  of  biological 
evolution.  It  does  not  change  essentially  with  changes  of  eco- 
nomic systems.  It  is  deeper  than  any  class  feeling  and  will 
outlast  the  capitalist  system.  It  persists  even  after  race  preju- 
dice has  been  outgrown.  It  exists,  not  because  the  capitalists 
nurse  it  for  economic  reasons,  but  the  capitalists  rather  have  an 
opportunity  to  nurse  it  for  economic  reasons  because  it  exists 
as  a  product  of  biology.  It  is  bound  to  play  a  role  in  the 
economics  of  the  future  society.  //  it  should  not  assert  itself  in 
open  warfare  under  a  Socialist  form  of  society,  it  will  neverthe- 
less lead  to  a  rivalry  of  races  for  expansion  over  the  globe  as 
a  result  of  the  play  of  natural  and  sexual  selection.  We  must 
temper  this  race  feeling  by  education,  but  we  can  never  hope 
to  extinguish  it  altogether.     Class-consciousness  must  be  learned, 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      501 

hut  race-consciousness  is  inborn  and  cannot  be  wholly  unlearned. 
A  few  individuals  may  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  ignoring  race 
and  posing  as  utterly  raceless  humanitarians,  but  whole  races 
never. 

Continued  study  and  the  developments  on  the  Pacific  coast 
during  the  last  two  years  convinced  the  majority  of  this  com- 
mittee more  than  ever  that  the  existing  exclusion  laws  against 
Asiatic  laborers  should  be  enforced,  and  be  amended  in  such  way 
that  they  can  be  more  effectively  enforced.  The  details  of  the 
necessary  amendments  should  be  worked  out  by  our  representa- 
tives, or  by  our  future  representatives  in  Congress,  and  submitted 
for  ratification  to  the  committee  on  immigration,  which  should 
be  made  permanent  for  this  purpose. 

It  does  not  matter  whether  Asiatic  immigration  is  voluntary 
or  stimulated  by  capitalists.  There  is  no  room  for  doubt  that 
the  capitalists  welcome  this  immigration,  and  that  its  effect  upon 
the  economic  and  political  class  organizations  of  the  American 
workers  is  destructive. 

Where  races  struggle  for  the  means  of  life,  racial  animosities 
cannot  be  avoided.  Where  working-people  struggle  for  jobs,  self- 
preservation  enforces  its  decrees.  Economic  and  political  con- 
siderations lead  to  racial  fights  and  to  legislation  restricting  the 
invasion  of  the  white  man's  domain  by  other  races. 

The  Socialist  Party  cannot  avoid  this  issue.  The  exclusion 
of  definite  races,  not  on  account  of  race,  but  for  economic  and 
political  reasons,  has  been  forced  upon  the  old  party  statesmen 
in  spite  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  great  capitalists. 

Every  addition  of  incompatible  race  elements  to  the  present 
societies  of  nations  or  races  strengthens  the  hands  of  the  great 
capitalists  against  the  rising  host  of  class-conscious  workers.  But 
the  race  feeling  is  so  strong  that  even  the  majority  of  old  party 
statesmen  have  not  dared  to  ignore  it. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  class-conscious  workers  it  is 
irrational  in  the  extreme  to  permit  the  capitalists  to  protect  their 
profits  by  high  tariffs,  against  the  competition  of  foreign  capital, 
and  at  the  same  time  connive  at  their  attempts  to  extend  free 
trade  in  the  one  commodity  which  the  laborer  should  protect 
more  than  any  other,  his  labor  power. 

It  is  still  more  irrational  to  excuse  this  self-destructive  policy 
by  the  slogan  of  international  working-class  solidarity,  for  this 


502      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

sentimental  solidarity  works  wholly  into  the  hands  of  the  cap- 
italist class  and  injures  the  revolutionary  movement  of  the  most 
advanced  workers  of  this  nation,  out  of  ill-considered  worship 
of  an  Asiatic  working-class  which  is  as  yet  steeped  in  the  ideas 
of  a  primitive  state  of  undeveloped  capitalism.   .    .    . 

The  international  solidarity  of  the  working-class  can  be  most 
effectively  demonstrated,  not  by  mass  immigration  into  each 
others'  countries,  but  by  the  international  co-operation  of  strong 
labor  unions  and  of  the  national  sections  of  the  International 
Socialist  Party.   .    .    . 

The  common  sense  Socialist  policy  under  these  circumstances 
is  to  build  up  strong  national  labor  unions  and  strong  national 
Socialist  parties  in  the  different  countries  and  Avork  toward  more 
perfect  solidarity  by  an  international  co-operation  of  these  labor 
unions  and  parties.  To  this  end  the  Socialist  Party  of  America 
should  consider,  above  all,  the  interests  of  those  native  and  foreign 
working-class  citizens  whose  economic  and  political  class  organ- 
izations are  destined  to  be  the  dominant  elements  in  the  social 
revolution  of  this  country. 

In  the  United  States  this  means  necessarily  the  enforcement 
of  the  existing  exclusion  laws  against  Asiatic  laborers,  and  the 
amendment  of  these  laws  in  such  a  way  that  the  working-class  of 
America  shall  fortify  its  strategic  position  in  the  struggle  against 
the  capitalist  class. 

International  solidarity  between  the  icorking-people  of  Asia, 
Europe,  and  America  will  be  the  outcome  of  international  evolu- 
tion, not  of  sentimental  formulas.  So  long  as  the  minds  of  the 
workers  of  nations  and  races  are  separated  by  long  distances  of 
industrial  evolution,  the  desired  solidarity  cannot  be  completely 
realized,  and  while  it  is  in  process  of  realization,  the  demands 
of  immediate  self-preservation  are  more  imperative  than  dreams 
of  ideal  solidarity.     (Our  italics.) 

The  minority  of  the  committee,  Laukki,  Spargo,  and 
Meyer  London,  proposed  the  reaffirmation  of  the  Interna- 
tional resolution  of  the  Stuttgart  Congress  of  1907.  By 
continuing  the  committee  the  Congress  showed  it  was  satis- 
fied with  the  committee's  personnel,  four  being  for  racial 
exclusion  and  three  against  it.    Leo  Laukki,  of  the  Finnish 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      503 

Socialist  Federation,  a  minority  member  of  the  committee, 
reported  as  follows: 


Our  party  must  remember,  before  the  policy  presented  by  the 
majority  report  can  be  warranted,  that  both  it  and  the  unions 
have  done  practically  nothing  in  regard  to  the  Asiatic  laborers 
in  the  other  way.  They  have  not  even  tried  to  organize  the 
Asiatic  laborers,  any  more  than  they  have  tried  to  organize  the 
other  foreign  workers  of  the  United  States,  and  still  they  have 
courage  to  claim  that  the  Asiatics  cannot  be  organized.  At  least 
before  our  party  in  this  question  can  refute  its  basic  principles 
and  declare  itself  in  favor  of  a  policy  which  is  mainly  sought 
for  only  by  the  blind  clamors  of  disappearmg  craft  workers 
and  small  traders  of  the  Pacifie  coast,  it  must  try  the  other 
way;  it  must  try  to  reach  the  Asiatics  as  well  as  all  other  na- 
tionalities in  the  United  States  by  its  ideas  and  organization. 

Therefore  the  only  recommendation  that  can  be  made  to  this 
Convention  in  regard  to  the  Asiatic  laborer  is: 

That  the  Socialist  Party  place  an  organizer  among  these  Asi- 
atic workers  who  can  speak  their  languages  and  in  every  other 
way  try  to  help  the  Asiatics  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Socialist  ideas  and  movement  and  to  form  a  national  Asiatic 
Socialist  organization  along  the  same  lines  that  the  other  nation- 
alities are  organized. 

That  the  Socialist  Party  declare  itself  in  opposition  to  the 
discrimination  against  Asiatic  workers,  politically  or  otherwise, 
and  demand  for  them  the  same  civil  and  political  rights  which 
it  demands  for  other  races  and  nationalities  in  the  United 
States. 

What  becomes  of  the  fact  that  Asiatics  as  well  as  other  foreign 
and  native  workers,  especially  women  and  children,  are  exploited 
by  the  American  capitalists  as  so-called  cheap  labor,  to  replace 
the  higher  paid  craft-workers  and  so  throwing  them  out  into 
the  ranks  of  the  industrial  proletariat?  It  cannot  be  hindered 
in  the  least  by  any  reactionary  policy  of  the  dying  semi- 
bourgeoisie  and  craftsmen.  But  this  cheap-paid  industrial  pro- 
letariat can  be  hindered  from  selling  its  labor-power  too  cheap; 
it  can  and  it  will  be  induced  to  raise  its  standard  of  wages,  to 
better  its  working  and  living  conditions  by  the  general  policy 


504       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  our  partj^,  of  which  the  most  effective  in  this  regard  will  be 
the  demand : 

For  a  general  eight-hour  working  day. 

For  a  minimum  wage-scale. 

It  will  be  self-evident  that  when  the  length  of  the  day  and 
the  compensation  for  the  work  are  stipulated  by  general  laws, 
backed  and  enforced  by  the  workers  themselves,  there  will  be 
no  possibility  nor  reason  for  any  capitalist  to  employ  cheap 
labor.  The  effects  of  the  cheap  labor  will  disappear  only  in  this 
way. 


IV.    THE   AMERICAN   PARTY    AND    THE    NEGRO    RESOLUTIONS    OP 

1901 

(From  The  American  Socialist) 
In  answer  to  numerous  inquiries,  The  American  So- 
cialist republished  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Unity 
Convention,  1901,  on  the  negro  question.  The  party  since 
that  Convention  has  taken  no  position  on  this  question. 
The  resolutions  follow: 

"Whereas,  the  negroes  of  the  United  States,  because  of  their 
long  training  in  slavery  and  but  recent  emancipation  therefrom, 
occupy  a  peculiar  position  in  the  working-class  and  in  society  at 
large ; 

"Whereas,  the  capitalist  class  seeks  to  preserve  this  peculiar 
condition  and  to  foster  and  increase  color  prejudice  and  race 
hatred  between  the  white  worker  and  the  black,  so  as  to  make 
then-  social  and  economic  interests  to  appear  to  be  separate  and 
antagonistic,  in  order  that  the  workers  of  both  races  may  thereby 
be  more  easily  and  completely  exploited; 

"  Resolved,  that  we  declare  to  the  negro  worker  the  identity  of 
his  interests  and  struggles  with  the  interests  and  struggles  of  the 
workers  of  all  lands  without  regard  to  race  or  color  or  sectional 
lines;  that  the  causes  that  have  made  him  the  victun  of  social 
and  political  inequality  are  the  effects  of  the  long  exploitation 
of  his  labor  power;  that  all  social  and  I'aee  prejudices  spring 
from  the  ancient  economic  causes  which  still  endure,  to  the 
misei-v  of  the  whole  human  family;  that  the  only  line  of  division 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      505 

which  exists  in  fact  is  that  between  the  producers  and  the  owners 
of  the  world — between  capitalism  and  labor.    And  be  it  further 

"  Resolved,  that  we,  the  American  Socialist  Party,  invite  the 
negro  to  membership  and  fellowship  with  us  in  the  world  move- 
ment for  economic  emancipation  by  which  equal  liberty  and  op- 
portunity shall  be  secured  to  every  man  and  fraternity  become 
the  order  of  the  world. 

Several  of  the  state  organizations  of  the  Socialist  Party 
in  the  south  have  taken  a  determined  position  on  the  negro 
question.  The  Oklahoma  organization,  for  instance,  has 
always  fought  for  the  full  enfranchisement  of  the  negro 
as  well  as  the  white  race.  Other  state  organizations  have 
taken  no  steps  of  this  character. 

V.    THE    AUSTRALIAN    LABOR   PARTY   AND    THE    RACE    QUESTION 
CAMPAIGN    OF    1914 

(From  The  Brisbane  Worker) 
A  White  Australia 

"The  Australian  Labor  Party,  when  they  held  the  balance 
of  power,  demanded,  as  the  price  of  their  support,  a  White 
Australia.  A  White  Australia  is  now  the  law  of  the  land. 
(See  Immigration  Restriction  Act,  1901.) 

Aholition  of  Black  Slavery 

''The  Australian  Labor  Party,  when  they  held  the  bal- 
ance of  power,  demanded  that  the  system  of  black  slavery 
then  existing  in  Queensland  should  be  abolished  and  the 
Kanakas  sent  back  to  their  islands  in  the  Pacific.  The 
Kanakas  were  sent  back.  (See  Pacific  Island  Laborers  Act 
of  1901-6.) 

White  Grown  Sugar 

"The  Australian  Labor  Party  insisted  that  sugar  cane 
could  be  grown  and  sugar  produced  in  Australia  by  white 


506       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

labor — that  the  question  was  one  of  wages  and  not  of  cli- 
mate. Time  has  proved  this  to  be  positively  true.  In  the 
sugar  season  of  1902-3,  67,107  tons  of  cane  sugar  were  pro- 
duced by  colored  labor  and  31,688  tons  by  white  labor.  In 
1912-13,  6,693  tons  were  produced  by  colored  labor  and 
122,571  tons  by  white  labor — the  proportion  of  sugar  pro- 
duced by  colored  labor  declining  from  68  per  cent  of  the 
total  for  1902-3  to  5  per  cent  of  the  total  for  1912-13. 
(See  Commonwealth  Year  Book,  1913,  page  340.)  " 


VI.    THE   AUSTRALIAN   WORKERS'    UNION 

(From  article  by  "  Jarrah  "  in  The  New  Review) 
[The  recent  formation  of  this  union  marks  the  appear- 
ance of  a  new  economic  force,  frequently  at  variance  with 
the  older  unions  and  their  political  representatives.] 

"The  A.  W.  U.  seems  to  see  the  necessity  of  one  big 
union.  Throughout  Australia  the  farm  workers  were  paid 
very  poor  wages,  in  some  instances  only  $3.60  per  week, 
with  keep.  Very  often  the  places  the  men  slept  in  were 
worse  than  unhealthy.  They  slept  in  the  end  of  the  stable, 
among  the  wagons,  sometimes  in  a  stripper,  or  in  an  un- 
sanitary hut  without  a  floor.  On  the  average,  their  condi- 
tion was  pitiable.  .  .  .  About  four  years  ago  they  formed 
the  Rural  Workers'  Union,  which  accomplished  very  little. 
Then  about  eighteen  months  ago  the  powerful  A.  W.  U. 
came  along  and  persuaded  the  Rural  Workers  to  amalga- 
mate. .  .  .  Then  the  scale  of  wages  for  rural  workers  was 
drawn  up  and  published.  It  practically  doubled  the  old 
rates.  Bank  managers,  auctioneers,  machinery  agents,  and 
others  who  exploit  the  farmers  urged  them  not  to  pay  the 
new  scale.  But  the  A.  W.  U.  formed  camps  for  the  men, 
where  finally  most  of  the  farmers  had  to  go  if  they  wished 
to  engage  harvest  hands.     It  is  confidently  asserted  that 


IMMIGRATION  AND  THE  RACE  QUESTION      507 

the  Waterside  Workers  will  join  forces  with  the  A.  W.  U., 
and  if  so  the  United  Laborers'  Union  will  not  be  long  in 
following  it. 

''It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  A.  W.  U.  has  solved  the 
problem  of  'the  organization  of  the  unskilled.'  In  Aus- 
tralia any  manual  worker  can  join  the  A.  W.  U.  Carters, 
laborers,  carriers,  sheep-drovers,  wharfmen,  sailors,  and 
in  fact  anyone  can  be  a  member.  Very  often  men 
join  it  in  preference  to  joining  the  union  for  their  own 
calling. ' ' 

This  organization  does  not  admit  all  unskilled  workers, 
however.  Its  constitution  provides  that  "no  Chinese, 
Japanese,  Kanakas,  or  Afghans,  or  colored  aliens  other 
than  Maories,  American  negroes,  and  issue  of  mixed  par- 
entage born  in  Australia  shall  be  admitted  to  member- 
ship." 

VII.    THE   LABOR   PARTY   IN    SOUTH   AFRICA,    1913 

From  a  statement  signed  by  the  leaders  of  the  South 
African  Labor  Party  and  trade-unions  and  published  all 
over  the  world  in  the  News  Letter  of  the  International 
Trade-Union  Federation : 

Some  years  ago  the  natives  and  other  colored  inhabitants  sent 
a  deputation  to  London  requesting,  among  other  things,  that  the 
colored  workers  be  granted  the  same  franchise  rights  as  the 
■white  workers;  the  South  African  Labor  Party,  however,  advised 
its  English  colleagues  to  oppose  the  gi'anting  of  the  franchise  to 
the  colored  workers. 

The  trade-unions  are  also  opposing,  tooth  and  nail,  the  en- 
croachment of  the  colored  workers  upon  skilled  trades.  Most 
unions  stipulate  that  only  white  men  may  become  members,  and 
demand  that  all  skilled  trades  be  closed  to  colored  labor,  at  the 
same  time  boycotting  those  firms  employing  colored  men  as 
skilled  workers,  even  though  they  be  paid  the  same  wage  as  the 
white  artisans. 


508       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

In  spite  of  this,  however,  it  seems  that  the  colored  work- 
ers have  in  recent  years  forced  their  way  more  and  more 
into  all  trades  and  have  begun  to  strive  for  the  same  wages 
and  conditions  as  the  white  men.  They  possess  a  political 
party  and  certain  journals,  which  are  doing  their  utmost 
to  place  them  on  a  level  with  the  white  men,  in  education 
as  in  every  other  direction. 

This  happy  development  is  less  attributable  to  any  efforts  on 
the  part  of  the  white  men  than  to  the  ruthlessness  of  the  em- 
ployers and  the  authorities.  In  certain  industries,  force  of 
circumstances  have  brought  the  workers  of  the  various  races 
closer  together,  especially  in  Cape  Colony,  while  in  the  north, 
where  the  competition  is  more  perceptible,  the  antipathy  of  the 
white  man  to  the  colored  man  is  still  insuperable. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  fourth  annual  conference  of  the  Labor 
Party,  held  recently,  the  propaganda  on  behalf  of  the  Labor 
Party  was  conducted  among  the  white  men  only,  but  the  delegates 
from  Cape  Colony,  where  the  colored  men  have  also  the  vote, 
demanded  that  the  latter  be  admitted  to  the  party,  since  their 
support  could  be  depended  upon  in  the  case  of  elections.  .   .   . 

It  should  here  be  remarked  that  all  progeny  arising  out  of 
intercourse  between  the  white  men  and  the  colored  inhabitants 
are  regarded  as  "  colored."  .  .  .  The  Kaffir  question  is  in  itself 
a  great  question ;  there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Kaffirs 
in  South  Africa  working  under  the  most  atrocious  conditions, 
who  are  treated  as  neither  colored  nor  white  men,  but  as  a  race 
apart  from  all  others. 

What  is  to  be  done  about  the  Kaffir  question,  aside  from 
keeping  them  down  and  preventing  them  from  becoming 
skilled  workers,  the  statement  does  not  say. 


CHAPTER  XIY 
MILITARISM 

The  Socialists'  opposition  to  war  and  the  chief  causes 
of  war,  such  as  militarism  and  imperialism,  has  been  treated 
in  a  companion  volume,  written  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Intercollegiate  Socialist  Society  {The  Socialists  and  the 
War).  However,  militarism  is  not  only  an  interna- 
tional but  also  a  domestic  problem ;  it  absorbs  a  large  part 
of  governmental  expenditures  and  it  introduces  anti-demo- 
cratic features  in  government.  We  accordingly  illustrate 
the  Socialist  attitude  to  the  domestic  aspect  of  militarism  in 
the  following  chapter. 

All  the  countries  of  Europe  have  given  a  large  part  of 
their  attention  to  agitation  against  militarism,  Germany 
as  much,  if  not  more,  than  any  other.  But  in  Germany, 
Austria,  and  Russia  the  party  has  been  unable  to  adopt 
any  definite  program  of  domestic  agitation  or  to  enter 
into  free  discussion  because  of  the  restriction  of  liberty 
of  speech  of  this  subject.  The  German  Party  press,  for 
example,  has  contained  as  much  criticism  of  militarism 
as  the  party  papers  of  other  countries,  but  the  German 
Party  has  not  been  able  to  adopt  a  program  of  radical 
resistance.  Besides  the  press  agitation,  the  chief  Socialist 
action  in  that  country  has  been  the  attack  on  the  govern- 
mental military  measures  which  takes  place  in  every  ses- 
sion of  the  Reichstag.     (See  The  Socialists  and  the  War.) 

The  French  Socialists  were  able  to  go  further;  they 
openly  advocated  an  international  strike  and  insurrection, 

509 


510       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

as  the  resolution  of  the  Congress  of  1912  shows.    We  there- 
fore reproduce  documents  showing  their  position. 


I.   THE   FRENCH   SOCIALISTS 

1.    RESOLUTION    PASSED   BY   THE   CONGRESS    OF    1912,    AT   THE    TIME 
OP  THE   MOROCCO   WAR   SCARE 

The  National  Congress  of  the  Socialist  Party  notes  with  pleas- 
ure the  demonstrations  the  French  proletariat,  in  response  to 
the  appeal  of  the  International  against  the  war. 

It  sees  in  these  demonstrations  the  prelnde  to  an  effort  at 
organization  which  alone  will  enable  the  labor  class  of  our  country 
to  fulfill  its  entire  duty. 

Never  has  the  need  to  combat  all  the  menaces  of  conflict  been 
more  imperative.  Never  will  a  more  monstrous,  a  more  anti- 
national,  and  a  more  anti-human  war  break  over  Europe. 

Should  the  great  European  nations  be  drawn  into  it,  it  would 
not  be  because  of  anxiety  for  their  independence,  nor  for 
vital  reasons,  but  because  of  the  most  foolish  aberration  and 
most  artificial  combinations. 

Neither  the  workers  nor  the  Democrats  of  France  will  permit 
our  country  to  be  thrown  into  the  most  horrible  conflict  because 
of  secret  treaties  of  which  the  democracy  knows  not  a  single 
clause. 

To  save  civilization  from  the  most  cruel  disaster,  the  human 
race  from  the  most  terrible  afifliction,  reason  from  the  most  dire 
humiliation,  the  French  proletariat  will  fight  to  the  end  against 
any  attempt  at  war. 

To  prevent  it  they  will  use  all  legal  means.  In  Parliament 
they  w'ill  call  for  the  secret  treaties,  they  will  insist  on  unlimited 
arbitration;  they  will  denounce  the  exclusive  and  narrow  views 
of  diplomacy.  In  the  country  they  will  increase  their  meetings, 
their  mass  demonstrations,  in  order  to  awaken  citizens  from  their 
torpor  and  to  protect  them  from  lies. 

And  if,  in  spite  of  their  efforts,  impudent  minorities  let  the 
conflict  loose,  if  France  is  dragged  into  war  by  combinations 
of  secret  diplomacy,  the  workers  and  the  Socialists  of  France 
will  have  the  right  to  discuss  quite  openly,  fully  conscious  of 
their  responsibility,   a  recourse   to   revolutionary   measures,   the 


MILITARISM  511 

general  strike  and  insurrection,  so  as  to  prevent  or  hinder  the 
conflict  and  wrest  the  power  from  the  ruling  classes  who  will 
have  unchained  the  war. 

The  Congress  is  convinced  that  the  best  guarantee  for  peace 
is  that  all  rulers  should  know  that  they  cannot  without  peril 
for  themselves  provoke  the  disasters  of  a  general  conflict. 

It  hopes  that  a  common  effort  of  propaganda  and  action  on 
the  part  of  the  proletariat  of  every  country  may  prevent  the 
bursting  out  of  the  general  war  by  which  the  world  is  threatened 
periodically. 

It  requests  the  delegates  at  the  Congress  of  Basle  to  work  in 
accord  with  the  International,  and  by  unanimous  resolution  to 
intensify  everywhere  the  propaganda  and  action  against  war. 


II.    JAURi;S  ON   MILITARISM   IN   THE  CHAMBER  OF  DEPUTIES, 

1913 

[Jaures  spoke  on  the  Socialist  motion  to  adjourn  the 
discussion  of  the  loan  (November  27,  1913).] 

Jaures  opened  by  saying  that  the  proposed  military  loan 
would  have  varying  results  according  as  it  was  being  used 
merely  to  liquidate  a  ruinous  past  or  to  permit  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  aggravation  of  mistakes  which  had  placed 
France  in  the  most  serious  financial  position  since  1871. 
He  continued : 

This  position  is  due,  above  all,  to  the  three-years'  law  [the 
statute  of  1913  raising  the  term  of  service  from  two  to  three 
years],  and  the  financial  burden  which  it  imposes  is  aggravated 
by  a  terrible  economic  burden.  The  lessening  of  the  use  of  the 
product  of  our  national  labor  and  an  increasing  importation  of 
the  product  of  foreign  [labor]  is  the  direct  consequence  of  this 
economic  burden. 

The  three-years'  law  would  also  have  the  effect  of  impoverish- 
ing the  crops  of  industrial  workers  by  diminishing  the  number 
of  pupils  in  the  higher  schools  and  fostering  foreign  competition 
against  us. 

Jaures  then  came  to  the  loan  itself: 


512       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

And  now  what  are  the  fiscal  burdens  which  the  proposed 
scheme  adds  to  the  economic  burden  of  the  law?  They  are  of 
two  kinds:  first,  the  burden  of  a  loan.  I  estimate  this  only  at 
900  millions,  because  in  the  plan  of  the  minister  of  finance  there 
are  only  900  millions  intended  to  meet  extraordinary  expenses; 
the  rest  is  intended  to  hide  for  the  time  a  part  of  the  deficit. 

To  the  burden  of  this  loan  there  is  to  be  added  the  regular 
annual  burden  of  a  deficit  amounting  to  at  least  800  millions. 

New  expenditures  must  be  expected  for  public  works,  for  the 
public  schools  which  can  only  be  protected  by  being  improved, 
and  for  increase  in  the  pay  of  the  officers.  The  deficit  is  there- 
fore in  reality  more  than  a  billion. 

Without  doubt  France  has  supei'b  resources,  but  the  question  is 
whether  its  growth  is  more  rapid  or  slower  than  that  of  other 
countries.  It  is  certain  that  it  is  slower.  The  three-years'  law 
is  going  to  arrest  this  development  still  further.  LTp  to  the 
present  it  has  been  a  great  misfortune  to  have  postponed  the 
long-promised  fiscal  reform ;  to-day,  whether  you  exact  this  billion 
from  the  impoverished  masses  or  whether  you  are  going  to  ask 
for  it  in  fiscal  reform,  either  way  the  Government  is  going  to 
make  a  mess  of  it. 

It  is  true  we  pledged  ourselves  to  a  progressive  tax  on  income 
and  capital,  taxes  which  would  demand  sacrifices  from  the  rich. 
But  why  did  we  make  this  pledge?  To  relieve  the  burdens  on 
the  poor,  to  lower  licenses,  to  lighten  the  land  tax  which  crushes 
the  small  farmer,  to  reduce  the  tax  on  food  which  oppresses  the 
daily  life  of  the  people,  to  endow  more  generously  the  great 
avenues  of  justice  and  of  social  solidarity,  to  establish  insur- 
ance against  all  the  workers'  risks,  to  build  sanitai-y  homes  i:i 
place  of  the  wretched  lodgings  to  which  the  workers  are  con- 
demned. 

That  is  why  we  demanded  these  heavy  taxes  on  wealth  and 
capital,  and  to-morrow,  when  you  vote  this  new  tax,  if  you  do 
not  find  a  means  of  keeping  down  illegitimate  expenditures,  they 
will  still  further  increase  the.  burden  which  already  weighs  down 
the  working-class. 

This  crisis  is  so  grave  that  the  Government  is  trying  to  hide  it 
from  itself.  There  lies  the  reason  why  M.  Barthou  said  a  few 
days  ago:  "Who  then  would  dare  take  the  responsibility  of 
proposing  to  this  country  800  millions  of  new  taxes  f  "  .   .   . 

M.  de  Mun  and  his  friends  say  that  if  the  budget  shows  a 


MILITARISM  513 

deficit,  the  cause  should  not  be  sought  in  our  national  expendi- 
tures, but  in  our  foolish  demagogic  prodigality. 

What  are  the  figures  of  the  social  expenditures?  .  .  .  The  cost 
of  the  application  of  all  the  laws  of  pensions  or  relief  does  not 
exceed  200  millions  in  a  budget  of  5  billions.  Including  imme- 
diate expenditures,  it  can  be  said  that  the  military  expenditures 
reach  2  billion  300  million,  an  increase  of  more  than  a  billion 
since  1909.  .   .   . 

The  present  time  is  favorable  to  opening  the  paths  of  the 
future  and  to  making  way  for  the  reduction  of  armaments  by 
international  arbitration.  The  Balkan  crisis  has  left  eveiywhere 
only  reaction  and  disillusionment.  The  fatigue  created  by  the 
flood  of  war  and  militarism  is  general.  .   .   . 

All  nations  have  in  their  mouths  the  bitter  taste  of  their  recent 
experiences.  Not  a  single  government  but  has  come  out  of  it 
weakened,  and  even  the  Balkan  people  have  not  been  able  to 
carry  to  a  finish  their  war  of  independence;  from  a  war  of 
conquest  it  became  a  war  of  extermination. 

We  have  seen  new  antagonisms  springing  up  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. It  seems  that  Bulgaria  is  escaping  to  Russia.  Ger- 
many, reconstructing  her  military  mission  at  Constantinople,  has 
heaved  upon  her  eastern  frontier  the  rumbling  of  the  Slavic 
world.  Austria  has  separated  Servia  from  the  Adriatic  but  has 
drawn  upon  herself  the  resentment  of  a  part  of  the  Balkan 
people.  Italy  is  in  the  shoals  of  Tripoli,  which  is  of  no  use  to 
her  except  as  a  vantage-point  from  which  to  attack  others,  and, 
meanwhile,  her  politics  oblige  her  to  save  her  royal  government 
by  the  secret  help  of  the  votes  of  the  Vatican. 

England,  sulking  against  the  Young  Turks,  at  first  abandoned 
them,  but  she  felt  arising  the  anger  of  millions  of  Musselmen 
in  Egypt  and  India.  When  the  governments  question  them- 
selves, when  they  ask  what  have  been  the  happy  consequences 
of  all  these  intrigues,  of  all  these  vanities  so  dazzling  and  so 
soon  extinguished,  they  will  see  that  will  all  emerge  from  these 
events  weakened.  One  thing  alone  has  been  strengthened:  the 
war  budget  and  the  general  misery  from  this  universal  deception. 
(Applause  extreme  left.) 

Yes,  the  hour  has  come.  The  great  and  profound  forces  of 
peace  have  been  working  under  this  disorder;  the  nations  had 
a  desire  for  peace  so  strong  that  it  has  served  as  ballast  to  the 
disabled  governments.     It  remains  for  a  government  rising  in 


514      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

the  name  of  the  tradition  of  the  French  revolution  to  make  of 
this  desire  one  of  the  forces  in  the  history  of  to-day,  in  the  history 
of  to-morrow. 

Jaures  went  on  to  say  that  in  the  sustained  effort  to  keep 
peace  during  the  crisis,  three  races  had  been  in  agreement : 
Germany,  England,  France,  and  he  recalled  the  saying  of 
Mirabeau:  "The  day  when  Prussia,  England,  and  France 
agree  to  live  in  peace,  on  that  day  tvill  he  consummated  the 
most  heneficient  revolution  that  mankind  has  accom- 
plished."   He  continued: 

This  phrase  was  said  on  the  eve  of  a  vast  social  upheaval : 
take  warning;  the  masses  are  suffering  and  are  becoming  exas- 
perated under  the  overwhelming  burden  which  is  crushing  them; 
the  English  proletarians  are  on  the  eve  of  general  strikes  so 
vast  that  they  wUl  result  in  profound  disorder;  in  France  the 
"world  of  the  workers  is  a  prey  to  a  secret  strain;  everywhere 
the  workers  weighed  down  by  the  tithe  of  capital,  by  the  tithe 
of  a  monstrous  militarism,  are  stirring;  if  you  do  not  take  the 
road  pointed  out  by  our  motion,  beware  lest  you  see  sinister 
disorders  arise. 

m.    THE   ITALIAN    CONGRESS   OF   APRIL,    1914 

The  following  resolution  on  armaments  was  passed  by 
the  Italian  Congress  of  1914: 

The  Congress  affirms  that  the  antagonism  between  Socialism 
and  militarism  is  a  corollary  to  the  antagonism  that  exists 
between  the  proletariat  and  capitalistic  bourgeoisie; 

That  militarism,  apart  from  being  a  system  of  coercion  of  the 
proletariat  and  of  defense  of  the  capitalistic  regime,  answers 
the  views  of  capitalism,  which  in  this  period  of  social  evolution 
either  seeks  new  colonies  to  exploit,  or  seeks  to  invest  in  easy 
and  lucrative  loans  to  the  state,  according  to  the  well-known 
paralellism  between  the  increase  in  military  expenses  and  the 
increase  of  public  debts; 

That  the  proletariat,  especially  in  the  countries  that  have  least 
capital,  like  Italy,  has  a  vital  interest  in  opposing  militarism, 


MILITARISM  515 

both  for  itself  and  for  the  capitalistic  expenditures  that  it 
causes,  whether  they  find  expression  in  the  form  of  taxes  that 
increase  the  cost  of  living,  or  whether  they  are  expressed  in  the 
form  of  diminishing  the  capital  applied  to  productive  invest- 
ments, industry,  and  commerce,  and  so  cause  economic  crises, 
lack  of  employment  for  laborers,  and  emigration;  and 

While  it  proposes  in  domestic  affairs  to  intensify  the  propa- 
ganda and  the  education  of  the  masses,  and  especially  of  the 
young,  in  respect  to  the  foregoing  principles,  steadfastly  oppos- 
ing the  common  interests  of  the  internationalism  of  labor  to  the 
system  of  national  provocation  of  the  patriotic  bourgeoisie; 

And  wh-le  it  again  commits  to  the  parliamentary  Socialist 
group  the  duty  of  continuing  the  most  strenuous  opposition  to 
military  credits,  and  endeavors  to  aid  them  by  the  active  and 
direct  action  of  the  organized  proletariat; 

Decides  to  submit  to  the  International  Congress  at  Vienna 
a  special  request  for  the  reorganization  of  the  International 
Socialist  Bureau  for  the  purpose  of  giving  that  bureau  the 
specific  functions  of: 

a.  Undertaking  a  special  propaganda  among  the  great  inter- 
national labor-union  federations  to  win  them  all  to  the  inter- 
national idea, — peace  and  anti-militarism, — and  to  drill  them 
for  all  practical  measures  that  may  render  wars  impossible;  and 

h.  Giving  eifeet  to  a  speedy  system  of  mutual  information 
through  the  international  press,  whether  bourgeois  or  Socialist, 
for  the  sake  of  setting  forth  clearly  the  simultaneous  and  con- 
temporaneous character  of  the  international  proletarian,  anti- 
militarist  movement  in  the  various  countries,  in  order  to  elim- 
inate every  apprehension  lest  the  movement  should  weaken  any 
one  state  in  favor  of  any  other,  and  to  give  the  world  a  vivid 
idea  of  the  active,  imposing,  decisive  union  of  the  organized 
proletariat  against  war  and  against  militarism. 

rV.    THE    AMERICAN    PARTY    CONGRESS    OF    1912.       MILITARY 
EDUCATION   OF    CHILDREN 

We  reproduce  below,  as  indications  of  the  American  So- 
cialist attitude,  the  party  resolutions  against  military  edu- 
cation of  children. 


516       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

Whereas,  The  capitalist  class  is  making  determined  and  per- 
sistent efforts  to  use  the  public  schools  for  the  military  training 
of  children  and  for  the  inculcation  of  the  military  spirit;  there- 
fore, be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  all  efforts  to  introduce  mili- 
tary training  into  the  public  schools,  and  that  we  recommend 
the  introduction  into  our  public  school  system  of  a  thorough 
and  progressive  course  in  physical  culture,  and 

Resolved,  That  we  request  the  national  executive  committee 
to  suggest  plans  and  programs  along  this  line  and  furnish  these 
to  the  party  membership,  together  with  such  advice  in  the  matter 
as  may  be  helpful  to  the  party  membership  in  introducing  such 
a  system  into  our  public  schools. 

On  motion  the  resolution  was  adopted  as  read. 


V.    CONSCRIPTION   AND  THE   AUSTRALIAN   LABOR  PARTY 

1.   FROM   ARTICLE  BY   J.   W.   BARRY  IN   "  THE   DAILY   CITIZEN  " 
(LONDON),    JANUARY   27,    1914 

"All  other  important  measures  have  been  submitted  to 
a  referendum,  but  by  the  consent  of  both  political  parties, 
the  Defense  Act  was  passed  into  law  without  consulting 
the  people.  .  .  . 

"When  compulsory  training  was  first  established  very- 
little  protest  in  an  organized  form  was  offered.  Hardly  a 
member  of  Parliament  criticised  it,  and  practically  all  the 
opposition  came  from  Quakers  and  the  Socialists. 

"  What  is  the  position  to-day?  Eighteen  months  ago 
three  Adelaide  men  formed  the  Freedom  League.  To-day 
it  has  a  membership  of  45,000 !  At  almost  every  sitting  of 
the  House  the  act  and  its  administration  are  criticised. 

"Take  the  prosecutions  as  the  final  test  of  popularity. 
In  less  than  two  years  over  18,000  lads  have  been  prose- 
cuted and  over  1,000  have  been  imprisoned  in  jails  and 
barracks  rather  than  submit  to  military  tyranny. 

"Labor  now  knows  that  in  the  Defense  Act  there  is  a 


MILITARISM  517 

clause  which  gives  the  power  to  the  authorities  to  call  out 
the  citizen  forces  to  shoot  down  strikers,  and  practically 
every  union  in  the  country  is  up  in  arms  against  it. 

"Above  all,  labor  is  realizing  that  this  act  is  not  a  Citizen 
Army  Act  at  all.  In  fact,  labor  men  are  coming  to  see  that 
militarism  and  citizenship  are  incompatible,  and  that  as 
soon  as  a  citizen  becomes  a  soldier  under  this  conscript 
system  he  loses  his  civil  rights  when  they  clash  with  mili- 
tarism. At  the  1908  Labor  Conference  the  delegates  de- 
cided in  favor  of  a  Citizen  Defense  Force  freed  from  mili- 
tarism and  conscription.  What  many  in  the  labor  move- 
ment see  to-day  is  that  they  have  not  got  what  they  de- 
manded, and  instead  they  have  been  used  as  the  tools  of 
the  National  Service  League  in  its  propaganda  of  an  Em- 
pire conscription." 

2.  FROM   ARTICLE   BY  WILLIAM   E.   BOHN,   IN   "  THE  INTERNATIONAL 
SOCIALIST   REVIEW,"   1913 

' '  The  famous  '  Defense  Act '  was  first  devised  by  the  Lib- 
erals, then  amended  and  passed  by  the  Laborites.  Its 
administration  has  been  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  labor 
ministers,  so  the  Labor  Party  has  a  right  to  whatever  glory 
there  may  be  found  in  it.  All  boys  between  the  ages  of 
14  and  21  are  required  to  report  for  military  training. 
During  part  of  their  time  of  service  they  are  gathered  into 
camps  for  regular  drill;  during  the  remainder  they  are 
expected  to  give  to  the  noble  art  of  war  the  time  which 
would  normally  be  devoted  to  recreation.  In  order  to 
make  this  system  possible,  the  government  of  the  Common- 
wealth voted  $60,000,000  to  be  expended  within  three  years. 
Of  course  an  elaborate  staff  of  officers  is  necessary,  and 
drill  halls,  barracks,  camp-grounds,  etc.,  must  be  main- 
tained throughout  the  Commonwealth. 


518      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

"The  leaders  of  the  Labor  Party  point  to  this  system 
as  the  ideal  sort  to  be  maintained  by  a  nation  under  the 
control  of  the  working-class.  English  and  French  Social- 
ists are  constantly  advocating  a  proletarian  army  for  de- 
fense against  attack  by  a  foreign  power.  Such  an  army 
the  Australian  Government  leaders  claim  to  have  estab- 
lished. Mr.  Fisher,  head  of  the  Labor  Government,  re- 
ferred to  it  recently  as  a  'wonderful  system  for  the  de- 
fense of  this  country. ' 

"And  yet  workingmen  and  women  of  Australia  do  not 
seem  to  take  kindly  to  this  '  wonderful  system '  inaugurated 
by  their  own  government.  Immediately  after  the  'Defense 
Act'  went  into  effect  the  papers  were  filled  with  tales  of 
boys  who  refused  to  report  for  service  and  of  parents  who 
refused  to  allow  their  sons  to  do  so.  Groups  of  mothers 
went  to  the  magistrates  and  made  public  protests.  Labor 
unions  and  Socialist  locals  passed  resolutions  calling  upon 
members  of  the  working-class  to  refuse  to  submit.  And, 
most  powerful  appeal  of  all,  the  boys  themselves  sent  out 
addresses  calling  upon  others  of  their  own  age  not  to  sub- 
mit. Some  of  these  were  evidently  inspired  by  Socialist 
parents,  but  there  were  others  which  represented  the 
spontaneous  rebellion  of  boyhood  against  the  slavery  of 
military  service. 

"Any  military  organization  which  asks  the  support  of 
the  workers  must  be  democratically  organized  and  abso- 
lutely committed  to  the  policy  of  fighting  only  against  a 
foreign  aggressor.  Under  no  circumstances  must  its  use 
be  permitted  in  case  of  internal  difficulties.  Such  use  would 
make  it  immediately  the  agent  of  a  class. 

"It  is  true  that  the  Labor  Party  majority  amended  the 
original  act  to  provide  for  the  mobilization  of  the  army 


MILITARISM  519 

only  for  defense ;  it  is  also  true  that  the  Labor  Government 
recently  refused  to  send  troops  to  aid  in  putting  down 
the  tramway  strikers  at  Brisbane.  But  the  parliamentary 
discussion  which  followed  this  latter  incident  makes  it 
clear  that  much  is  to  be  feared  for  the  future.  The  whole 
matter  is  clearly  set  forth  editorially  in  The  Inier7iaUonal 
Socialist. 

"Mr,  Deakin,  leader  of  the  Liberal  opposition,  declared 
that  troops  should  be  used  to  suppress  insurrection,  'and 
if  ever  there  was  insurrection  in  Australia,  it  was  in  Bris- 
bane.' As  the  editorial  writer  takes  occasion  to  remark, 
this  declaration  shows  clearly  that  whenever  the  Liberals 
come  into  power,  which  they  surely  will  do  sooner  or  later, 
the  'wonderful'  proletarian  army  will  be  turned  against 
proletarian  strikers. 

"And  Mr.  Fisher's  reply  was  even  more  alarming.  He 
said :  '  I  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  a  conflict  between  the 
troops  and  the  people  of  Australia  at  the  present  time 
would  mean  the  end  of  our  first-class  defense  system.  It 
would  absolutely  defeat  and  destroy  the  wonderful  system 
for  the  defense  of  this  country  which  is  being  successfully 
inaugurated  at  this  time.  I  am  not  saying  that  circum- 
stances could  not  arise  when  it  would  be  necessary  to  send 
troops  to  the  assistance  of  a  state  government,  but  I  men- 
tion what,  in  my  opinion,  would  have  been  the  effect  if 
we  had  acceded  to  the  request  of  the  Queensland  Govern- 
ment.' There  you  have  it.  The  reason  troops  were  not 
sent  was  that  sending  them  at  this  particular  time  would 
open  the  eyes  of  the  people  as  to  the  nature  of  the  'won- 
derful system,'  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  circumstances 
may  arise  under  which  'it  would  be  necessary  to  send 
troops'  against  Australians  on  strike.  So  the  proletarian 
army  is  not  exclusively  for  purposes  of  defense  against  a 
foreign  aggressor. 


520      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

"No  wonder  Australians  object  to  being  made  soldiers 
of,  even  by  a  Labor  Government." 

3.   FROM   ARTICLE   BY   U.    H.,   IN    '^  THE    NEW    STATESMAN  " 
(LONDON),   DECEMBER   13,    1913 

"How  far  does  the  British  public  realize  the  true  posi- 
tion of  the  great  experiment  in  modified  conscription 
which  this  still  young  democracy  on  the  fringe  of  the 
Empire  is  now  making?  The  experiment  is  now  nearly 
four  years  old,  and  its  real  character  is  only  just  beginning 
to  be  understood  by  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  families 
whose  lives  it  touches  in  a  most  intimate  fashion.  Only 
this  year  has  the  at  first  small  but  now  growing  opposition 
to  the  system  of  compulsory  training  obtained  much  public 
recognition.  Only  this  year,  too,  on  the  other  hand,  has 
the  magnitude  of  the  beneficent  change  in  the  manners  and 
physique  of  adolescent  young  Australia  in  the  cities,  as  the 
outcome  of  a  compulsory  senior  cadets  system,  been  realized 
and  seriously  estimated  by  careful  observers  in  many  walks 
of  life.  Only  this  year,  again,  have  certain  leading  min- 
isters definitely  ranged  themselves  alongside  the  Australian 
Freedom  League,  which  has  been  busy  placarding  this  city 
with  protests  against  existing  Defense  Acts.  .   .   . 

' '  At  the  outset  one  thing  must  be  made  very  clear.  Aus- 
tralia is  not  going  back,  in  any  circumstances,  to  a  system 
of  voluntary  service  plus  a  small  paid  army  and  a  large 
paid  na\'y.  The  choice  made  in  1909,  when  the  Cook  De- 
fense Act  was  passed,  initiating  the  compulsory  training 
in  the  use  of  arms  of  all  lads  between  14  and  18  and  their 
subsequent  drafting  into  a  National  Militia  for  a  term  of 
years,  was  a  final  choice.  There  will  be  modifications  and 
adjustments  in  directions  to  be  indicated,  but  no  aban- 
donment of  the  principle  of  compulsion  as  applied  by 
Colonel  Legge  and  Lord  Kitchener  in  1909-10.     Another 


MILITARISM  521 

preliminary  issue  is  the  question  of  responsibility  for  com- 
pulsory training  legislation.  For  good  or  ill,  both  parties 
have  that  legislation  indelibly  recorded  to  their  accounts. 
Liberals  passed  the  chief  measures :  Laborites  administered 
and  expanded  them.  Liberals  like  Mr.  Deakin,  Sir  Thos. 
Ewing,  and  the  present  prime  minister  (Mr.  Joseph  Cook), 
pioneered  statutory  enactments;  but  it  was  Laborites  like 
Mr.  William  M.  Hughes,  M.  P.,  ex-attorney-general,  and 
Mr.  'Chris'  Watson,  ex-prime  minister  and  counselor-in- 
chief  to  the  Federal  Labor  Party,  who  pioneered  ideas  and 
won  over  the  entire  Labor  movement  to  the  'Nation  in 
Arms  '  conception  of  Commonwealth  defense.  Only  this 
week  the  Labor  leader  of  the  opposition  in  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives  (Mr.  Andrew  Fisher,  M.  P.,  who  was 
prime  minister  from  April,  1910,  to  June,  1913),  in  reply 
to  a  question  by  Mr.  Conroy,  M.  P.,  reaffirmed,  amid  great 
cheering  on  all  sides  of  the  House,  his  profound  belief 
that  in  giving  compulsory  training  to  her  boys  in  senior 
cadet  corps  Australia  was  doing  the  right  thing  in  the 
present  state  of  the  world.  Had  labor  hesitated  or  turned 
tail  when  the  huge  military  expenditure  commitments  faced 
the  Fisher  Ministry  in  1910-13,  the  entire  system  would 
have  collapsed.  To-day,  although  compulsory  training  costs 
over  £3,600,000  a  year,  and  is  steadily  mounting  upwards, 
the  leaders  of  Australian  trade-unionism  are,  if  anything, 
firmer  in  their  allegiance  to  the  system  than  the  Liberal 
parents  of  compulsory  cadets.  The  essential  truth  is  that 
the  men  who  count  in  both  parties  are  so  obsessed  with  the 
Yellow  Peril,  and  so  acutely  conscious  of  the  diabolical 
horrors  of  a  war  of  extermination,  such  as  a  war  with 
Japan  would  be,  for  the  four  and  a  half  millions  of  Aus- 
tralians, that  they  dare  risk  any  turn  in  the  tide  amongst 
their  own  people  so  long  as  within  the  next  five  or  six 
years  they  can  train,  officer,  and  equip  an  army  of  a  few 


522      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

hundred  thousand  white  soldiers.  They  talk  a  great  deal 
about  serving  the  Empire  and  setting  an  example  to  the 
men  of  the  old  country— but  deep  down  in  their  hearts  is 
the  conviction  that  it  is  the  safety  not  of  the  Empire, 
but  of  Australia's  standards  of  civilization,  race  purity, 
wages,  industrial  idealism,  and  democratic  freedom  that 
concerns  them.  No  Liberal  or  Labor  leader  ever  argues 
privately  that  there  is  the  faintest  analogy  between  British 
and  Australian  conditions.  'Britain  must  do  as  she  pleases. 
We  have  had  to  do  this  thing  in  order  that  we  get  even 
a  hundred  to  one  chance  of  holding  Australia  when  the 
shock  comes.'  That  expresses  the  typical  attitude." 
(See  also  Appendix:  ''Preparedness.") 


CHAPTER  XV 
PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION 

Socialists  favor  all  measures  aimed  at  increasing  pop- 
ular control  over  Government,  such  as  direct  legislation 
and  proportional  representation.  Direct  legislation,  how- 
ever, is  not  yet  a  live  issue,  except  in  countries  already  far 
advanced  towards  democracy,  such  as  the  United  States 
and  British  colonies.  Proportional  representation,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  an  issue  almost  everywhere,  having  been 
already  introduced  in  Belgium  and  other  countries.  For 
several  years  before  the  war  it  had  been  a  leading  question 
in  France,  and  the  election  of  1914  resulted  in  a  Govern- 
ment favorable  to  this  system. 

The  general  Socialist  position  is  illustrated  by  the  dis- 
cussion in  the  American  Party.  The  discussion  in  the  Con- 
ference of  the  British  Labor  Party  of  1914,  however,  shows 
that  a  great  many  members  of  that  organization  place 
considerations  of  immediate  political  success  above  the 
democratic  principles  involved,  and  their  precise  motives 
for  doing  so  were  well  brought  out  at  that  conference. 

I.    THE   AMERICAN   SOCIALIST   PARTY   CONVENTION   OF    1912 

In  the  1912  Convention  of  the  Socialist  Party,  the  sub- 
ject of  proportional  representation  was  vigorously  dis- 
cussed. While  some  of  the  delegates  expressed  their  disap- 
proval of  this  principle,  it  remained  in  the  platform.  Sec- 
tion 5  of  the  Political  Demands  (originally  Section  6), 
containing  reference  to  the  subject,  reads  as  follows: 

523 


524      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  adoption  of  the  initiative,  referendum,  and  recall,  and  of 
proportional  representation  nationally  as  well  as  locally. 

The  discussion  provoked  by  the  section  was,  in  part,  as 
follows : 

Delegate  Lewis  [Oregon] :  I  object  to  the  proportional  repre- 
sentation. It  will  only  open  the  way  for  parties  of  reform, 
prohibition  parties,  labor  parties,  and  so  forth.  Our  state  legis- 
latures will  be  full  of  all  kinds  of  representatives.  It  is  a  dan- 
gerous proposition.  .    .    . 

Delegate  Smith  [Montana] :  It  seems  to  me  that  instead  of 
advocating  proportional  representation  the  Socialist  Party  ought 
to  be  standing  for  representation  by  absolute  majority.  If  the 
Socialist  Party  makes  as  its  fundamental  declaration  that  this 
is  a  struggle  between  classes,  then  we  ought  to  have  absolute 
majority.  ...  If  the  Socialist  Party  makes  as  its  fundamental 
declaration  that  this  is  a  struggle  between  classes,  then  we  ought 
to  have  absolute  majority  representation.  We  ought  to  have 
either  capitalist  government  or  working-class  government  abso- 
lutely.  .    .    . 

Delegate  Solomon  [New  York] :  It  is  evident  that  the  comrades 
who  spoke  in  opposition  to  the  recommendation  of  the  committee 
do  not  know  what  they  are  talking  about.  They  seem  to  be 
carried  away  by  a  few  stock  phrases.  This  proposition  will  be 
favorable  to  some  reformers.  That  is  enough.  That  settles  it. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  accepted  position  of  the  International 
Socialist  movement  of  the  icorld  has  always  been  in  favor  of 
proportional  representation.  I  do  not  understand  how  any  man 
who  understands  the  meaning  of  proportional  representation  can 
stand  up  and  oppose  it.  To  begin  with,  there  is  but  one  party 
who  can  really  benefit  by  it,  and  that  is  the  Socialist  Party.  The 
comrade  from  Montana  says  we  should  either  have  a  capitalist 
government  or  a  Socialist  government.  If  that  is  the  case,  we 
may  as  well  stop  putting  up  candidates  and  sending  them  into 
the  legislative  assemblies.  .  .  .  You  find  in  state  after  state  that 
already  the  Socialist  Party  has  from  five  to  ten  per  cent  of  the 
total  vote  east,  but  has  no  representative  whatever  in  the  assembly. 
If  we  had  proportional  repi-esentation  it  would  be  possible  for 
the  party  to  have  representation  in  the  assembly  in  proportion 
to  the  vote  cast  for  the  party  candidates.  .   .   . 


PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION  525 

Delegate  Latimer  [Illinois]  :  It  is  true  that  in  some  communi- 
ties we  might  land  a  man  or  two  in  the  state  legislature.  That 
is  what  happened  in  Illinois  a  few  years  ago.  They  had  pro- 
portional representation  where  a  man  could  go  to  the  polls  and 
vote  for  three  men  or  one  man.  That  gave  a  sort  of  propor- 
tional representation,  and  they  sent  a  few  men  to  the  state  legis- 
lature, but  they  are  not  there  to-day.  .  .  .  The  thing  we  are 
interested  in  as  a  minority  party  is  building  up  a  strong,  con- 
striactive  organization,  not  to  elect  men  occasionally  to  the  state 
legislature.  It  is  our  business  as  a  minority  party  to  lay  founda- 
tion for  getting  control  of  the  Government,  and  we  are  not 
interested  in  proportional  representation.  .    .   . 

Delegate  Wilson  [California]  :  This  amendment  is  simply  re- 
affirming the  demand  of  the  International  Socialist  movement  of 
the  world.  If  the  Germans  at  this  time  had  proportional  repre- 
sentation they  would  have  a  very  much  larger  number  of  men 
in  the  Reichstag.  We  all  know  that  there  are  thousands  of  them 
that  are  disfranchised  because  of  this  very  fact  that  they  have 
not  proportional  representation.  The  same  is  true  in  Belgium, 
and  the  same  is  true  in  some  of  the  communes  of  France.  .   .    . 

The  motion  to  strike  out  the  words  "proportional  repre- 
sentation" was  lost,  and  paragraph  6,  as  reported,  was 
adopted. 

n.   CONFERENCE  OP  THE  BRITISH  LABOR  PARTY,   1914 

(Based  on  Official  Report  of  the  Conference) 

IVIr.  F.  Knee  [London  Trades  Council]  moved: 

That  this  Conference  instructs  the  executive  committee  and 
the  party  in  Parliament  to  press  strongly  for  the  adoption  of  a 
system  of  proportional  representation  applicable  to  all  parts  of 
the  United  Kingdom  for  both  municipal  and  parliamentary 
elections. 

The  debate  which  ensued  hinged  primarily  upon  the 
question  as  to  whether  proportional  representation  would 
necessitate  a  more  expensive  or  a  less  expensive  campaign ; 


526      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

would  lead  to  more  or  less  bargaining  with  the  Liberal 
Party;  and  would  divert  attention  from  more  important 
industrial  issues,  or  lead  to  the  selection  of  a  group  of 
Labor  members  who  would  bring  these  issues  more  effec- 
tively than  at  present  in  the  fore.  All  conceded  that  labor 
would  probably  have  a  greater  representation  in  Parlia- 
ment as  a  result  of  such  a  measure.  The  opponents  of 
proportional  representation  advocated  the  alternative  vote 
(a  method,  like  the  second  ballot,  requiring  only  single 
member  districts,  but  avoiding  a  second  election)  as  a  less 
radical  and  wiser  proposal. 

Mr.  Knee  said  the  resolution  proposed  that  there  should 
be  a  different  system  of  counting  votes.  Judging  by  what 
had  taken  place,  the  Liberals,  if  they  got  the  chance,  would 
probably  go  in  for  the  alternative  vote;  that  was  to  say, 
instead  of  putting  a  cross  to  a  candidate 's  name  they  would 
have  to  put  1  opposite  the  name  of  the  man  they  most 
wanted  and  2  opposite  the  next  preference.  If  the  Liberals 
were  kindly  disposed  to  the  alternative  vote  that  was  a 
reason  why  the  Labor  Party  should  be  chary  of  it.  Demo- 
crats naturally  desired  to  secure  a  House  of  Commons  that 
would  be  a  reflex  of  the  whole  of  the  community,  a  House 
that  would  faithfully  represent  and  contain  every  consid- 
erable body  of  public  opinion.  There  were  masses  of 
opinion  in  the  country  right  outside  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. The  Labor  Party  itself  was  inadequately  repre- 
sented. They  might  have  the  second  ballot  or  the  alterna- 
tive vote,  but  there  was  no  safeguard  against  a  minority 
of  votes  in  the  country  being  represented  by  a  majority 
in  the  House  of  Commons. 

Mr.  W.  C.  Anderson  [I.  L.  P.]  said  they  would  all  agree 
that,  whatever  was  going  to  be  done  in  the  future,  the 
present  electoral  system  was  out  of  date,  undemocratic, 
and  unworkable.     What  form  was  the  change  going  to 


PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION  527 

take  ?  The  alternative  vote  was  simply  an  improved  method 
of  second  ballot.  It  simply  allowed  the  voter  to  do  in  one 
operation  what  under  the  second  ballot  was  done  after  an 
interval  of  a  fortnight.  .  .  .  He  submitted  it  would  be  a 
good  thing  for  the  Liberal  Party  and  a  disastrous  thing  for 
the  Labor  Party.  It  would  mean  that  there  would  be 
three-cornered  fights  all  round.  A  young  party,  a  minority 
party,  might  be  able  to  poll  2,500  or  3,000  votes  in  many 
industrial  constituencies  without  being  able  to  secure 
representation  in  Parliament.  Under  the  alternative  vote 
in  a  number  of  adjoining  constituencies  they  might  poll 
as  many  as  30,000  votes  without  getting  any  representation 
at  all.  To  get  30,000  or  40,000  working-class  voters  voting 
in  one  direction  and  not  getting  a  single  representative  in 
Parliament  was  not  democracy,  but  a  caricature  of  democ- 
racy. He  remarked  that  the  Labor  Party  in  Queensland 
and  Victoria,  where  they  had  the  alternative  vote,  were 
against  it.  It  was  a  direct  incitement  to  the  privileged 
parties  to  join  together  to  down  the  Labor  Party.  If  they 
were  going  to  have  democratic  representation  they  must 
have  constituencies  sufficiently  wide  to  allow  a  large  num- 
ber even  of  minority  votes  to  get  representation  in  propor- 
tion to  their  electoral  strength.  Mr.  MacDonald  had  put 
the  whole  case  for  the  alternative  vote  into  four  lines.  .  .  . 
He  believed  that  Mr.  MacDonald  did  not  want  proportional 
representation  or  the  alternative  vote  and  would  only  be 
forced  into  either,  and  he  asked  Mr.  MacDonald  to  make 
his  position  perfectly  clear.  The  reform  of  proportional 
representation  was  championed  by  the  working-class  move- 
ment right  throughout  the  world.  Every  Labor  and  So- 
cialist Party  in  Europe  was  a  Proportional  Representation 
Party. 

The  most  eloquent  voice  in  France  in  favor  of  pro- 
portional representation  was  that  of  Comrade  Jaures,  and 


528      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

the  idea  of  proportional  representation  had  been  carried 
by  an  enormous  vote  in  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
They  had  the  system  in  Belgium,  not  in  its  best  form,  but 
still  they  wanted  no  going  back.  Among  the  many  colonial 
and  continental  politicians  who  supported  proportional 
representation  were  Herr  Branting,  leader  of  the  Swedish 
Social  Democrats,  and  Mr.  Holman,  the  Labor  premier  of 
New  South  Wales.  Mr.  Holman  had  given  the  following 
testimony  to  the  merits  of  proportional  representation: 
"While  I  believe  in  proportional  representation,  I  am  not 
in  favor  of  preferential  voting.  Preferential  voting  leads 
to  the  combination  of  old  and  recognized  interests  against 
the  spirit  of  advancement.  In  a  ballot  with  three  candi- 
dates, for  instance,  the  candidate  with  progressive  ideas 
may  be  in  the  lead  in  the  first  count,  but,  if  the  supporters 
of  the  other  two  are  true  to  their  conservative  principles, 
as  the  count  goes  on  they  will  gradually  overhaul  the  third 
man  until  he  is  hopelessly  last.  .   .   . 

Mr.  Philip  Snowden,  M.  P.  [I.  L.  P.]  said  he  felt  that 
the  division  on  this  resolution  would  have  such  tremendous 
consequences  that  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  associate  him- 
self with  it.  Proportional  representation  might  be  argued 
very  strongly  on  general  and  abstract  lines,  but  at  the  time 
at  his  disposal  he  wished  to  confine  himself  to  an  attempt 
to  answer  one  question  only.  Whatever  might  be  their 
views  either  on  the  existing  electoral  system,  the  alterna- 
tive vote,  or  proportional  representation,  they  were  all  anx- 
ious to  see  the  representation  of  labor  increased  in  Parlia- 
ment. Therefore  the  answer  to  that  question  was  the  most 
important  matter  to  which  they  could  give  their  attention. 
Mr.  Wake,  in  a  speech  of  very  great  power,  put  the  case 
for  the  alternative  vote.  He  [Mr.  Snowden]  wanted  to 
test  the  possibilities  of  the  alternative  vote  as  likely  to 
increase  Labor  representation  in  the  House  of  Commons 


PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION  529 

by  the  experience  of  the  party  in  the  by-elections  of  the 
last  few  years.  Since  the  last  general  election  they  had 
had  12  or  13  contests  in  which  Labor  candidates  had  been 
before  the  constituencies.  In  every  case  the  Labor  candi- 
date had  been  at  the  bottom  of  the  poll.  Under  a  system 
of  alternative  votes  not  a  single  one  of  those  votes  would 
have  found  expression  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. In  every  instance  the  Labor  man  would  have 
dropped  out  on  the  first  count  because  he  was  third  on 
the  poll.  It  had  been  argued  that  the  fear  of  "splitting 
the  progressive  vote,"  the  fear  of  letting  in  the  Tory,  had 
a  deterrent  influence  on  the  men  who  had  sympathies  with 
the  Labor  candidates  in  three-cornered  contests.  He  wished 
to  point  out  that  there  was  another  feeling  which  would 
operate  under  the  alternative  vote.  Men  with  sympathies 
for  labor  had  at  the  same  time  sympathies  with  other  par- 
ties. There  were  a  great  many  Liberals  who  thought  Labor 
ought  to  be  represented  more  strongly  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  They  would  no  doubt  give  their  first  or  second 
vote  to  a  Labor  candidate  under  the  alternative  vote;  but 
what  about  the  Tory  voter  ?  He  had  a  second  vote,  and  to 
whom  was  he  going  to  give  that  vote  ?  He  would  not  give 
it  to  the  Labor  candidate.  If  he  gave  it  at  all,  as  he  un- 
doubtedly would,  he  would  give  it  to  the  Liberal;  and 
therefore  the  absolute  certainty  was  that  on  the  final  count- 
ing of  the  votes,  no  matter  what  position  the  Labor  candi- 
date took  in  the  first  count,  the  result  would  be  that  he 
would  be  in  a  woeful  minority.  There  had  been  a  discus- 
sion on  the  policy  of  the  Parliamentary  Party.  That  dis- 
cussion settled  none  of  the  difficulties  of  the  party.  They 
never  touched  the  reason  for  the  want  of  greater  activity^ 
they  never  touched  the  reason  why  Labor  members  did  not 
raise  industrial  and  social  questions  more  prominently  than 
they  did.    Whether  they  liked  it  or  not,  the  reason  was  well 


530       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS      ' 

known  to  every  Labor  member,  and  it  was  that  there  was 
not  a  Labor  member  to-day  but  knew  that  he  was  de- 
pendent for  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Commons  upon  the 
good  will  of  those  who  belonged  to  other  political  parties. 
As  long  as  they  had  members  returned  by  Liberal  votes 
they  could  not  expect  independent  action  from  their  mem- 
bers. Proportional  representation  would  make  their  mem- 
bers representative  of  Labor  in  their  own  constituencies,  it 
would  give  them  the  independence  they  could  not  possibly 
exercise  under  any  other  conditions.  It  would  bring  hon- 
esty for  the  first  time  into  the  political  life  of  this  country. 
.  .  .  He  appealed  to  the  delegates  with  all  the  strength  he 
had  not  by  their  votes  to  detach  themselves  from  Labor 
and  Socialist  opinion  throughout  the  world  on  this  question. 
Mr.  Holmes  had  spoken  not  as  representing  the  party  to 
which  he  belonged.  Nor  would  Mr.  MacDonald.  The  Inde- 
pendent Labor  Party  by  a  practically  unanimous  vote  had 
declared  in  favor  of  proportional  representation.  If  they 
wanted  the  party  to  grow  in  strength,  if  they  wanted  to 
see  in  the  House  of  Commons  strong,  independent,  virile, 
and  honest  Labor  representation  they  would  by  an  over- 
whelming vote  support  the  resolution. 

Mr.  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald,  M.  P.,  said  that  whatever 
might  be  their  individual  views  on  this  matter,  they  would 
all  agree  that  they  had  had  a  very  interesting  and  not  an 
unimportant  debate. 

The  resolution  was  put  to  a  card  vote  and  declared  de- 
feated, the  result  being: 

For   704,000 

Against    1,387,000 

The  Alternative  Vote 

In  pursuance  of  a  previous  decision,  the  chairman  put 
the  question  for  and  against  the  alternative  vote  as  an  elec- 


PROPORTIONAL  REPRESENTATION  531 

toral  reform,  and  on  a  card  vote  the  result  was  as  follows : 

For   632,000 

Against    1,324,000 

Thus  proportional  representation  and  the  alternative  vote 
each  secured  approximately  one-third  of  the  votes  of  the 
Congress.  At  least  one-third  opposed  both  propositions 
(how  many  more  is  uncertain,  since  some  voters  may  have 
favored  both  measures). 


CHAPTER  XVI 
''MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM" 

Municipal  Socialism  usually  means  municipal  owner- 
ship, and  the  same  considerations  apply  to  it  as  have  been 
treated  under  the  head,  "Government  Ownership."  How- 
ever, the  modern  municipality  is  in  reality — to  some  de- 
gree— a  small  society,  and  many  of  the  other  problems 
treated  in  the  preceding  chapters  also  recur  in  municipal 
politics:  the  high  cost  of  living,  taxation,  political  re- 
form, etc.  The  whole  problem  of  political  tactics  and  of 
co-operation  with  other  parties  (which  we  have  treated  in 
Part  I)  also  recurs  in  municipal  elections.  But  we  have 
placed  the  municipal  phase  of  this  discussion  in  the  present 
chapter  because  co-operation  with  other  parties  may  be 
favored  in  municipal  politics,  while  opposed  in  national 
elections. 

I.    THE   INTERNATIONAL    CONGRESS   OF   PARIS,    1900 

Concerning  Socialist  action  in  municipalities,  the  Inter- 
national Congress  of  Paris  (1900)  declared: 

By  "  municipal  Socialism "  is  not  to  be  understood  a  special 
kind  of  Socialism,  but  only  the  application  of  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  Socialism  to  a  special  domain  of  political  activity. 

The  reforms  which  fall  under  it  are  not  and  cannot  be  presented 
as  realizing  a  eollectivist  society.  They  are  presented,  however, 
as  means  that  the  Socialists  can  and  should  utilize  for  preparing 
and  facilitating  the  coming  of  that  society.  The  municipality 
may  become  an  excellent  laboratory  of  decentralized  economic 
Hfe,  and  at  the  same  time  a  formidable  political  fortress  for  the 

532 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  533 

use  of  Socialist  majorities  against  the  bourgeois  majority  of  the 
central  government  as  soon  as  a  considerable  degree  of  autonomy 
is  realized. 

And  further: 

That  it  is  the  duty  of  all  Socialists,  without  depreciating  the 
importance  of  general  politics,  to  cause  to  be  used  and  appreci- 
ated the  importance  of  municipal  activity,  to  give  to  municipal 
reforms  the  importance  that  they  possess  as  the  embryos  of  a 
colleetivist  society,  and  to  set  to  work  to  undertake  municipal 
services :  Urban  transportation,  waterworks,  lighting,  power, 
baths,  bathing,  municipal  stores,  municipal  bakeries,  provisions, 
food,  teaching,  medical  services,  heating,  housing,  clothing,  police, 
municipal  works,  etc.,  to  make  of  these  services  model  institu- 
tutions,  both  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  interest  of  the  public 
and  from  that  of  citizens  who  are  employed  in  them;  the  Con- 
gress declares  that  those  municipalities  which  are  too  weak  to 
proceed  alone  in  the  x'ealization  of  these  measures  should  be 
joined  together  in  municipal  federations,  and  that  in  the  coun- 
tries in  which  the  political  system  does  not  allow  municipalities 
to  proceed  along  this  path,  all  elected  officials  of  the  Socialists 
should  make  use  of  their  power  to  give  to  the  municipalities 
sufficient  liberty  and  independence  to  realize  these  reforms. 


II.    THE   BERLIN   MUNICIPAL   ELECTION,    NOVEMBER,    1913 
(From  an  editorial  in  Vorwaerts) 

"  The  municipality  is  the  seat  of  the  inner  life  of  a  people, 
the  anvil  upon  which  the  noblest  instincts  of  man  should  be 
formed  and  developed.  No  adult  male  citizen  of  good  character 
should  be  deprived  of  his  rights  as  a  citizen  of  his  municipality; 
the  right  to  vote  should  not  be  restricted  by  a  census." 

This  statement,  signed  by  T.  von  Bethmann  Hollweg  and  the 
Counts  Arnim,  Doelme,  and  Itzenplitz,  is  characteristic  of  the 
change  that  has  taken  place  in  the  political  views  of  our  bourgeois 
parties.  When  the  statement  was  published  in  1848,  the  Con- 
servatives held  views  regarding  municipal  political  questions 
which  are  propagated  to-day  only  by  the  Social  Democrats.  The 
industrial  development  of  the  decades  that  follow,  making  out 


534       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  the  half -feudal,  agrarian  Prussia  one  of  the  greatest  industrial 
countries  of  the  world,  ...  has  caused  this  change  in  the  Con- 
servative attitude. 

In  the  year  1876  a  Conservative  representative  .  .  .  Haken, 
coined  the  Conservative  phrase,  "  He  who  would  rule  with  us 
should  pay  with  us,"  thus  denying  the  words  of  his  own  com- 
rades of  1848.  .   .   . 

Industrial  development  .  .  .  has  brought  about  not  only  the 
gi-owth  of  the  capitalist  class,  but  has  inevitably  strengthened 
by  its  own  growth  the  modern  proletariat  in  numbers,  power, 
and  self-confidence.  In  1878  the  Social  Democratic  Avorkers  of 
Berlin  for  the  first  time  participated  in  a  municipal  election. 
In  1884,  the  first  five  Social  Democratic  municipal  representa- 
tives entered  the  Red  House,  and  since  then  the  number  of  So- 
cialist votes  and  the  number  of  Socialist  representatives  has 
increased  from  year  to  year. 

In  1900  and  1901,  our  comrades  started  debates  in  the  Berlin 
city  hall  concerning  the  three-class  suffrage  and  democratic  suf- 
frage. At  that  time  the  Consei-v^ative  phrase  of  1876  had  already 
become  the  property  of  the  Liberal  movement.  Proudly  and 
earnestly  Herr  Cassel  announced :  "  The  city  government  has 
always  been  of  the  opinion  that  he  who  would  rule  with  us 
should  pay  with  us !  " 

As  they  have  deserted  their  colors  in  the  suffrage  question, 
so  the  Progressives  have  failed  in  all  other  political  fields.  .  ,  . 
Our  bourgeois  and  municipal  bureaucrats  are  not  upholders  of 
the  modern  reform  movements  whose  fundamental  principle  is 
that  active  participation  by  municipal  and  state  government  in 
social  activities  shall  be  the  means  of  uplifting  the  mental,  moral, 
and  physical  strength  of  the  nation.  .  .  .  Political  considera- 
tions enter  constantly  into  the  question  whenever  industrial 
problems  are  discussed.  .   .   . 

In  recent  years  the  Progressives  in  the  Berlin  city  hall  have 
gradually  become  reconciled  to  the  fact  that  the  seats  in  third- 
class  districts,  which  have  once  become  Social  Democratic  will 
always  remain  so.  .  .  .  Not  only  the  three  districts  we  have  just 
mentioned  must  be  won  to-morrow,  but  the  influence  of  our 
representatives  must  be  increased  by  a  marked  increase  of  votes. 
Our  representatives  cannot,  out  of  their  own  strength,  enforce 
reforms  and  improvements  for  the  workmg-class.  The  Social 
Democratic  representatives  do  not  as  yet  form  even  a  third  of 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  535 

the  assembly.  They  are  opposed  by  96  representatives  elected 
by  first-  and  second-class  voters,  who  practically  without  excep- 
tion represent  capitalist  interests.  Only  by  arousing  the  public 
conscience,  only  by  forcing  these  men  to  recognize  that  the  great 
mass  of  the  Berlin  population  stands  behind  this  Socialist  minor- 
ity, can  we  hope  to  force  the  assembly  to  do  its  duty  toward 
the  city.  The  higher  the  vote  polled  by  the  Socialist  candidates 
the  greater  will  be  the  effectiveness  of  the  work  our  representa- 
tives can  accomplish. 

A  municipal  government,  such  as  that  of  Berlin,  with  the  tre- 
mendous intellectual  and  material  resources  at  its  disposal,  a 
municipality  whose  budget  is  exceeded  only  by  that  of  the  King- 
doms of  Prussia  and  Bavaria,  is  easily  able  to  influence  to  a 
marked  degree  the  standard  of  living  of  its  population.  Through 
the  lives  of  its  people,  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  it  can  lend 
a  helping  hand,  by  fulfilling  its  social  obligations.     .     .     . 

No  one  who  knows  the  circumstances  will  deny  that  the  work 
of  our  representatives  in  this  direction  has  been  far  from  fruit- 
less. The  former  chairman  of  the  assembly,  the  aged  Langerhans, 
said  at  one  time:  "If  we  did  not  have  the  Social  Democracy 
we  should  have  to  invent  it."  This  is  only  one  of  many  tributes 
paid  by  our  opponents  to  our  work  in  the  Berlin  city  council. 
Even  the  Prussian  Government  seems  in  its  heart  of  hearts  only 
half  dissatisfied  with  the  work  of  the  Socialist  representatives. 
The  general  secretary  of  the  propaganda  committee  for  Greater 
Berlin,  Dr.  Hegemann,  said  in  one  of  his  articles :  "  Those  who 
to-day  confer  with  the  Government  as  to  the  possibility  of  inaug- 
urating municipal  reform  measures,  smile  involuntarily  at  the 
reassuring  tone  in  which  they  are  referred  to  the  Social  Demo- 
crats as  trustworthy  upholders  of  the  reform  measure  in  ques- 
tion." 

We  have  only  just  begiui  to  force  private  capitalist  interests 
into  the  background  of  our  municipal  government;  we  have 
just  begun  to  enforce  municipal  ownership  of  light  and  power 
stations,  of  all  new  transit  facilities.  The  completion  of  these 
beginnings  will  cost  many  a  bitter  struggle.  .    .    . 

The  Bei'lin  council  has  steadily  refused  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion of  unemployment  insurance,  has  refused  to  do  anything  to 
lighten  in  the  least  the  lot  of  the  man  who  is  unable  to  find 
work,  in  spite  of  constant  pressure  from  our  representatives. 
At  present  a  period  of  unemployment,  such  as  Berlin  has  never 


536       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

seen  before,  is  breaking  in  upon  us.  Want  and  suffering,  great 
enough  even  now,  will  increase  during  the  winter  months  to  such 
a  degi'ee  that  even  the  greatest  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  our 
labor  unions  will  not  be  able  to  combat  them.  With  folded  arms 
our  municipality  looks  down  upon  the  needs  of  a  great  part  of 
its  population. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  hasten  the  construction  of  public 
buildmgs,  but  beyond  that  every  motion  to  render  assistance  has 
been  defeated.  It  was  decided  that  the  whole  question  of  unem- 
ployment insurance  belonged  to  the  state  and  the  nation  and 
not  to  the  municipality.  This  pretty  game  of  "  button,  button, 
who  has  the  button,"  will  go  on  forever  if  the  masses  do  not 
protest.  Unemployment  is  a  necessary  product  of  capitalist  pro- 
duction and  can  be  done  away  with  only  when  a  Socialist  form 
of  society  takes  the  place  of  modern  capitalism.  Nevertheless, 
it  should  be  the  duty  of  those  who  enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  present 
social  system  to  help  those  who  must  pay  the  penalty  in  the 
crisis  caused  by  capitalistic  production. 

The  representatives  of  the  other  capitalist  parties  are  entirely 
satisfied  with  the  present  conditions.  It  will  be  the  first  duty 
of  the  Socialist  group  to  force  the  question  of  unemployment 
insurance  upon  their  attention,  not  to  let  the  matter  rest  until 
something  has  been  done.  To-mon-ow's  election  must  be  a  mighty 
demonstration.  The  gi*eat  class  of  those  who  have  nothing  but 
their  labor  power  must  give  to  the  demands  of  the  Socialist 
group  the  necessary  support  and  significance.  .   .   . 


m.   THE  FRENCH  PARTY 'S   MUNICIPAL  PROGRAM,    1912 

Whereas,  the  municipality  may  become  an  excellent  laboratory 
of  decentralized  economic  life,  as  well  as  a  political  stronghold; 
provided  that  by  municipal  Socialism  is  meant  only  the  applica- 
tion of  the  general  principles  of  Socialism  to  our  particular 
domain  of  political  action;  provided  that  the  various  reforms 
are  presented  as  functioning  in  a  domain  that  Socialists  should 
avail  themselves  according  to  the  economic  nature  of  each  munici- 
pality in  order  to  facilitate  the  coming  of  the  future  society; 
therefore,  the  Socialist  Party,  pursuing  its  aim  of  the  establish- 
ment of  collective  property,  national,  regional,  or  municipal,  as 
the  case  may  be,  in  order  to  attain  its  end,  makes  use  of  all 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  537 

means  of  action,  including  the  effort  to  capture  the  municipali- 
ties with  its  program  of  demands,  as  follows: 


1.  POLITICAL 

o)  Proportional  representation. 

b)  Development  of  the  economic  importance  of  the  municipal- 
ity and  abrogation  of  all  the  legal  obstacles  to  the  extension  of 
its  commercial  and  industrial  functions. 

c)  Revision  of  the  laws  of  eminent  domain  in  order  to  facili- 
tate measures  necessary  to  the  hygiene  and  sanitation  of  cities. 

d)  Extension  of  the  recognized  right  of  the  municipalities  to 
appoint  intermunicipal  unions  and  federations  among  unions. 

e)  The  referendum  as  applied  to  municipal  affairs. 

2.  ECONOMIC 

a)  A  return  to  the  municipality  of  public  service  monopolies 
already  granted. 

h)  Extension  of  direct  taxes  and  of  the  agricultural  and  indus- 
trial domain  of  the  municipalities. 

c)  Founding  of  local  industries  by  the  municipalities  by  sup- 
plying of  tools,  reasonable  credit,  and  means  of  preservation, 
transport,  and  storage. 

d)  Formal  recognition  of  the  right  to  organize  in  unions,  and 
eight-hour  workday  for  employees  and  workers  of  the  municipal- 
ity. Weekly  rest  day  and  fixing  of  a  minimum  wage  on  the  basis 
established  by  labor  unions  of  the  vicinity. 

e)  Introduction  in  the  specifications  of  public  works  of 
clauses  imposing  these  conditions.  Prohibition  of  leased  contract 
work. 

/)  Creation  of  a  service  of  labor  statistics  and  free  employ- 
ment agencies. 

g)  Subsidizing  of  all  the  works  of  the  unions  and  notably  of 
strike  funds. 

3.    FINANCIAL 

a)  Reform  of  the  taxes  which  especially  oppress  the  working- 
class;  exemption  of  families  paying  low  rents  from  the  personal 
tax.     Abolition  of  the  octroi,  at  least  on  foodstuffs,  and  liberty 


538      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of   choice   of  substitute   taxes,   graduation   of   municipal   taxes, 
with  exemption  of  those  at  the  bottom. 

b)  Establishment  of  a  municipal  tax  upon  the  sale  of  land 
and  buildings,  proportionate  to  the  increase  in  value  of  the  land 
and  buildings  created  by  the  carrying  on  of  public  works. 

c)  Organization  of  municipal  and  inter-municipal  insurance 
against  fire  and  other  risks. 

d)  Increase  in  the  royalties  on  mining  lands  and  a  system  of 
payments  for  the  use  of  natural  motor  forces. 

4.    EDUCATION 

a)  Furnishing  of  free  books  and  other  school  materials,  and 
also  of  lunches,  cloak  rooms,  baths,  and  kindergartens. 

b)  Creation  and  subsidizing  of  school  and  graduation  scholar- 
ships. 

c)  Admission  to  all  grades  of  instruction  by  means  of  scholar- 
ships and  competitive  tests. 

5.    CHARITY 

Transformation  of  public  charity  to  make  it  more  responsible 
to  human  dignity  and  solidarity. 

Free  service  of  legal,  administrative,  and  fiscal  advice. 

In  order  to  reserve  to  the  proletariat  the  benefit  of  the  applica- 
tion of  the  law  concerning  workingmen's  pensions;  encourage- 
ment to  the  industrial  unions  in  the  forming  of  a  regional  union 
treasury. 

6.   HEALTH   AND   HOUSING 

Establishment  of  free  public  baths  and  lavatories. 

Broadening  of  narrow  streets  and  sanitation  of  dumping 
places. 

Supervision  of  dwellings,  workshops,  water,  and  food  supply. 

Direct  administration  of  markets  and  warehouses  and  extension 
of  direct  exchange  of  products  with  the  agi'icultural  union.  Con- 
struction by  the  municipalities  of  cheap  but  sanitary  dwellings. 

The  inalienability  of  public  land.  Its  use  by  the  municipality 
for  the  benefit  of  the  municipality. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  539 

rV.    CO-OPERATION    WITH   OTHER   PARTIES    IN    MUNICIPAL 
ELECTIONS.      ITALIAN   PARTY    CONGRESS,    1914 

1.   DISCUSSION   IN   THE   CONGRESS 

A  heated  discussion  for  and  against  the  making  of  elec- 
toral alliances  took  place  at  the  Italian  Socialist  Congress 
of  1914,  Lucci  favoring  such  alliances,  Ralli  opposing. 

Lucci  took  Naples  as  an  example  of  the  city  where  alli- 
ances were  desirable.  Out  of  the  700,000  inhabitants,  there 
were  hardly  100  organized  Socialists.  The  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  party,  at  the  last  parliamentary  elections, 
demanded  that  a  party  candidate  should  run  for  office  in 
each  election  district. 

He  declared : 

Through  this  measure  the  instinct  of  rebellion  in  Naples  turned 
to  our  party  just  as  it  would  have  turned  towards  the  anarchists 
had  they  addressed  the  people.  We  appealed  to  this  instinct, 
spoke  of  our  aims  to  the  illiterate  mass,  said  that  we  wished  to 
fight  for  better  housing,  bread,  and  honest  administration.  Now 
the  party  steps  in  and  says :  "  You  are  not  allowed  to  do  any- 
thing for  these  people.  The  Party  Congress  forbids  it.  In  the 
South,  politically  speaking,  we  are  before  the  stone  period.  The 
South  is  without  industry — it  contains  no  proletariat,  only  a 
mob.  The  people  have  no  human  dignity,  they  have  no  bread  to 
eat !  And  we  are  to  tell  them :  '  The  Congress  of  Aneona  has 
decided  that  you  must  win  the  city  administration  without  com- 
promise.' With  this  action  we  mock  misery.  Here  we  find 
80  town  councilors,  170  public  benevolent  institutions,  almost 
1,000  positions  to  fill!  And  to  fill  with  capable,  decent  human 
beings!"  [Interrupter:  "With  whom  do  you  wish  to  form  an 
alliance?"]  The  speaker,  with  emphasis:  "  Wi^h  the  devil! 
Surely  not  with  the  employers;  they  don't  want  us.  There  is 
no  large  industry  in  Naples.  With  the  decent  elements  of  the 
democracy."     (Excitement.) 

Ralli  defended  the  opposite  view.  He  asserted  that  the 
proletariat  in  Naples  had  not  been  taught  Socialism,  and 


540      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

asked  how  the  workers  shall  get  an  idea  of  the  class  struggle 
if  they  unite  with  the  bourgeoisie.  He  asserted  that  Lucci 
was  stronger  on  reform  thaji  Bissolati  and  told  of  the 
failure  of  political  alliances.  A  number  of  others  engaged 
in  the  debate. 

The  vote,  taken  at  the  conclusion  of  the  discussion,  was 
as  follows :  for  Ralli  's  resolution  against  any  kind  of  alli- 
ance, 22,591;  for  Mazzoni's  resolution,  which  permitted 
election  alliances  under  the  decision  of  the  provincial 
party  congress,  8,584;  for  Modigliani's  resolution,  for  alli- 
ances with  labor  and  professional  organizations,  3,214. 

2.   THE   RESOLUTION   ADOPTED: 

The  Congress  expresses  the  wish  that  the  party  shall  resolutely 
set  about  making  one  of  the  commune  as  an  organ  of  proletarian 
claims  and  conquests,  in  opposition  to  all  the  bourgeois  parties; 
by  means  of 

1.  Intense  political  and  parliamentary  action,  which,  while  it 
defends  day  by  day  the  acts  of  the  Socialist  communal  adminis- 
tration, shall  aim  to  render  the  commune  able  and  free  to  give 
effect  to  the  Socialist  municipal  program; 

2.  An  active  propaganda  among  the  workers  intended  to 
develop  their  class-consciousness  and  to  spread  a  knowledge  of 
the  local  political  program  of  the  party ; 

3.  Capture  of  the  communal  admmistrations,  w-herever  the 
forces  of  the  party  and  the  class-consciousness  of  the  proletariat 
are  advanced  enough  to  maintain  and  defend  the  positions  cap- 
tured, in  the  interest  of  the  working-class  and  in  opposition  to 
the  bourgeois  arrogance,  whether  individuals  or  class. 

4.  A  struggle  to  capture  the  minority  in  all  the  other  com- 
munes with  the  declared  purposes  of  criticising  and  of  Socialist 
preparation,  and  to  develop  the  skill  of  individual  members  of 
the  party  for  the  work  of  bringing  to  birth  what  may  be  economic- 
ally necessai'y  in  the  communes. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  541 

3.   CRITICISM   BY   ODA  OLBERG   IN   "  DIE  NEUE   ZEIT  " 

''The  program  of  Ralli,  which  passed  by  a  majority  of 
22,591  against  11,798  votes,  forbids,  once  for  all  and  with- 
out any  exception  for  special  cases,  the  formation  of  elec- 
tion alliances  with  other  parties. 

''Italy,  in  round  figures,  has  8,000  communes.  Among 
these  are  large  industrial  centers,  like  Milan,  Turin,  and 
Genoa,  cities  like  Rome,  mountain  villages  in  the  Alps, 
seaports  in  Sicily,  and  places  in  which  the  agrarian  workers 
live  in  large  numbers.  Many  of  these  are  without  water 
supply,  without  a  canal  system,  without  hospitals,  with 
pauper  graves  for  the  poor;  and,  contrasting  with  these, 
are  elegant  cosmopolitan  towns  and  health  resorts  with  all 
up-to-date  comforts  for  the  wealthy  class.  These  8,000 
communes  are  all  to  be  treated  alike.  The  miserable  holes 
of  Calabria,  with  its  illiterate  people,  whom  hunger  drives 
to  emigration,  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  rules  as  the 
highly  developed  communes  of  the  Emilia,  which  have  been 
managed  by  our  party  for  two  decades. 

"In  the  communities  of  Emilia  one  cannot  find  an  un- 
organized workman;  there  one  can  see  how  the  working- 
class,  through  its  conquest  of  the  communal  offices,  stands 
up  for  its  class  interests  in  a  way  which  frightens  the 
bourgeoisie. 

"This  position  of  an  absolute  'no  compromise'  for  all 
parts  of  Italy  was  most  strongly  advocated  by  Comrade 
Ralli.  He  defended  his  views  in  a  very  valuable  program, 
which  claims  that  the  consciousness  of  the  masses  would 
be  seriously  confused  if  they  should  be  offered  as  allies 
those  parties  which  were  represented  to  them  as  enemies 
in  the  parliamentary  elections.  Nobody  can  overlook  the 
importance  of  this  objection.  But,  as  the  facts  do  not 
appear  as  simple  and  straightforward  as  is  desirable  for 


542       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

pedagogical  purposes,  the  question  arises  if  it  would 
not  be  better  to  uncover  contradictions  that  really  exist 
instead  of  covering  them  up. 

"Communal  politics  and  parliamentary  politics  are  dif- 
ferent things,  not  because  the  so-called  interests  of  the 
nation  are  discussed  in  Parliament  and  only  those  of  a 
town  or  village  in  the  communal  administration,  but  be- 
cause the  communal  administration  possesses  executive 
power,  both  in  accordance  with  law  and  in  fact,  to  a  larger 
degree  than  Parliament.  Parliament  fights  for  laws,  for 
fundamental  and  definite  things;  in  a  communal  adminis- 
tration naked  interests  clash,  and  what  is  called  applica- 
tion and  interpretation  of  the  law  is  frequently  nothing 
but  evasion.  The  election  fight  in  a  commune  often  stands 
on  a  much  lower  level  than  the  parliamentary  one.  Com- 
rade Lucci  says  in  his  speech  that  in  South  Italy  it  is 
frequently  necessary  to  prevent  the  mayor  of  a  town  from 
letting  his  manure  pollute  the  public  water  supply.  In 
Parliament  there  are  no  organizations  to  be  guarded,  no 
workingmen's  quarters  to  be  provided  with  trolleys,  no 
funds  to  be  raised  for  hospitals.  In  communes  there  are 
bands  of  thieves  to  be  turned  out  of  benevolent  institu- 
tions, the  rudiments  of  life  must  be  defended,  and  pre- 
cautions must  be  taken  against  crimes  of  the  ruling  clique. 

"It  is  of  course  not  impossible  that  these  communes 
might  be  cleaned  up  by  Socialistic  powers  or  after  Social- 
istic methods,  though  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  Socialism 
that  the  mayor  of  the  town  does  not  steal,  and  that  the 
seller  of  drinking  water  pays  the  town  councilors  for  not 
putting  in  a  proper  water-supply  system.  But  suppose 
that  in  a  milieu  like  this  only  the  most  meager  beginning 
of  a  Socialist  movement  exists?  Shall  the  party  in  such 
a  case  pay  no  attention  to  the  new,  partly  illiterate  voting 
population ;  shall  it,  because  the  number  of  organized  party 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  543 

comrades  is  not  large  enough  to  form  a  city  administra- 
tion, abandon  it  to  a  bourgeois  clique?  Shall  it  say  to 
these  miserable  masses :  We  mean  to  develop  a  new  society 
of  the  free  and  equal,  but  for  the  present  we  can  do  nothing 
for  you  ?  For  the  time  being  you  had  better  die  of  typhoid 
and  dysentery,  live  in  hovels,  which  mock  the  dignity  of 
human  nature,  throw  your  dead  into  a  common  grave, 
pay  the  taxes  by  which  the  propertied  class  pays  for  its 
luxuries  ? 

''Comrade  Lucci,  at  the  Congress  of  Ancona,  chose  Na- 
ples, the  largest  city  in  Italy,  as  an  example.  There  the 
party  has  but  little  more  than  one  hundred  members.  At 
the  parliamentary  elections,  the  discontent  of  the  masses, 
in  instinctive  rebellion  against  centuries  of  wrong,  turned 
expectantly  to  our  party.  Three  Socialists  were  elected, 
one  of  them  a  party  comrade  (Lucci).  Now  the  city  elec- 
tions are  before  us.  Almost  1,000  offices  are  to  be  filled, 
if  the  party  will  assume  the  administration  of  the  com- 
mune, which  it  has  a  chance  to  win.  This  goal  can  be 
reached  by  uniting  with  the  parties  of  the  extreme  Left; 
alone  it  is  powerless.  Now  the  Party  Congress  gives  the 
order  for  'No  compromise,  for  renunciation.'  It  says  the 
party  shall  not  assist  in  a  work  which  it  cannot  master 
alone.  All  the  power  that  the  general  suffrage  puts  into 
the  hands  of  the  proletarians  shall  be  left  quietly  to  the 
bourgeoisie  wherever  our  party  cannot  undertake  with  its 
own  candidates  and  its  own  program  the  city  administra- 
tion. The  impulse  of  the  masses,  who  want  to  intrust 
themselves  to  our  guidance,  must  not  concern  us;  we  will 
realize  their  hopes  in  a  future  state. 

"It  is  to  be  foreseen  with  certainty  that  this  vote  will 
force  our  party  to  new  expulsions.  Naples  and  many  other 
towns  will,  in  spite  of  the  resolution  of  the  Congress,  wage 
the  communal  election  war  by  means  of  a  coalition.    They 


544      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

will  commit  all  the  unavoidable  errors  and  suffer  all  the 
disappointments  which  go  with  compromise." 

4.   THE   MUNICIPAL  PROGRAM 

Almost  without  discussion,  a  resolution  proposed  by  the 
committee,  Casalini,  Delia  Seta,  and  Siehel,  in  regard  to 
the  Socialist  communal  program,  was  adopted.  This  reso- 
lution proposes  for  the  party  communal  activity  the  fol- 
lowing program : 

(1)  Communal  autonomy;  (2)  the  improvement  of  the  public 
school  system,  school  restaurants,  school  libraries;  (3)  poHtical 
agitation  for  lowering  taxes  on  provisions,  establishment  of 
municipal  slaughter-bouses  and  bakeries,  communal  publications 
of  prices  of  provisions;  (4)  taking  charge  of  public  service  in 
municipal  affairs;  (5)  erection  of  inexpensive  and  healthy  work- 
men's dwellings;  (6)  support  of  working-class  arrangements, 
improvement  of  hospitals,  protection  of  motherhood  and  children, 
hygienic  education  of  the  masses;  (7)  policy  of  the  working-class, 
recognition  of  organizations  among  employees  and  workers  in 
the  ser\'ice  of  the  commune,  stipulation  about  wages  and  workers' 
protection  in  giving  out  public  works,  communal  workers' 
agencies,  support  of  the  unemployed. 

V.    THE   ITALIAN    MUNICIPAL   ELECTIONS   OF    1914 
1.   GENERAL  RESULTS 

(From  Le  Peuple,  Brussels) 

"The  municipal  elections  in  the  great  cities  that  have 
voted  up  to  the  present  have  unfortunately  resulted  in 
the  success  of  the  Clerical-Conservative  Alliance  in  most 
of  them.  In  Rome  the  list  of  these  parties  obtained  from 
31,000  to  33,000  votes,  the  list  of  the  Democratic  bloc  from 
25,000  to  28,000,  while  the  Socialist  list  found  only  2,600 
to  3,600  supporters.     The  result  of  this  decisive  defeat  is 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  545 

the  establishment  of  capitalist  control  of  the  city  admin- 
istration, which  is  clearly  shown  by  the  rise  in  the  shares 
of  the  Rome  Tramway  Co.  (11  points)  and  the  Gas  Co. 
(8  points)  the  day  after  the  result  was  known.  The 
municipal  electricity  works  and  the  municipal  tramways, 
which  were  started  during  the  time  that  the  Democratic 
hloc  had  control,  largely  through  the  endeavors  of  our  late 
Comrade  Montemartini,  will  probably  be  sold  to  the  com- 
panies, which  have  every  reason  to  desire  the  elimination 
of  this  competition,  seeing  that  the  result  of  their  working 
caused  a  drop  in  the  shares  of  the  Gas  Co.  (which  also 
runs  an  electricity  works)  from  1,075  to  920  lire,  and  of 
the  Tramway  Co.'s  shares  from  263  to  151  lire. 

"Compared  with  the  Socialist  vote  cast  at  the  general 
election  for  Parliament,  the  average  of  3,000  votes  given 
for  the  Socialist  list  is  deplorable.  The  only  explanation 
is  that  the  bulk  of  the  Socialist  voters,  realizing  the  im- 
possibility of  carrying  the  Socialist  list,  with  its  bid  for 
the  majority  of  seats,  voted  for  the  Democratic  list  to  keep 
out  the  Clericals,  thus  disobeying  the  resolution  of  the 
Ancona  Congress.  This  supposition  is  borne  out  by  the 
figures,  for  the  Democratic  vote  increased  nearly  as  much 
as  the  Socialist  vote  fell  compared  with  the  general 
election. 

''In  Turin  the  Conservative  list  was  successful,  but  the 
Socialist  vote  was  only  very  slightly  lower;  the  same  was 
the  case  in  Genoa,  where  the  Clerical  Party  secured  con- 
trol. In  both  cities  the  Socialist  Party  get  the  minority 
seats.  In  Milan  the  party  succeeded  in  gaining  the  64 
majority  seats  by  33,000  against  30,000  votes,  the  16 
minority  seats  falling  to  the  Constitutional  list.  Milan  will 
therefore  be  the  first  great  city  in  Europe  with  a  Socialist 
administration.  There  are  good  hopes  that  a  number  of 
medium-sized   and   small  towns   may  be  carried   on  the 


546       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

Ancona  plan,  but  there  is  small  chance  of  success  in  Flor- 
ence, Venice,  and  Palermo.  In  Naples,  as  was  stated  by 
us  some  weeks  ago,  the  Socialist  organization  has  with- 
drawn from  the  party,  so  as  to  be  able  to  combine  with 
the  Democratic  bloc." 


2.    THE    VICTORIES    AT    NAPLES    AND    ANCONA.      TWO    IMPORTANT 

COMMUNAL   ELECTION   TRIUMPHS 

(From  Vorwaerts) 

"The  communal  elections  which  occurred  on  July  12,  in 
which  our  party  maintained  its  ground  successfully,  have 
been  marked  by  two  results  of  great  significance  and  im- 
portance :  the  victory  of  the  Democratic  bloc  in  Naples  and 
the  union  of  people's  parties  in  Ancona.  The  outcome  of 
the  election  in  Naples  insures,  finally,  the  wresting  of  the 
administration  of  Italy's  greatest  city  from  that  notorious 
gang  whose  misrule  has  so  often  furnished  a  theme  for  both 
the  domestic  and  foreign  press.  The  Socialists,  Repub- 
licans, and  city  Radicals  combined  have  gained  control 
over  the  city  administration,  and  are  thus  in  a  position, 
finally,  to  offer  the  poor  Neapolitans  the  possibility  of  free- 
ing themselves  in  a  lawful  way  from  the  governing 
Camorra  of  the  dominant  clique,  which,  at  the  very  least, 
is  just  as  pernicious  as  the  Camorra  of  the  proletarian  riff- 
raff. It  is  worthy  of  note,  in  this  connection,  that  the 
victory  was  secured  as  a  result  of  the  union  of  all  the 
people's  parties,  and  that  in  order  to  contribute  their  sup- 
port to  the  movement,  the  Neapolitan  Socialists  were 
forced  to  withdraw  from  the  party,  as  the  Ancona  Con- 
gress had  placed  a  ban,  once  for  all,  upon  any  sort  of 
election  combination.  The  views  of  Lucci,  the  Socialist 
deputy,  were  confirmed  by  this  result.  At  the  last  Con- 
gress he  declared  that  the  Socialists  at  Naples,  in  order 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  547 

to  establish  an  administration,  did  not  lack  voting  strength 
but  only  candidates.  In  fact,  the  Socialist  cand-idates  re- 
ceived the  greatest  number  of  votes. 

"While  the  contest  at  the  Naples  election  had  great 
practical  significance,  events  at  Ancona  had  much  the- 
oretical importance.  Here  also  there  was  a  combination 
made  between  the  Socialists  and  Republicans,  while  the 
anarchists,  as  a  matter  of  principle,  held  aloof.  This  alli- 
ance, however,  has  been  approved  by  the  party  council  in 
view  of  the  exceptional  situation  which,  under  the  attack 
of  the  reactionaries,  obtained  in  Ancona.  The  candidates 
of  the  Socialist-Republican  bloc,  without  exception,  fell 
victims  to  persistent  police  persecution  and  spying  which 
followed  the  revolutionary  days  in  June,  and  before  long 
the  greater  part  found  themselves  in  custody.  It  is  indeed 
an  impressive  indication  of  the  strength  and  solidarity  of 
the  revolutionary  movement  at  Ancona  that  at  a  time  such 
as  the  present  the  reactionaries,  when  under  imminent 
terror,  had  mobilized  all  resistance,  it  can  win  the  city 
election  and  elect  just  those  persons  upon  whom  the  bour- 
geoisie had  determined  to  wreak  their  vengeance.  The 
Government,  however,  does  not  seem  to  understand  the 
Mene  TeJcel,  which  is  contained  in  the  occurrences  at  the 
Ancona  election;  it  is  proceeding  in  the  Marches  and  in 
Romagna  with  further  arrests.  Reaction  is  indeed  playing 
a  very  dangerous  game." 


3.   THE   GENERAL   STRIKE  AND  THE   MUNICIPAL   ELECTIONS 

By  Oda  Olberg 
(In  Die  Neue  Zeit,  July,  1914) 

"It  is  an  illuminating  fact  that  a  mass  movement  like 
that  of  the  previous  June  not  only  indicated  a  sharp  in- 
tensification of  class  positions  but  led  to  a  still  further 


548       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

intensification.  In  fact,  reaction  rules  everywhere.  The 
bourgeoisie,  which  is  continuing  the  war  in  Cyrenaica,  and 
would  like  to  wage  war  in  Albania,  pretends  that  the  future 
of  the  country  is  endangered  by  the  revolutionary  tide. 
It  is  binding  together  craftily  its  persecution  of  the  organ- 
izations of  the  prolateriat  with  preparations  for  new  war 
adventures.  For  it  is  justifying  its  calling  of  the  reserves 
in  preparation  for  Albania  by  the  pretense  that  a  railway 
strike  is  being  planned. 

"Nevertheless,  it  would  be  a  mistake,  in  our  opinion,  to 
attribute  the  numerous  losses  of  our  party  at  the  municipal 
elections  this  summer  as  principally  due  to  the  strike 
panic.  .  .  .  This  unfortunate  result  is  much  more  due  to 
the  electoral  tactics  of  the  party  than  to  the  general  strike. 
At  the  Congress  of  Ancona  it  was  resolved  to  enter  into 
the  municipal  elections  without  any  allies.  ...  It  is  said 
to  justify  these  tactics  that  we  should  not  wish  to  appear 
stronger  than  we  are.  But  it  v»'Ould  be  more  profitable 
to  the  proletariat  to  make  its  power  count  as  much  as 
possible  instead  of  merely  renouncing  all  effort  to  exert 
and  direct  influence  on  city  administrations.  It  is  cer- 
tainly not  for  the  benefit  of  the  Eoman  proletariat  to 
appear  to  its  enemies  as  weak  as  it  is  shown  to  be  in  the 
last  elections. 

"In  spite  of  the  general  strike  panic,  the  party  obtained 
great  successes  in  Milan  and  Bologna,  as  well  as  smaller 
places.  .  .  .  Where  our  organization  is  very  strong,  these 
tactics  have  justified  themselves.  In  other  places  they 
have  robbed  the  party  of  all  influence  whatever.  In  An- 
cona, finally,  notwithstanding  the  decision  of  the  Party 
Congress,  the  Socialists  and  Republicans  opposed  the 
united  reaction  by  means  of  an  alliance,  and  so  succeeded 
in  obtaining,  for  a  mere  protest  candidate,  a  majority  of 
2,000  votes.  .   .  . 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  549 

"So  the  general  strike  did  not  create  a  new  political 
situation.  It  only  threw  into  stronger  light  the  results  of 
the  war  [in  Africa].  The  party  is  isolated  because  the 
reaction  is  on  its  guard,  but  the  more  this  situation  be- 
comes clear  the  more  impossible  it  becomes  for  the  bour- 
geois democracy  to  make  common  cause  with  the  reaction. 
The  isolation  of  the  party,  brought  about  years  ago  by  the 
power  of  circumstances,  will  sooner  or  later  become  once 
more  a  question  for  our  party  tactics  and  will  no  longer 
be  a  fact  that  exists  independently  of  its  will.  In  order 
to  offer  effective  opposition  to  the  reaction,  shall  the  party 
once  more  join  with  the  bourgeois  radicals  ? 

VI.    THE    MUNICIPAL  PROGRAM    IN    THE    UNITED    STATES 

The  question  of  a  municipal  program  has  already  become 
one  of  considerable  importance  to  the  Socialist  movement 
of  the  United  States  on  account  of  the  Socialist  victories 
in  Milwaukee,  Butte,  Schenectady,  Berkeley,  and  else- 
where, shortlived  as  some  of  these  victories  have  been.  As 
in  the  case  of  the  state  platform,  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  1912  Convention  to  prepare  a  municipal 
program  to  be  recommended  to  local  party  organizations. 
A  committee  was  appointed  also  to  investigate  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  for  cities  and  in  the  following 
year  to  draw  up  a  plan  for  a  model  city  charter  on  So- 
cialist principles.  Extracts  from  the  reports  of  these  com- 
mittees are  given  below.* 

1.    REPORT    OF    COMMISSION    FORM    OF    GOVERNMENT,    CONVENTION 
OF  1912 

This  report  gives  first  a  careful  treatment  of  the  extent 
and  growth  of  the  commission  form  of  government,  the 
*We  have  freely  introduced  italics  in  this  section. 


550       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

cities  that  have  adopted  or  rejected  it,  the  essential  and 
non-essential  features,  and  the  results.  Then  follow  the 
arguments  for  and  against  commission  government  from 
the  Socialist  point  of  view.* 


a.  Ohjectionahle  Features 

There  are  three  principal  objections  to  the  commission 
form  of  government.  There  are  many  minor  points  that 
are  objectionable,  but  they  are  matters  of  detail.  The 
report  reads: 

(1)  Extreme  Concentration. — Extreme  concentration  of  power 
is  regarded  by  all  critics  of  the  commission  form  of  government 
as  its  most  dangerous  and  objectionable  feature.  Reducing  the 
number  of  officials  to  five,  the  commission  form  combines  the 
legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  functions.  It  combines  the  tax- 
levying,  appropriating,  and  expending  powers.  In  addition,  it 
gives  this  small  governing  commission  all  of  the  appointive 
power,  including  not  only  the  right  to  appoint  all  municipal 
appointees  but  to  remove  them,  to  create  new  positions  or  dis- 
continue them,  to  fix  salaries  and  prescribe  all  official  duties, 
alter  or  transfer  them.  Thus  it  not  only  gives  this  small  group 
of  five  men  almost  complete  control  of  the  entire  municipal 
affairs,  but  it  also  makes  all  of  the  city  employees  practically 
the  agents  and  dependents  of  the  commission. 

This  is  concentration  with  a  vengeance.  Nothing  of  the  sort 
has  been  attempted  in  modern  times  anj'where  in  the  world.  .  .  . 
"With  the  tendency  of  modem  years  everywhere  in  the  direction 
of  greater  democracy,  the  commission  form  of  government  comes 
with  a  tendency  back  again  towards  the  old  idea  of  the  rule  by 
the  few  and  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few. 

In  reply  to  this  objection,  the  friends  of  the  commission  form 
of  government  always  urge  that  it  has  incorporated  the  initia- 
tive, referendum,  and  the  recall,  which  are  the  instruments  of 
modern  democracy.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  these  fea- 
tures constitute   a   sufficient  safeguard   against   the   dangers   of 

*  Report  of  Convention  of  1912,  p.  179. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  551 

concentration.  And,  besides,  there  is  reason  to  doubt  the  wisdom 
of  so  radical  a  departure  from  the  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment as  will  compel  the  people  to  depend  upon  these  devices 
as  their  only  possible  escape  from  the  tyranny,  of  autocracy.  .  .  . 

(2)  The  N on-Partisan  Fallacy. — The  elimination  of  parties  is 
also  a  seriously  objectionable  feature.  There  can  be  no  greater 
fallacy  than  the  so-called  non-partisan  idea.  .  .  .  Such  a  propo- 
sition would  take  out  of  civic  life  the  responsibility  of  fighting 
together  for  principles.  By  eliminating  all  designations  by  which 
people  would  work  together  for  some  principle  or  idea,  municipal 
campaigns  would  be  thrown  back  again  upon  the  worst  elements 
in  our  political  life.  .   .   . 

It  may  be  quite  true  that  neither  the  Republican  nor  the 
Democratic  national  parties  have  anything  in  their  platforms  or 
programs  lookmg  to  the  relief  of  the  people  that  live  in 
cities.  .   ,  . 

Such  is  not  the  case  with  the  Socialist  Party.  It  has  a  program 
— municipal,  state,  and  national.  And  they  are  a  part  of  one 
consistent  whole.  The  same  principles  for  which  the  Socialist 
Party  stands  in  the  state  and  nation  apply  with  equal  force, 
though  with  different  details,  to  the  city  as  well.  And  what  is 
more,  there  is  no  solution  of  municipal  problems  apart  from 
the  principles  of  social  democracy.  And  the  principles  of  social 
democracy  cannot  be  applied  except  through  state  and  national 
action.  The  effort,  therefore,  to  eliminate  national  and  state 
issues  and  to  prevent  the  organization  of  a  state  and  national 
political  party  that  shall  have  also  a  municipal  program,  is  to 
block  the  way  to  a  final  solution  of  the  problems  of  municipal 
government. 

(3)  Elimination  of  Minority  Representation. — The  elimination 
of  minority  representation  is  another  serious  objection  to  the 
commission  form  of  government  which  is  urged  by  all  its  critics. 
By  abolishing  ward  representation  and  electing  the  commissioners 
at  large,  the  possibility  of  a  minority  party  securing  a  representa- 
tion is  destroyed.  This  is  particularly  true  with  regard  to  the 
working-class.  In  the  nature  of  the  case,  certain  wards  in  our 
cities  are  inhabited  by  the  working-class.  Other  wards  are 
inhabited  mostly  by  the  capitalistic  class.  Under  the  method  of 
ward  organization  there  are  sure  to  be  some  wards  where  the 
working-class  predominate  and  where,  therefore,  they  can  secure 
representation  long  before  they  are  able  to  capture  the  city.    This 


552       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

minority  representation  serves  not  only  to  give  the  working-class 
a  voice  in  the  government  to  that  extent,  but  it  affords  the 
working-class  experience  in  public  affairs. 

All  of  this  is  sacrificed  by  the  commission  form  of  government 
and,  we  believe,  is  a  serious  loss. 


b.  Desirable  Forms  and  Features  of  Municipal  Government 

In  connection  with  the  commission  form  of  government  are 
a  number  of  features  which  all  must  agree  are  desirable.  This 
fact  requires  discrimination  in  stating  the  position  which  the 
Socialist  Party  should  take.  If  the  party,  either  locally  or  other- 
wise, takes  a  stand  against  the  commission  form  of  government 
unqualifiedly,  it  thereby  puts  itself  in  opposition  to  certain  de- 
sirable features  that  have  been  attached  to  the  commission  form. 
It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  study  carefully  the  form  and  the 
various  features  of  each  particular  city  charter  and  the  general 
state  act  as  it  comes  forward.  The  attitude  that  the  party  is 
to  take  in  any  city  or  state  can  be  determined  by  the  particular 
form  and  the  specific  features  of  the  commission  form  proposed. 

(1)  Home  Rule. — Wherever  the  general  state  acts  establishing 
the  commission  form  of  government  propose  a  greater  degi'ee 
of  home  rule  than  the  cities  in  that  state  already  enjoy,  the 
party  will  have  to  consider  seriously  whether  such  a  law,  even 
though  objectionable  in  some  other  features,  will  not  be  to  the 
advantage  of  the  cities  in  the  state.  Above  almost  everything 
else,  home  rule  and  the  right  of  self-government,  the  right  of  the 
city  to  manage  its  own  affairs,  is  most  important.  Especially 
in  the  fight  for  municipal  ownership,  for  direct  employment,  for 
trades-union  conditions  of  labor,  the  union  label,  the  union  scale, 
the  eight-hour  day,  and  union  conditions,  home  rule  is  essential. 

Many  of  the  commission  charters,  so  far  as  we  can  discover, 
do  not  add  one  iota  of  home  rule  to  the  city's  power.  Many  of 
the  states  have  secured  home  rule  entirely  apart  from  the  com- 
mission form,  and  we  believe  the  rest  of  the  states  would  in 
time  secure  the  same.  Where  the  cities  do  not  yet  enjoy  home 
rule,  and  the  state  law  establishing  the  commission  form  does 
give  the  city  more  home  rule,  there  the  party  should  consider 
seriously  whether  it  is  not  better  to  support  the  commission  form 
on  that  account.     And  this  will  have  to  be  determined  in  each 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  553 

case  by  a  careful  and  discriminate  estimate  of  the  degree  of 
home  rule  secured,  and  the  question  of  whether  there  are  other 
objectionable  features  that  overbalance  the  possible  advantages 
of  the  home  rule  involved. 

(2)  The  Initiative,  Referendum,  and  Recall. — The  Socialist 
Party  everywhere,  of  course,  is  seeking  to  establish  dii-ect  legisla- 
tion and  greater  control  by  the  people  over  the  Government. 
The  initiative,  referendum,  and  recall  are  means  to  that  end. 
They  are  proposed  in  connection  with  the  commission  form  in  the 
great  majority  of  cases.  Here,  again,  the  party  will  have  to 
exercise  discriminating  judgment  in  determining  its  attitude. 

Some  matters  are  clear,  however.  Where  any  of  these  forms 
are  missing  in  the  proposed  charter  or  state  law,  there  the  party 
should  make  a  vigorous  fight  to  have  them  included.  And  where 
the  percentages  are  too  high,  the  party  should  fight  for  their 
reduction.  In  our  opinion,  the  initiative  should  not  require  the 
signatures  of  more  than  10  per  cent  of  the  voters ;  the  referendum 
should  not  require  more  than  15  per  cent,  and  the  recall  should 
not  requii'e  more  than  20  i^er  cent.  These  figures,  however,  are 
arbitrary,  but  are  the  figures  that  are  coming  to  be  regarded 
by  the  friends  of  direct  legislation  as  being  nearest  the  desired 
point.  The  percentages  should  not  be  so  high  as  to  make  the 
devices  too  difficult  of  putting  into  operation,  nor  should  they 
be  so  low  as  to  interfere  with  the  efficient  operation  of  the 
municipal  government. 

(3)  Size  of  the  Governing  Body. — In  the  smaller  cities,  the 
five  members  proposed  by  the  commission  form  are  doubtless 
sufficient.  It  is  desirable  to  keep  the  forms  of  government  as 
simple  as  the  situation  will  warrant.  But  in  the  larger  cities  we 
do  not  believe  the  small  body  of  five  men  is  sufficient  to  insure 
efficiency.  .  .  .  For  the  large  cities,  your  committee  would  recom- 
mend a  modification  of  the  present  form  of  municipal  govern- 
ment, drawn  from  the  best  experiences  of  European  and  American 
cities  in  this  respect  rather  than  the  commission  form. 

(4)  Salaries. — One  good  feature  of  the  commission  form  of 
government  is  the  fact  that  it  generally  provides  for  a  salary 
for  the  elected  commissioners  and  large  enough  to  attract  men 
of  capacity  into  the  public  service  and  to  enable  them  to  devote 
their  entire  time  to  it.  This  we  believe  to  be  essential.  Without 
salaries  for  public  officials,  the  working-class  can  hardly  ever 
hope  to  take  any  part  in  civic  life.     The  necessity  of  earning 


554       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

a  living  and  the  difficulty  attendant  thereto  makes  it  impossible 
for  them  to  devote  their  time  to  the  public  service.  The  failure 
to  provide  salaries,  therefore,  results  either  in  office-holding 
becoming  the  special  privilege  of  the  wealthy  class,  or  it 
deteriorates  into  something  Avorse.  The  i3rovision  of  adequate 
salaries  we  believe  to  be  an  essential  feature  of  municipal  govern- 
ment. 

(5)  Selecting  the  Heads  of  Departments. — One  serious  and 
objectionable  feature  of  most  of  the  commission  form  charters 
and  laws  is  the  fact  that  the  five  commissioners  are  elected  without 
any  reference  to  the  woi'k  that  they  are  to  perform  and  are 
allowed  afterwards  to  decide  among  themselves  which  men  are 
to  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  five  respective  departments.  A  few 
of  the  commission  charters,  however,  have  remedied  this  de- 
feet.  .  .  . 

In  Conclusion. — The  study  of  the  movement  for  the  commission 
form  of  government  for  cities  in  America  reveals  the  fact  that  the 
forms  proposed  vaiy  gTcatly  in  detail.  Indeed  there  is  a  great 
variation  even  in  essential  features.  Furthermore,  the  form  itself 
has  been  passing  through  the  process  of  modification  since  its 
inception.  This  change  and  modification  is  still  gomg  on.  There 
has  not  yet  been  proposed  a  final  and  definite  foi-m  of  the  commis- 
sion form  of  government;  the  whole  matter  is  in  process  of 
development. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  impossible  at  the  present  time, 
we  believe,  to  lay  down  or  to  fix  any  definite  policy  that  shall 
apply  equally  to  all  the  states  and  all  of  the  cities  with  reference 
to  this  matter.  Certain  general  principles  may  be  stated.  Cer- 
tain errors  and  fallacies  of  the  arguments  may  be  pointed  out, 
certain  evils  opposed.  And  where  the  form  is  entirely  objection- 
able, it  may  be  defeated. 

In  some  eases  the  Socialist  Party  organizations  have  already 
used  their  influence  against  certain  objectionable  forms  and  de- 
feated them.  In  other  eases  they  have  compelled  a  modification 
of  the  form  by  insisting  on  the  introduction  of  certain  features 
that  had  been  omitted.  And  so  far  as  your  committee  can  see, 
this  discriminating  attitude,  varying  with  the  conditions  that  con- 
cern the  party  in  different  localities,  and  varying  as  the  move- 
ment varies,  will  have  to  be  the  position  of  the  party. 

One  thing,  however,  your  committee  would  recommend,  viz., 
That  a  conamittee  be  appointed  by  the  Convention  to  study  further 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  555 

the  best  forms  of  municipal  government  and  to  submit  the  results 
of  their  work  as  a  basis  for  a  form  that  may  be  proposed  as  an 
alternative  and  improvement  upon  the  commission  plan.  (Italics 
ours.) 

c.  Discussion  of  Report  in  Convention 

The  above  report  brought  forth  extended  discussion. 
The  opinion  of  certain  delegates  was  voiced  by  Patterson, 
of  Ohio: 

I  am  opposed  to  the  commission  form  of  government  for 
several  reasons.  One  reason  is  that  this  is  a  reform  movement; 
a  substitute  for  Socialism;  especially  adapted  for  advantageous 
use  by  the  capitalist  class  in  a  community  where  there  is  no 
reform  movement  outside  of  the  Socialist  Party.  Then  they 
build  that  up  as  one.  The  thing  that  the  Socialist  wants  is  class 
lines  clearly  drawn.  They  cannot  be  drawn  by  obliterating  party 
lines. 

The  greater  number  of  speakers,  however,  especially 
those  somewhat  experienced  in  the  commission  form  of 
government,  opposed  its  unqualified  rejection  by  Socialists. 

Delegate  Le  Suer  [North  Dakota] :  There  are  some  objections 
in  this  report  to  the  commission  form  of  government  that  are 
not  well  taken  or  well  founded.  One  of  them,  for  instance,  is 
that  the  commission  form  does  away  with  minority  representa- 
tion. Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth.  Take  the  council 
form  of  government,  where  you  elect  by  wards,  and  there  you 
have  51  per  cent  in  each  ward  represented  and  the  other  49 
per  cent  unrepresented.  If  there  are  three  tickets,  35  per  cent 
may  elect  and  the  other  65  be  unrepresented.  But  when  the  com- 
mission form  is  adopted  there  is  a  provision  in  the  law  in  our 
state  that  does  give  you  real  minority  representation.  It  is 
provided  for  by  the  cumulative  system  of  voting  which  is  not 
commented  upon  here.  The  committee  seems  to  have  had  no 
information  on  the  cumulative  system  of  voting  in  many  com- 
mission cities.  That  provides  for  minority  representation.  That 
is  to  say,  if  three  or  four  commissioners  are  to  be  elected,  the 
voter  has  the  right  to  cast  one  vote  for  each  commissioner  who 


556       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

is  to  be  elected;  but  the  voter  may,  if  he  choose,  cast  all  his 
votes  for  one  candidate,  and  that  gives  you  real,  practical,  demo- 
cratic minority  representation.  Now  you  all  ought  to  know 
that. 

Again,  with  reference  to  the  non-partisan  feature.  ...  It  has 
been  our  experience  in  our  town  that  the  Socialist  Party  organ- 
ization is  the  only  party  organization  that  can  maintain  its 
efficiency  and  its  integrity  and  hold  its  party  together  without 
the  party  name  on  the  ballot.  We  have  demonstrated  that  at 
least  in  North  Dakota  the  Socialists  can  do  that  and  can  survive 
and  flourish  in  the  face  of  a  non-partisan  ballot. 

Delegate  Wilson  [California] :  .  .  .  I  speak  to  you  as  one 
having  some  experience  with  the  commission  form  of  government. 
The  city  of  Berkeley  is  so  administered.  The  new  charter  has 
been  in  effect  now  for  four  years ;  and  we  are  now  working  under 
that  charter.  And  with  the  experience  that  we  have  had  in  the 
city  of  Berkeley  and  the  other  cities  of  California  where  the 
commission  form  of  government  is  established,  I  wish  to  say 
that  from  my  experience  and  observation  that  I  am  profoundly 
convinced  that  the  commission  form  of  government  is  superior 
for  our  purposes  as  Socialists  to  any  other  previous  form  of 
city  organization. 

A  Delegate:  Provided  Socialists  are  in  power. 

Delegate  Wilson :  I  will  take  up  that  point  in  a  minute.  I  am 
now  giving  you  my  experience.  In  the  first  place,  we  found  this : 
that  in  every  city  in  the  state  of  California  where  we  were  con- 
ducting a  campaign  with  the  non-partisan  ballot,  the  short  ballot 
and  the  non-partisan  ballot,  .  .  .  that  the  only  political  organ- 
ization that  could  hold  its  strength  through  the  campaign,  both 
primary  and  final,  was  the  Socialist  organization. 

Delegate  Sparge  [Vermont] :  I  favor  the  motion  to  adopt  the 
report  and  continue  the  committee.  I  am  also  strongly  in  favor 
of  the  recommendation  made  by  Comrade  Wilson,  namely,  that 
we  should  not  carry  on,  as  we  have  been  doing  in  this  country, 
an  anti-commission  form  propaganda;  and  so  place  the  national 
party  on  that  side  of  the  question  at  this  time.  I  believe  the 
commission  form  of  government  is  as  inevitable  in  politics  as  is 
the  trust  in  industry.  I  believe  that  the  opposition  to  the  com- 
mission form  of  government  per  se  is  just  as  insensible  in  the 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  557 

realm  of  politics  as  is  the  opposition  to  the  trust  in  the  realm 
of  industrial  development. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  amendment,  that  the  matter 
of  indorsing  the  commission  form  of  government  be  left  to  the 
states.  The  amendment  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  134  to  64. 
(Italics  ours.) 

2.   A   MODEL  CITY  CHARTER 

The  committee  on  the  commission  form  of  government 
was  continued  at  the  Convention  of  1912  and  instructed  to 
work  out  a  form  of  municipal  government  that  would  he 
consistent  with  the  party  principles.  Accordingly  a  tenta- 
tive draft  of  a  city  charter  was  submitted  to  this  com- 
mittee in  1913  by  the  secretary,  Carl  D.  Thompson.  No 
action  on  the  matter  has  yet  been  taken. 

While  the  tentative  charter  in  full  cannot  be  here  given, 
we  present  here  its  preliminary  principles  and  features : 

Principles  of  Charter  Making 

Two  principles,  it  seems  to  us,  should  be  emphasized  in  all 
efforts  to  develop  a  better  form  of  municipal  government: 

1.  As  a  city  gi-ows  in  area  and  population  its  distinctive 
problems  increase  in  number,  volume,  and  complexity.  The  or- 
ganization of  government,  the  number  of  officials  or  departments 
and  their  co-ordination  must  vary  accordingly.  A  city  of  3,000 
population  needs  only  a  very  simple  governmental  organization. 
But  a  city  of  300,000  will  require  a  much  more  highly  organized 
and  specialized  governmental  body. 

Furthermore,  the  modern  city  is  developing  in  another  respect : 
It  is  adding  new  functions  all  the  time.  More  and  more  enter- 
prises that  were  formerly  conducted  by  private  concerns  are 
being  assumed  by  the  community. 

This  requirement  for  adaptation  seems  lacking  in  all  the  plans 
for  municipal  government  so  far  suggested  by  those  favoring  the 
commission  plan. 

2.  The  second  principle  that  is  fundamental  in  charter  making 


558       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

is  the  distinction  between  the  policy  determining  and  the  admin- 
istering functions  of  city  government.  The  policy  determining 
function  requires  that  provision  should  he  made  for  direct  control 
by  the  people, — as  great  a  degree  of  democracy  as  possible  and 
as  nearly  a  true  representation  of  the  existing  elements  and 
interests  in  the  community  as  possible.  The  administering  func- 
tion of  the  government,  on  the  other  hand,  requires  efficiency, 
specialized  ability,  technical  knoivledge,  training,  and  experience. 
These  two  functions  should,  therefore,  be  separated  and  proper 
provision  made  for  both  in  the  form  of  government.  This  is 
done  by  the  representative  council  plan  referred  to  farther  on. 
That  feature  we  approve  and  shall  incorporate  in  our  proposal. 

Features  of  the  Charter 

During  the  last  few  years,  four  forms  of  municipal  govern- 
ment have  been  suggested:  (1)  The  commission  form;  (2)  the 
federal  form;  (3)  the  city  manager  form;  (4)  and  now,  last  of 
all,  the  representative  council  plan. 

Of  these  four  forms,  the  first  three  are  sufficiently  discussed 
by  the  report  of  the  committee  of  the  Socialist  Party  above 
referred  to.  The  last  of  the  proposed  forms  seems  to  us  the  least 
objectionable  from  the  Socialist  point  of  view. 

The  Socialist  Plan.— The  form  of  municipal  government  fa- 
vored by  your  committee  will  include  the  following  features: 

1.  The  most  complete  home  rule  that  it  is  possible  to  obtain 
under  the  state  laws. 

2.  A  representative  council  elected  at  large  upon  the  principle 
of  proportional  representation. 

3.  Partisan  or  designated  ballots. 

4.  A  mayor  elected  by  the  council,  to  serve  as  president  of 
the  council  and  official  head  of  the  city  government.  Such^  a 
mayor  may  act  also  as  manager  or  chief  administrating  official 
in  smaller  cities. 

5.  A  city  manager,  elected  by  the  council,  to  serve  as  head  of 
the  administrative  departments  of  the  city.  This  to  apply  espe- 
cially to  larger  cities. 

6.  Departments,  number  and  size  depending  upon  the  size 
and  requirements  of  the  city.  Heads  of  each  department  to  be 
selected  by  the  city  manager,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the 
council. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  559 

7.  Sub-departments. 

8.  Commissions. 

9.  Initiative  and  referendum. 

10.  Recall. 

11.  Complete  and  adequate  power  for  the  regulation  of  all 
public  utilities,  pending  the  time  of  full  public  ownership. 

12.  Careful  provision  for  complete  municipal  ownership  of 
all  public  utilities  as  far  and  as  fast  as  state  laws  and  existing 
conditions  will  permit. 

13.  No  important  franchises  to  be  granted,  except  approved 
by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

14.  Direct  employment  and  the  abolition  of  private  contract- 
ing in  public  works. 

15.  Recognition  of  the  rights  of  municipal  employees  to  organ- 
ize and  maintain  union  wages,  the  eight-hour  day,  and  general 
union-labor  conditions. 


3.   SUGGESTED   MUNICIPAL  PROGRAM,   1912   CONVENTION 

Report  of  Convention  of  1912 

I 

Labor  Measures 

(1)  Eight-hour  day,  trade-union  wages  and  conditions  in  all 
public  employment  and  on  all  contract  work  done  for  the  city. 

(2)  Old-age  pension,  accident  insurance,  and  sick  benefits  to 
be  provided  for  all  public  employees. 

(3)  Special  laws  for  the  protection  of  both  women  and  chil- 
dren, in  mercantile,  domestic,  and  industrial  pursuits. 

(4)  The  abolition  of  child  labor. 

(5)  Police  not  to  be  used  to  break  strikes. 

(6)  Rigid  inspection  of  factories  by  local  authorities  for  the 
improvement  of  sanitary  conditions,  lighting,  ventilating,  heating, 
and  the  like.  Safety  appliances  required  in  all  cases  to  protect 
the  worker  against  dangerous  machinery. 

(7)  Free  employment  bureaus  to  be  established  in  the  cities 
to  work  in  co-operation  with  state  bureaus.  Abolition  of  con- 
tract system  and  direct  employment  by  the  city  on  all  public 
works. 

(8)  Free  legal  advice. 


560       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

(9)  The  provision  of  work  for  the  unemployed  by  the  erection 
of  model  dwellings  for  workingmen;  the  paving  and  improve- 
ment of  streets  and  alleys,  and  the  extension  and  improvement  of 
parks  and  playgrounds. 

II 

Home  Bule 

(1)  Home  rule  for  cities;  including  the  right  of  the  city  to 
own  and  operate  any  and  all  public  utilities;  to  engage  in  com- 
mercial enterprises  of  any  and  all  kinds;  the  right  of  excess 
condemnation,  both  within  and  outside  the  city,  and  the  right 
of  two  or  more  cities  to  co-operate  in  the  ownership  and  manage- 
ment of  public  utilities;  the  city  to  have  the  right  of  issuing 
bonds  for  these  purposes  up  to  50  per  cent  of  the  assessed  valua- 
tion, or  the  right  to  issue  mortgage  certificates  against  the  prop- 
erty acquired,  said  certificates  not  to  count  against  the  bonded 
indebtedness  of  the  city. 

Ill 

Municipal  Ownership 

(1)  The  city  to  acquire  as  rapidly  as  possible,  own  and  operate 
its  public  utilities,  especially  street  car  systems,  light,  heat,  and 
power  plants,  docks,  wharves,  etc. 

Among  the  things  which  may  be  owned  and  operated  by  the 
city  to  advantage  are  slaughter-houses,  bakeries,  milk  depots, 
coal  and  wood  yards,  ice  plants,  undertaking  establishments,  and 
crematories. 

On  all  public  works,  eight-hour  day,  trade-union  wages,  and 
progi'essive  improvement  in  the  condition  of  labor  to  be  estab- 
lished and  maintained. 

IV 

City  Planning  and  Housing 

(1)  The  introduction  of  scientific  city  planning  to  provide  for 
the  development  of  cities  along  the  most  sanitai-y,  economic,  and 
attractive  lines. 

(2)  The   city  to  secure  the  ownership   of  land,   to   plat  the 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  561 

same  so  as  to  provide  for  plenty  of  open  space,  and  to  erect 
model  dwellings  thereon  to  be  rented  by  the  municipality  at  cost. 
(3)  Transportation  facilities  to  be  maintained  with  special 
reference  to  the  prevention  of  overcrowding  in  unsanitary  tene- 
ments and  the  creation  of  slum  districts. 


Public  Health 

(1)  Inspection  of  food. 

(2)  Sanitary  inspection. 

(3)  Extension  of  hospital  and  free  medical  treatment. 

(4)  Child  welfare  department,  to  combat  infant  death-rate 
prevailing  especially  in  working-class  sections. 

(5)  Special  attention  to  eradication  of  tuberculosis  and  other 
contagious  diseases. 

(6)  System  of  street  toilets  and  public  comfort  stations. 

(7)  Adequate  system  of  public  baths,  parks,  playgrounds,  and 
gymnasiums. 

VI 

Public  Education 

(1)  Adequate  number  of  teachers  so  that  classes  may  not  be 
too  large. 

(2)  Retirement  fund  for  teachers. 

(3)  Kindergartens  to  be  established  and  conducted  in  connec- 
tion with  all  schools. 

(4)  Adequate  school  building-s  to  be  provided  and  maintained. 

(5)  Ample  playgrounds,  with  instructors  in  charge. 

(6)  Free  text-books  and  equipment. 

(7)  Penny  lunches  and,  where  necessary,  free  meals  and 
clothing. 

(8)  Medical  inspection,  including  free  service  in  the  care  of 
eyes,  ears,  throat,  teeth,  and  general  health  where  necessary  to 
insure  mental  efficiency  in  the  educational  work,  and  special 
inspection  to  protect  the  schools  from  contagion. 

(9)  Baths  and  gymnasiums  in  each  school. 

(10)  Establishment  of  vacation  schools  and  adequate  night 
schools  for  adults. 


562       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

(11)  All  school  buildings  to  be  open  or  available  for  the  citi- 
zens of  their  respective  communities,  at  any  and  all  times  and 
for  any  purposes  desired  by  the  citizens,  so  long  as  such  use 
does  not  interfere  with  the  regular  school  work.  All  schools  to 
serve  as  centers  for  social   civic,  and  recreational  purposes. 

VII 

The  Liquor  Traffic  and  Vice 

(1)  Socialization  of  the  liquor  traffic;  the  city  to  offer  as  sub- 
stitute for  the  social  features  of  the  saloon,  opportunities  for 
recreation  and  amusement  under  wholesome  conditions. 

(2)  Abolition  of  the  restricted  vice  districts. 

VIII 

Municipal  Markets 

Municipal  markets  to  be  established  where  it  is  found  that 
by  this  means  a  reduction  may  be  secured  in  the  cost  of  the 
necessities  of  life. 


4.   MUNICIPAL  PLATFORM  OF  NEW  YORK 

As  an  example  of  a  city  of  the  first  class  and  one  in 
which  Socialism  has  not  yet  gained  a  share  in  the  admin- 
istration, we  give  selections  from  the  municipal  program 
of  New  York  for  1913.  We  underline  novel  and  important 
features  not  recommended  in  the  national  report : 

Transportation 

We  demand  the  immediate  municipalization  of  all  surface,  ele- 
vated, and  underground  railways  and  all  ferries;  the  existing 
plant  to  be  acquired  at  its  physical  valuation  under  the  right  of 
eminent  domam;  additions  to  be  constructed  by  the  municipality 
as  fast  as  practicable  to  create  an  adequate  system  for  the  entire 
city;  the  whole  to  be  operated  by  the  municipality  without  profit. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  563 

Cost  of  Living 

As  a  means  of  relieving  the  hardship  caused  by  the  general  rise 
of  prices,  we  demand:  .  .  .  that  the  municipality  undertake  the 
provision  of  fuel,  ice,  milk,  bread,  and  other  prime  necessaries, 
selling  them  at  such  prices  as  merely  to  cover  cost  of  production 
and  distribution. 

Public  Works  and  City  Employees 

We  demand  the  abolition  of  the  contract  system  on  public 
work  and  the  substitution  of  direct  employment  by  the  munici- 
pality under  civil  service  rules. 

We  further  demand : 

That  the  organization  of  the  employees  in  the  various  depart- 
ments be  encouraged  and  their  right  to  strike  recognized,  in  order 
to  give  them  a  voice  in  regulating  their  conditions  and  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  statement  and  redress  of  grievances,  and  also  to 
enlist  their  technical  knowledge  and  public  spirit  in  a  democratic 
and  efficient  administration  of  public  affairs. 

Strihes 

We  demand  that  the  licensing  of  strike-breakers  as  special 
deputies  be  stopped;  that  the  police  power  be  used  to  the  utmost 
to  protect  working-people  in  their  right  to  strike,  to  picket  peace- 
ably, single  or  in  mass,  and  to  hold  meetings  and  distribute  lit- 
erature in  connection  with  labor  disputes;  and  that  the  power  of 
the  department  of  health  be  used  to  prevent  the  housing  of  strike- 
breakers in  factories. 


Public  Education 

We  .  .  .  demand: 

The  immediate  increase  of  the  teaching  force  and  its  mainte- 
nance at  a  ratio  of  not  less  than  one  teacher  to  every  twenty 
pupils  on  the  register; 

Increase  of  salaries  for  teachers  so  as  to  encourage  competent 
instructors  to  enter  and  remain  in  the  service  and  do  their  best 
work ; 


564       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

The  school  authorities  to  be  empowered,  in  all  cases  where 
economic  pressure  would  otherwise  compel  pupils  to  leave  school 
before  the  age  of  eighteen,  to  grant  pensions  conditional  on  con- 
tinued attendance  to  that  age; 

Free  and  adequate  medical  and  dental  attendance  for  all  pupils ; 

The  introduction  of  vocational  instruction,  not  separate  from 
or  alternative  to  general  education,  but  so  combined  ivith  it  as  to 
fit  all  children  for  useful  labor,  for  the  duties  of  citizenship,  and 
for  the  enjoyment  of  civilized  life. 


Unemployment 

As  a  means  of  equalizing  the  burden  of  unemployment,  which 
cannot  be  altogether  removed  under  the  capitalist  system,  we 
demand  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  unemployment  insur- 
ance, conducted  as  far  as  possible  through  workingmen's  organ- 
izations, with  liberal  financial  aid  by  the  municipality.  .  .  .  (Our 
italics.) 

In  four  large  cities  of  the  United  States,  the  Socialists 
have  held  the  mayoralty,  with  more  or  less  control  of  the 
municipal  administration.  In  Berkeley  and  Milwaukee 
the  Socialist  regime  held  through  but  one  term;  in  Butte, 
two;  in  Schenectady,  the  Socialist  Party  has  recently  re- 
elected several  officers,  including  the  mayor  and  the  presi- 
dent of  the  council.  The  following  extracts  from  the  re- 
ports of  these  mayors  will  give  an  idea  of  the  general 
direction  of  municipal  achievement  among  the  Socialists, 
with  the  difficulties  under  which  the  party  labors. 

5.   SOCIALIST  ADMINISTRATION   IN   BERKELEY,   CALIFORNIA 

Reverend  J.  Stitt  Wilson  was  elected  as  mayor  of  this 
city  in  April,  1911.  We  give  extracts  from  an  informal 
account  of  his  administration,  published  in  the  Los  An- 
geles ^Ycsiern  Comrade,  September,  1913. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  Berkeley  has  never  bad  a  "  Socialist  admin- 
istration."   There  has  been  a  Socialist  mayor  and  one  councilman 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  565 

in  a  board  of  five.  The  anti-Socialist  majority  worked  harmoni- 
ously with  us  on  general  municipal  matters,  but  stood  pat  for 
capitalism  each  time  we  presented  a  genuine  Socialist  propo- 
sition. 

Had  we  had  one  more  man  on  the  council,  I  believe  Berkeley 
would  have  had  by  this  time  a  municipal  telephone,  a  municipal 
electric  lighting  plant,  a  municipal  market,  and  it  would  be  stand- 
ing out  as  a  beacon  light  on  the  subject  of  taxation  of  land 
values.  And  before  now  a  whole  advanced  program  would  be 
laid  out  to  supplement  the  municipal  labor  bureau  which  we  did 
get  through,  a  progi-am  by  which  men  would  be  employed,  vacant 
land  put  under  cultivation,  and  value  placed  upon  human  beings, 
now  the  mere  flotsam  and  jetsam  in  the  labor  market. 

The  general  municipal  policy  was  summed  up  in  this  sentence: 
"  I  believe  that  the  city  administration  should  seek  to  secure  the 
necessities  and.  the  advantages  of  city  life,  for  the  use  and  enjoy- 
ment of  the  humblest  family,  and  to  put  these  things  into  our 
hands  at  the  lowest  possible  cost  for  the  best  possible  service.  .  .  . 
In  the  tiveniieth  century  we  should  never  permit  huge  corporate 
monopolies  to  hold  us  at  their  mercy  and  charge  us  all  the  traffic 
will  bear  for  the  absolute  necessities  of  life."  .   .   . 

In  this  paragraph  I  can  only  make  a  list  of  the  important 
municipal  improvements  which  shall  mark  my  administration  in 
Berkeley.  I  copy  the  list  from  my  annual  report  to  the  city 
council  on  vacating  the  office : 

1.  Municipal  incinerator. 

2.  Municipal  garage  and  ambulance. 

3.  Municipal  laboratory. 

4.  Municipal  employment  bureau. 

5.  Perfection  of  the  police  flashlight  system. 

6.  Additional  fire  department. 

7.  New  heating  apparatus. 

8.  Extensive  street  improvements. 

9.  Spotless  town  campaigns. 

10.  New  corporation  yards. 

11.  Passing  sewer  bonds. 

Just  a  word  about  municipal  finances.  When  I  entered  the 
city  hall  of  Berkeley  we  had  but  $12,000  surplus  in  the  general 
fund.     At  the  close  of  my  first  year  we  had  a  net  balance  of 


566       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

$27,000.  When  I  took  charge  the  total  funds  available  from  all 
sources  were  $32,000,  but  I  left  for  my  successor  $60,000,  besides 
$50,000  in  the  treasury  for  the  incinerator.  .   .   . 

Moreover,  strange  to  say,  I  introduced  an  amendment  to  the 
city  chartei-,  pi-oviding  that  the  tax  rate  might  be  raised  to  $1.00 
for  purely  municipal  purposes,  that  is,  an  increase  of  25  cents. 
I  wrote  and  talked  and  worked  for  this  increase,  and  the  people 
carried  it  by  a  big  majority.  We  did  not  raise  the  rate,  but 
simply  provided  for  a  raise  by  charter  amendment  for  future 
emergencies. 

And  when  my  day  was  done  I  had  kept  my  vows,  though 
having  met  reverses  at  the  hands  of  the  "  system."  .   .   . 


6.    SOCIALIST  ADMINISTRATION   IN   BUTTE,   MONTANA 

Butte  is  the  only  American  city  in  which  a  Socialist 
administration  was  not  only  elected  in  1911  but  re-elected 
in  1913.  Mayor  Duncan  was  later  recalled  as  the  result 
of  a  labor-union  conflict.  We  quote  again  from  an  in- 
formal account  of  the  administration  written  by  Mayor 
Duncan  himself  and  published  in  the  Kokomo  Socialist  in 
November,  1913 : 

The  success  of  the  Socialist  Party  in  Butte,  the  first  time  in 
1911,  was  due  to  working-class  solidarity,  plus  the  votes  of  a 
disgaisted  and  protesting  bourgeoisie.  .    .   . 

It  was  different  in  1913.  This  time  we  won  on  our  merits. 
Again  it  was  not  whollj'  Socialist  voters.  We  have  not  enough 
class-conscious  workers  to  ean*y  the  city  by  straight  Socialist 
votes.  But  it  was  by  the  votes  of  Socialists  and  other  citizens 
who,  having  had  two  years  of  Socialist  government,  were  resolved 
to  have  no  other.  So  it  was  that  this  year  the  two  old  parties 
were  foi'ced  into  a  frank  fusion  ''  to  wipe  out  the  blot  of  Socialist 
disgrace  "  and  "  to  down  the  menace  of  Socialism."  And  so  it 
was,  also,  that  the  Socialist  candidates  received  a  larger  vote  than 
two  years  before.  .    .    . 

We  found  a  bankrupt  city  on  our  hands  in  1911.  Cities  in 
Montana  are  constitutionally  limited  in  the  amount  of  indebted- 
ness they  may  incur  to  three  per  cent  of  the  assessed  valuation  of 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  567 

taxable  property.  Butte's  debt  in  1911  was  about  half  a  million 
more  than  this  limit  would  allow. 

We  attemjDted  to  increase  the  revenue  by  raising  license  rates 
on  large  business  and  especially  by  requiring  mining  companies 
to  pay  license.  The  old  party  aldermanic  majority  defeated  this 
effort. 

"We  succeeded,  however,  in  forcing  the  old  partj"  aldermen  to 
consent  to  raising  the  rate  of  taxation  for  city  purposes  from 
12.1  mills  to  16.2^mills.  .   .   . 

We  repeated  this  in  1912,  and  again  this  year,  and  7ioiv  have 
the  sinking  fund  where  it  should  he.  The  city  will  be  able,  in 
1915,  when  the  debt  matures,  to  take  up  in  full  a  $400,000  bond 
issue  ten  years  old  and  thus  stop  an  annual  interest  drain  of 
$18,000.  .   .    . 

In  the  further  effort  to  re-establish  the  credit  of  the  city,  we 
instituted  several  economies.  We  cut  out  every  unnecessary 
salaried  employee;  reduced  the  police  force  to  the  minimum 
necessity;  and  cut  out  the  graft  that  coal  companies,  eonti-actors, 
etc.,  had  enjoyed  by  hiring  their  idle  teams  to  the  city  at  $3.50 
per  day.  Instead  of  hiring,  we  purchased  ten  splendid  teams 
outright,  at  a  cost  of  between  $3,000  to  $4,000,  and  thus  reduced 
the  running  expenses  of  our  street  department.  In  less  than 
seven  months  we  had  the  city  safely  inside  the  legal  limit  of 
indebtedness ;  in  four  months'  time,  city  warrants  which  had  been 
discounted  all  the  way  from  20  to  30  per  centum,  passed  at  95 
per  cent,  and  in  eight  months  they  were  passing  at  par. 

Ey  thus  bringing  genei'al  warrants  of  the  city  to  par,  we  in- 
creased the  amount  of  money  wages  actually  received  by  every 
city  employee.  They  can  now  get  the  face  value  of  their  war- 
rants at  any  store  in  the  city;  whereas,  under  former  administra- 
tions they  could  realize  only  70  or  80  per  cent  of  that  value.  .  .  . 

While  thus  improving  the  municipal  credit,  we  also  adopted 
policies  calculated  to  benefit  the  working-class  in  other  ways.  We 
started  and  are  carrying  out  a  well-planned  program  of  municipal 
improvements.  Without  going  into  tiresome  details,  there  have 
been  more  extensive  public  improvements  and  special  improve- 
ments earned  on  by  the  Socialist  administration  during  the  three 
seasons  since  the  spring  of  1911  than  have  ever  before  been 
carried  on  in  twice  or  three  times  that  length  of  time  in  this 
city.  .   .   . 


568       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

Sanitary  Policies 

It  is  the  record  we  have  made  in  the  matter  of  public  health 
that  we  are  proudest  of.  The  city  of  Butte,  in  the  spring  of  1911, 
was  one  of  the  filthiest  in  the  country,  .    .    . 

The  Socialist  administration  attacked  these  conditions  at  once 
and  have  kept  vigilantly  on  the  job  ever  since.  We  began  with 
a  complete  municipal  cleaning  up.  Commencing  on  the  outskirts 
in  the  working-class  districts,  the  street  and  alley  crews  worked 
toward  the  center  of  the  city,  and  in  one  month's  time  citizens 
were  all  remarking  the  great  improvement.  .   .    . 

At  the  same  time  we  began  and  have  maintained  strict,  scien- 
tific and  vigilant  inspection  of  milk  and  meat  and  all  other  food 
products  sold  in  the  city.  .   .   . 

The  results  have  been  astounding.  Butte  is  now  one  of  the 
healthiest  cities  of  its  size  in  the  United  States.  In  the  matter 
of  deaths  there  has  been  a  decided  decrease  from  every  disease 
except  tuberculosis,  which  is  very  prevalent  amongst  the  miners. 
From  the  diseases  due  to  filth  and  unsanitary  surroundings,  the 
number  of  deaths  is  far  below  the  average  it  used  to  be  prior  to 
the  Socialist  regime  in  this  city.  In  the  portion  of  the  com- 
munity outside  our  city  limits  and  under  the  control  of  demo- 
cratic city  officers,  the  ratio  of  disease  and  deaths  to  population 
is  just  what  it  was  two  years  ago.  Inside  the  city  limits  {except- 
ing tuberculosis  cases),  the  average  death  rate  to  population  was 
3  1-2  per  cent  lower  from  May,  1911,  to  May,  1913,  than  from 
May,  1909,  to  May,  1911,  and  the  monthly  average  of  cases  of 
infectious  and  contagious  diseases  has  fallen  from  60  in  1900-10 
and  73  in  1910-11,  to  27  in  1911-12  and  36  in  1912-13;  for  the 
two-year  term,  1909-11,  66.5,  and  for  our  term,  1911-13,  31.5 
cases  per  month.  .   .    . 

Up  to  last  year,  the  fire  laddies  of  Butte  were  on  duty  twenty- 
four  hours,  one  day  off  each  month,  and  ten  days'  vacation  on 
pay  each  year.  The  Socialists  introduced  and  succeeded  in 
passing  an  ordinance  to  institute  the  two-platoon  system,  which 
requires  the  men  to  be  on  duty  only  twelve  hours.  .   .  . 

Union  Pickets  Protected 
Under  former  administrations,  whenever  trouble  and  disturb- 
ance arose  on  account  of  picketing  "  unfair  "  business  houses  by 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  569 

organized  labor,  the  police  always  arrested  and  the  police  magis- 
trate would  convict  and  fine  the  pickets.  It  was  always  the 
pickets  who  caused  the  disturbance,  apparently.  Under  this  ad- 
ministration, whenever  picketing  is  to  be  done,  organized  labor 
notifies  the  mayor  and  plainclothes  men  are  detailed  to  see  that 
that  picket  is  not  assaulted.  If  trouble  starts,  the  order  is  to 
arrest  the  aggressor.  It  has  always  been  thugs  in  employ  of  the 
picketed  merchant  who  have  started  trouble,  and  these  have  been 
arrested  and  fined.  We  have  no  more  disturbances  of  this  nature 
now.  Union  pickets  are  not  molested.  The  same  policy  has  been 
followed  in  ease  of  street  speaking.  All  speakers  are  protected, 
and  every  manifestation  of  a  disposition  to  start  a  fight  or  dis- 
turbance is  instantly  quelled  by  the  arrest  of  the  provoker  of 
the  disturbance. 

Bed  Light  Policies 

For  many  years  there  has  been  a  restricted  (red  light)  district 
in  Butte.  Under  old  party  administrations,  the  keepers  and 
women  of  this  district  were  required  to  pay  monthly  tribute  to 
the  city.  In  addition  to  this,  some  of  the  police  and  detectives 
were  accustomed  to  make  easy  money  by  blackmailing  the  women 
and  taking  graft  for  protection  of  criminals.  .  .  .  The  Socialist 
administration  put  a  stop  to  all  this  at  once.  We  refused  to 
derive  any  city  revenue  from  this  blood-money  and  dismissed 
policemen  convicted  of  such  grafting. 

One  of  our  first  orders  was  to  close  every  dance  hall  in  the 
district,  to  suppress  all  music  and  brilliant  lights  to  attract  trade, 
to  keep  messenger  boys  out  of  the  district,  and  to  discontinue 
the  electric  messenger  calls.  At  the  same  time,  every  wine  room 
in  the  city  was  ordered  to  remove  its  closed  booths,  and  every 
saloon  forbidden  to  dispense  intoxicants  to  women  or  minors.  .  .  . 

We  have  succeeded.  The  liquor  traffic  is  driven  out  of  the 
restricted  district.  ... 


7.    SOCIALIST   ADMINISTRATION   IN   SCHENECTADY,   NEW  YORK 

The  one  Eastern  city  so  far  to  have  "gone  Socialist" 
is  Schenectady,  New  York,  where  George  R.  Lunn  was 
elected  mayor  in  the  fall  of  1911.     We  print  salient  ex- 


570       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

tracts  from  his  message  of  February,  1913,  which  sum  up 
the  accomplishments  of  the  administration ;  and  we  give 
also  the  most  important  planks  of  the  platform  of  1913, 
when  the  city  government  failed  of  re-election.  In  1915, 
however,  Lunn  was  again  elected  mayor. 

a.  Mayor  Lunn's  Message,  Fehruary,  1913 

No  single  municipal  or  group  of  municipalities  can  inaugurate 
Socialism.  ,  .  .  Not  yet  is  this  possible.  What  "we  can  do,  how- 
ever, is  to  take  advantage  of  the  glorious  oppoi'tunity  open  to 
the  Socialists  of  Schenectady  of  demonstrating  to  the  people  of 
this  city  and  country  at  large  the  spirit  of  Socialism  and  the 
application  of  Socialist  principles  so  far  as  that  is  possible  under 
the  handicap  of  laws  framed  to  establish  and  sustain  the  capitalist 
system.  We  can  show  that  Socialism  is  a  comprehensive  move- 
ment which  knits  together  the  sporadic  attempts  of  reformers, 
includes  all  that  is  really  progressive  in  their  proposals,  but 
treats  them  in  a  constructive,  orderly  way  on  the  basis  of  a 
general  social  philosophy,  instead  of  in  a  haphazard  manner  on 
the  basis  of  political  log-rolling.  .  .   . 

This  has  been  the  spirit  of  the  present  administration.  We 
recognize  that  our  accomplishments  have  been  decidedly  limited 
by  reason  of  handicaps  and  barriers  purposely  thrown  in  our 
way  by  those  who  regard  private  business  as  more  important  than 
community  welfare. 

As  an  illustration,  the  city  sold  ice  at  a  cost  gi-eatly  reduced 
below  that  charged  by  the  private  dealers.  We  Avere,  however, 
restrained  in  this  project  by  a  court  order,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  it  was  an  endeavor  in  the  interests  of  all  our  people 
and  for  their  distinct  benefit. 

City's  Operating  Cost  Reduced 

The  present  administration  began  its  term  with  a  budget  some 
$37,000  larger  than  the  budget  of  the  year  1911,  but  the  budget 
for  1912  included  items  for  bond  redemption  and  interest,  amount- 
ing to  $60,000  above  that  for  the  same  item  in  the  budget  of 
1911,  thereby  making  the  1912  budget  actually  less  in  the  way 
of  operating  cost  for  the  city's  business.     We  were  able  to  do 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  571 

this  by  cutting  expenses  at  every  point  possible  in  the  interest 
of  true  economy.     Superfluous  positions  were  eliminated. 

Laborers  Given  Another  Wage  Increase 

Notwithstanding  the  increase  which  was  made  by  the  adminis- 
tration at  the  beginning  of  1912,  raising  the  pay  of  laborers 
from  $1.75  to  $2.00  per  day,  we  have  made  still  another  advance, 
so  that  laborers  hereafter  shall  receive  $2.25  per  day. 

No  Political  Favors  Bestowed 

We  have  not  allowed  our  political  power  to  influence  us  in 
awarding  favors.  We  endeavor  to  treat  every  case  squarely  on 
its  merits.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  Socialist  head  of  department 
or  deputy  has  been  mcreased.  .   .   . 

Milk  Inspection  Reorganized 

.  .  .  The  department  now  requires  the  services  of  a  milk 
inspector  with  special  training  in  chemistry  and  bacteriology 
and  a  knowledge  of  their  application  to  the  producer  as  well  as 
the  disjDenser.  Careful  inspections  are  regularly  made  of  the 
dairies,  as  well  as  of  the  peddlei^s,  and  higher  standards  of  milk 
purity  demanded  from  the  dairies.  .   .   . 

One  of  the  innovations  of  this  administration,  called  by  our 
opponents  one  of  our  fads  and  fancies,  was  that  of  a  maternity 
and  infancy  nurse,  one  of  the  most  necessary  positions  in  an  up-to- 
date  health  department. 

The  new  department  of  chemistry  is  another  accessory  to  a 
better  sanitation.  .  .  .  We  have  also  established  in  the  last  year 
a  dental  clinic.  .   .   . 

Another  accomplishment  in  the  health  department  has  been 
the  establishment  of  a  free  municipal  dispensary.  .    .    . 

Withm  the  charities  department  excellent  work  has  been  accom- 
plished by  establishing  a  municipal  store  where  the  needy  poor 
of  the  city  have  received  provisions  instead  of  money.  .   .   . 

In  this  department  a  municipal  lodging  house  has  been  estab- 
lished and  fully  equipped  and  is  now  being  eflfieiently  operated. 

In  order  to  co-ordinate  the  existing  agencies  and  to  provide 


572       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

machinery  for  carrying  out  the  larger  purposes  of  a  twentieth- 
century  city,  we  have  created  a  new  city  department  known  as 
the  board  of  public  tvelfare. 


Public  Works  Makes  Splendid  Showing 

In  the  department  of  public  works  a  splendid  showing  has 
been  made.  The  streets  have  been  cleaned  better  and  at  less 
expense  than  in  previous  years.  The  streets  were  in  a  deplorable 
condition  when  the  present  administration  took  office,  no  cleaning 
whatever  having  been  done  from  November  7,  1911  (election 
night)  untU  January  1,  1912.  The  pavement  repairs  have  been 
made  at  a  much  less  cost.  The  asphalt  patching  under  the  previ- 
ous Democratic  administration,  cost  the  city  $2.16  a  square  yard. 
Under  the  present  Socialist  administration  the  cost  has  been 
$1.16  per  square  yard,  the  same  firm,  the  Schenectady  Contract- 
ing Company,  doing  the  work.  This  one  item  has  saved  the  city 
$10,265. 


Garbage  Disposal  Plant  At  Last 

I  am  glad  to  report  that  the  plans  for  a  garbage  disposal  plant 
are  well  under  way  and  that  the  city  will  possess  one  of  the  most 
up-to-date  plants  before  the  end  of  the  present  year.  We  have 
arranged  in  the  budget  for  the  collection  of  garbage  and  ashes 
at  the  city's  expense. 

We  look  back  upon  a  year  of  hard  work  on  the  part  of  all 
connected  with  the  city  government,  but  we  also  know  that  there 
has  been  definite  accomplishment  in  the  way  of  efficient  admin- 
istration. 

b.  Municipal  Platform  of  the  Schenectady  Socialist  Party, 

1913 

The  Socialist  Pai-ty  of  the  city  of  Schenectady  reaffirms  its 
adherence  to  the  principles  of  Socialism  as  set  forth  in  the 
national  platform  of  the  Socialist  Party.  We  realize  that  to 
elect  our  candidates  in  this  municipal  election  would  not  bring 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  573 

Socialism;  but  we  also  realize  that  all  hope  of  improving  local 
conditions  for  the  mass  of  the  people  depends  on  the  application 
of  Socialist  principles  and  methods  to  municipal  affairs,  and  it 
is  to  this  end  that  the  Socialist  Party  and  its  candidates  are 
pledged. 

Municipal  Ownership 

We  declare  for  municipal  ownership  and  democratic  manage- 
ment of  all  municipal  utilities  which  are  now  privately  owned, 
such  as  the  electric  light,  power  and  public  transportation  system, 
gas,  ice  and  cold  storage  plants,  slaughter-houses,  and  coal  yards, 
to  the  end  that  the  cost  of  the  service  be  reduced,  the  wages  of 
the  employees  increased,  the  hours  of  labor  shortened,  and  the 
sendee  improved.  Pending  the  time  when  municipal  ownership 
is  possible,  we  favor  granting  franchises  only  on  condition  that 
the  city  be  adequately  compensated. 

Home  BuJe 

We  demand  the  enactment  of  such  amendments  to  the  state 
constitution  as  will  allow  cities  the  power  to  frame  their  own 
charters,  establish  municipal  ownei'ship  of  public  utilities  and 
conduct  city  business  without  interference  from  the  state  legis- 
lature. 

Initiative  and  Referendum 

Pending  the  time  when  the  gi-eat  principle  of  the  initiative 
and  referendum  shall  be  established  by  the  state  law,  we  pledge 
ourselves  for  another  two  years  to  work  out  some  plan  whereby 
every  citizen  of  the  city  shall  be  able  to  express  his  or  her  wish 
on  everj'  important  question  of  public  welfare,  and  such  majority 
expression  shall  be  mandatory  upon  our  elected  public  officials. 
Also  some  plan  whereby  a  given  number  of  citizens  may  bring 
before  the  administration  officials  matters  which  they  beUeve  to 
be  of  importance. 

Public  Work 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  the  further  extension  of  direct  employ- 
ment of  labor  used  on  public  work  and  to  continue  the  purchase 
of  such  equipment  as  will  enable  the  city  to  do  all  its  own 
grading,  paving,  and  repairing  of  streets,  laying  of  water  and 


574       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

sewer  mains,  and  erection  of  public  buildings,  so  that  the  extrava- 
gant and  unsatisfactoi-y  contract  system  may  be  abolished. 

We  further  pledge  ourselves  to  continue  our  policy  of  increas- 
ing the  efficiency  of  this  department,  and  of  raising  the  standard 
of  the  employees  by  establishing  a  rate  of  wages  consistent  with 
the  high  cost  of  living. 

"We  declare  in  favor  of  the  employment  of  organized  labor  en 
all  public  wox-k,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  give  legal  preference  to 
fair  employers. 

Education 

.  .  .  We  pledge  ourselves  to  extend  the  free  text-books  and 
supplies  to  the  high  school;  and  to  open  the  buildings  to  civic 
clubs  and  as  social  centers.  In  order  to  increase  teaching  effi- 
ciency we  pledge  ourselves  to  extend  the  system  of  free  lunches, 
reduce  the  size  of  classes,  and  again  increase  the  teachers'  salaries. 

Parks,  Playgrounds,  and  Recreation 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  liberal  continuation  of  our  park  and 
playground  policy,  so  that  there  shall  be  a  playground  at  every 
school  with  a  minimum  of  40  square  feet  for  each  child,  and 
at  least  a  small  park  within  a  half  mile  of  every  home  in  the 
city.  We  propose  more  indoor  and  outdoor  public  concerts  and 
lectures,  and  in  addition  municipal  dances,  moving  pictures,  and 
other  popular  entertainments. 

Police  Power 

.  .  .  We  believe  that  the  police  power  of  the  city  should  be 
utilized  to  the  advantage  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  and 
during  industrial  strife  should  never  be  exercised  to  encourage 
strike-breakers  and  thugs. 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  continue  the  policy  of  fair  treatment 
and  public  trial  that  we  have  accorded  members  of  the  fire  and 
police  departments. 

Public  Health 

.  .  .  We  will  maintain  and  extend  the  municipal  laboratory  for 
testing  milk  and  other  foods  and  drugs;  the  municipal  milk  sta- 
tion and  maternity  nursing;   the  municipal  dental  dispensary; 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  575 

improved  food,  tenement,  sanitary  and  milk  inspection ;  free  anti- 
toxins; and,  if  necessary,  additional  physicians  and  medicines, 
school  medical  examiners  and  nurses. 

We  declare  that  in  addition  to  the  shower  baths  and  swimming 
pools  which  we  have  established  in  the  new  schools  the  city  should 
have  a  mimicipal  bathhouse. 

Taxation 

...  To  provide  the  necessary  revenues  for  such  new  public 
functions  as  parks,  playgrounds,  garbage  collection,  gymnasiums, 
nurses,  food  and  health  protection,  we  declare  for  enforcement 
of  the  general  and  personal  tax  laws  equally  upon  all,  for  gradual 
elimination  of  taxes  on  improvements,  and  such  taxation  of  land 
values  as  will  gradually  appropriate  to  the  public  service  the 
increment  arising  from  growth  of  population  and  public  im- 
provements. 


8.   SOCIALIST   ADMINISTRATION   IN"   MILWAUKEE,   WISCONSIN 

As  the  largest  American  city  that  has  ever  come  under 
Socialist  control,  Milwaukee  still  remains  the  type  of  the 
Socialist  municipality  in  this  country.  In  this  city  Emil 
Seidel  was  elected  mayor  in  April,  1910,  supported  by  an 
administration  almost  completely  Socialist.  In  1912  they 
were  driven  out  by  a  coalition  of  the  old  parties,  and 
though  the  Socialists  are  still  represented  in  the  city  gov- 
ernment, they  have  never  so  far  regained  their  power. 

Leaving  details  for  a  later  page,  we  print  here  from 
Mayor  Seidel's  first  message  only  enough  to  show  the  spirit 
of  the  administration  and  its  attitude  toward  labor. 

a.  From  Mayor  Seidel's  Message,  April,  1910 

...  I  cannot  too  strongly  impress  upon  you  the  sacredness  of 
the  trust  placed  upon  you.  All  your  efforts  must  be  bent  towards 
the  execution  of  the  task  before  you.  Many  obstacles  will  be 
placed  in  your  way.     Disappointments  and  heartaches  will  not 


576       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

be  spared  you.  Your  successes  may  very  often  not  follow  your 
first  attempts.  But  resolute  pluck  and  determined  perseverance 
must  in  the  end  conquer  the  difficulties  that  face  you. 

...  At  all  times  the  heads  of  the  various  city  departments 
should  be  vigilant,  and  every  worker  should  understand  that  in 
doing  his  work  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability  he  is  contributing  to 
the  efficiency  of  the  city  government.  .   .   . 

Labor 

The  workers  of  our  city  are  its  most  valuable  asset.  Your 
attention  should  be  directed  to  the  passage  of  such  measures  as 
will  promote  the  well-being  of  this  class  of  citizens,  safeguard 
health,  check  any  tendency  to  encroach  upon  such  few  rights  as 
the  workers  still  enjoy,  and  wherever  possible  extend  for  them 
the  opportunity  of  life. 

In  this  direction  a  number  of  steps  can  be  taken.  The  admin- 
istration should  constantly  watch  over  the  conditions  prevailing 
in  factories,  workshops,  and  places  of  employment,  with  regard 
to  sanitation.  There  should  at  all  times  be  a  full  and  hearty 
co-operation  with  state  factory  inspectors  in  the  enforcement  of 
measures  providing  for  industrial  hygiene. 

Therefore,  in  contracts  to  be  let  by  the  city,  the  specifications 
should  provide  for  hours  of  labor  that  are  not  exhausting,  that 
leave  a  margin  of  time  for  rest  and  development.  Such  specifica- 
tions should  also  pi'ovide  for  sufficiency  of  light  and  ventilation; 
they  should  prohibit  child  labor  and  pi'operly  protect  woman 
labor,  and  prevent  the  imposition  upon  workers  of  degrading  con- 
ditions. 

The  city  has  police  powers  enabling  it  to  enforce  the  ordinance 
which  makes  the  carrjnng  of  concealed  weapons  unlawful.  This 
ordinance  should  be  strictly  enforced.  Our  population  is  law- 
abiding  and  well  able  to  handle  its  own  affairs.  The  practice  of 
bringing  armed  hirelings  into  the  city  of  Milwaukee  to  mingle 
with  a  population  that  is  peace-loving,  has  cost  loss  of  life  and 
should  be  stopped.  Our  difficulties  should  be  settled  by  appeals 
to  reason.  .  .   .   (Italics  ours.) 


"  MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM  " 


577 


b.  The  Municipal  Platform  of  Milwaukee 

Instead  of  printing  verbatim  the  Milwaukee  Platform 
of  1910,  we  give  the  comparison  of  this  platform,  plank 
by  plank,  with  the  actual  achievements  of  the  administra- 
tion during  two  years.  The  comparison  is  taken  from  the 
Municipal  Campaign  Book  of  1912. 


The  Platform 

1.  We  demand — new  char- 
ter, complete  home  rule,  initia- 
tive, referendum,  recall. 


2.  Ownership  and  operation 
of  public  service  enterprises  as 
far  and  as  fast  as  state  laws 
will  permit. 


3.  Equitable  taxation — big 
corporations  to  pay  their  right- 
ful share. 


The  Record 

1.  Forty  different  bills  sent 
to  the  legislature,  which  were 
calculated  to  secure  some  meas- 
ure of  home  ii;le:  proposed 
amendment  to  the  constitution 
introduced,  also  general  home 
rule  bill;  a  number  of  charter 
amendments  adopted  as  result 
of  strenuous  fight  of  Social 
Democrats,  among  them  one 
providing  for  initiative  and 
referendum. 

2.  First  unit  of  the  electric 
lighting  plant  under  construc- 
tion at  garbage  plant.  Con- 
tracts for  the  maehineiy  for 
main  plant  let.  Budget  for 
1912  includes  issue  of  $100,000 
in  bonds  and  $300,000  worth 
of  mortgage  certificates  for 
completion  of  plant. 

3.  Tax  commissioner's  office 
held  by  a  Dave  Ross  Demo- 
cratic hold-over  politician, 
Fi-ank  B.  Schutz.  Social  Dem- 
ocrats did  not  secure  control  of 
this  department  until  Januaiy 
1,  1912.  Efforts  made  to  se- 
cure  tax   exjDerts — blocked   by 


578      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 


4.  Slaughter-house   and   mu- 
nicipal markets. 


5.    Direct  employment — abo- 
lition of  contract  system. 


6.  Firemen  and  policemen 
to  have  fair  treatment  and  pub- 
lic trial  before  being  dis- 
charged. 

7.  The  city  shall  pay  fair 
wages,  not  less  than  union 
scale. 

8.  Election  day  public  holi- 
day. 

9.  City  shall  provide  for  its 
unemployed. 


Republicans  and  Democrats  in 
state  legislature.  Readjustment 
of  basis  of  taxation  to  true  or 
full  value  as  required  by  law. 
Millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
property  discovered  by  Social 
Democrats  subject  to  taxation, 
but  omitted  from  the  roll  by 
Democratic  tax  department. 

4.  Bills  covering  these  points 
introduced  at  the  last  session 
of  legislature.  Killed  by  old 
parties.  Commission  appointed 
and  at  work  on  plans. 

5.  Public  works  department 
submitted  carefully  prepared 
plans  involving  the  purchase  of 
materials  and  machinery  in  or- 
der that  city  might  do  its  own 
paving.  Three-fourths  vote 
necessary  to  can-y  the  proposi- 
tion; minority  defeated  the 
plan.  A  beginning  made  in  the 
asphalt  repair  department. 

6.  Law  secured  and  put  into 
operation. 


7.  Minimum  wage  estab- 
lished and  union  scale  for  all 
city  employees. 

8.  Law  enacted  for  half- 
holiday  on  election  day. 

9.  Co-operation  of  the  ad- 
ministration with  Federated 
Trades  Council,  Associated 
Charities,  Merchants  and  Man- 
ufacturers' Association  to  re- 
lieve unemployed.  Assisted  in 
the  establishment  of  a  free  em- 


"  MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM  " 


579 


10.   Municipal  stone  quarry. 


11.  Municipal  wood  and  coal 
yard. 

12.  Municipal  ice  plant. 


13.  Annexation  of  territory. 

14.  City  planning  for  better 
housing. 


15.  Redistricting      of      city 
wards. 

16.  Municipal  terminal. 

17.  Extension  of  free  med- 
ical service. 


18.  For  personal  liberty  and 
against  vice. 

19.  Comfort  stations. 


20.    Municipal  plumbing  and 
sewerage. 


ployment  bureau  now  devel- 
oped into  an  organization  cov- 
ering the  entire  state.  Most  ef- 
fective of  its  kind  in  America. 

10.  Resolution  for  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Zimmerman  site 
passed  council.  Provision  in 
budget. 

11.  Awaiting  proper  public 
control  of  transportation  and 
actual  resources. 

12.  Constitutionality  of  law 
giving  city  right  to  establish 
being  tested  in  the  courts. 

13.  Several  portions  an- 
nexed. 

14.  Metropolitan  Park  Cora- 
mission,  now  called  the  City 
Planning  Commission,  at  work 
on  plan.  Also  land  commission 
appointed. 

15.  Accomplished. 

16.  Defeated  by  referendum. 

17.  New  isolation  hospital 
established;  Blue  Mound  San- 
itarium taken  over  by  the 
county ;  tuberculosis  commis- 
sion co-ordinating  forces  for 
help  in  fight  on  that  dread  dis- 
ease; child  welfare  work  estab- 
lished. 

18.  Many  disreputable  sa- 
loons put  out  of  business. 

19.  The  first  comfort  station 
erected  and  in  operation  at 
First  Avenue  Viaduct. 

20.  Enabling  law  defeated 
by  the  legislature. 


580       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 


21.    Reorganization     of     the 
sewerage  system. 


22.  Small  parks  and  play- 
grounds. 

23.  Larger  development  and 
use  of  public  schools  favored 
— free  text-books — social  cen- 
ters. 


24.   Public    recreations    and 
amusements. 


21.  Report  of  sewerage 
commission  received  and  plans 
being  made  for  consolidation 
of  the  water  department  and 
sewerage  department  to  enable 
the  carrying  out  of  recom- 
mendations. 

22.  Fifth  Ward  Park  and 
playground  on  south  side. 
City  forester  engaged. 

23.  Larger  appropriations 
for  public  schools  made  by  So- 
cial Democrats  than  ever  be- 
fore. County  boai'd  sets  aside 
$5,000  to  be  used  for  the  feed- 
ing of  under-nursed  school 
children.  Twenty-one  school 
buildings  opened  for  social, 
civic,  and  neighborhood  clubs. 

24.  Concerts  given  in  audi- 
torium Sunday  afternoons  dur- 
ing the  winter  months.  Park 
concerts  extended. 


Vn.   SIDNEY  WEBB  ON   MUNICIPAL  TAXATION  * 

Mr.  Webb  here  dwells  on  the  folly  of  the  low  taxation 
fetish : 

Taxes 

We  must  bear  in  mind  that  although  we  want  to  facilitate 
additional  expenditure,  and  perhaps — ^just  by  way  of  gi'easing 
the  wheels — to  effect  a  small  reduction  in  the  hardest  cases,  we 
ought  not  to  try  generally  to  reduce  the  local  rates  to  any  gi*eat 
extent.  Whatever  may  be  the  tnith  as  to  the  real  incidence  of 
rates,  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  any  great  reduction 
benefits  the  landlord,  and  the  landlord  almost  exclusively.    Reduce 

*  From  Fabian  Tract  No.  172,  "  What  about  the  Rates,"  by  Sidney 
Webb. 


"MUNICIPAL  SOCIALISM"  581 

the  rates  in  Aneoats  by  twenty-five  per  cent  and  the  laborer  in 
the  Aneoats  slum  will  pay  not  a  farthing  less  for  the  weekly 
rent  of  his  wretched  hovel — the  slum  owner  will  get  the  whole 
benefit  of  the  reduction.  Reduce  the  rates  on  agricultural  land, 
as  the  Conservatives  and  Tariff  Reformers  are  always  proposing — 
does  anyone  suppose  that  the  agricultural  laborer  will  pay  less 
for  his  cottage,  or  get  a  rise  of  wages?  Reduce  the  rates  in  the 
coal-mining  districts,  so  that  the  colliery  companies  have  to  pay 
less  on  the  miners'  cottages — ^is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  miner  will  be  charged  a  lower  rent,  or  that  he  will  get  a 
higher  price  per  ton  for  hewing?  A  reduction  of  rates  may  help 
the  peasant  proprietor  or  the  man  who  owns  a  freehold  house. 
But  so  long  as  we  are  nearly  all  in  the  position  of  having  to 
pay  rent  to  a  private  landlord  or  house  owner — especially  where, 
as  is  the  case  with  regard  to  more  than  half  the  population  (and 
the  poorest  half),  the  rent  is  collected  weekly — to  expect  that 
the  wage-earner  will  benefit  by  reducing  the  charge  made  on  the 
owner  is  like  looking  to  get  butter  out  of  a  dog's  mouth.  .   .   . 

The  Real  Profit  of  Municipal  Enterprise 

Thus,  my  final  conclusion  is  that  we  must  meet  the  ratepayer 
face  to  face  and  educate  him  on  the  question.  Courage  and  clear 
thinking,  and  some  capacity  for  popular  explanation,  must  remain 
a  necessary  part  of  the  equipment  of  the  elected  councilor.  The 
ratepayer,  after  all,  gets  far  more  in  return  for  his  rates  than 
he  does  for  any  other  part  of  his  expenditure.  If  you  won't  pay 
an  adequate  education  rate,  you  will  have  to  pay  a  higher  poor 
rate  and  police  rate.  If  you  won't  pay  a  proper  public  health 
rate,  you  will  certainly  pay  tenfold  in  sickness  rate  and  death 
rate.  Mr.  Chamberlain  successfully  fought  his  municipal  battles 
at  Birmingham  forty  years  ago  on  the  war-cry  of  "  Higher  rates 
and  a  healthy  city."  Can  anyone  doubt  that  this  policy  has  been 
proved  to  "  pay  "  at  Birmingham ;  to  pay  even  the  Bimiingham 
ratepayer  and  the  Birmingham  property  owner?  What  city  is 
going  to  own  that  it  is  less  enlightened  than  Birmingham? 


CHAPTER  XVII 
CO-OPERATION 

The  co-operative  control  of  industry  by  groups  of  pro- 
ducers or  consumers  is  often  proposed  as  a  possible  alterna- 
tive to  Socialism.  That  this  is  not  the  Socialist  view  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  Socialists  indorse  this  movement 
wherever  it  seems  to  be  practicable.  They  have  greatly 
aided  it  in  Great  Britain  and  have  been  its  chief  pro- 
moters in  Belgium.  In  the  United  States,  however, 
modern  industry  reached  its  present  highly  organized  con- 
dition, including  the  great  department  stores  and  other 
large  retail  stores,  before  co-operation  was  inaugurated  on 
any  large  scale.  As  a  consequence,  many  American  So- 
cialists doubt  the  practical  importance  of  the  co-operative 
movement  in  this  country — as  the  discussion  at  the  Amer- 
ican Congress  of  1913  (from  which  we  quote)  demon- 
strates. 

I.   RESOLUTION   OF   INTERNATIONAL    CONGRESS   OF 
COPENHAGEN,    1910 

The  International  Congress  of  Copenhagen  (1910) 
adopted  the  following  resolution  on  co-operative  societies: 

Taking  into  consideration  that  distributive  co-operative  socie- 
ties are  not  only  able  to  secure  for  their  members  immediate 
material  advantages,  but  are  also  capable  of  first  increasing  the 
influence  of  the  proletariat  by  the  elimination  of  private  com- 
mercial enteiprise,  and,  secondly,  by  bettering  the  condition  of 
the  working-classes  by  means  of  productive  services  organized  by 
themselves  and  by  educating  the  workers  in  the  independent  dem- 

582 


CO-OPERATION  583 

oeratic  management  of  social  means  of  exchange  and  production; 

Considering  also  that  co-operation  alone  is  incapable  of  realiz- 
ing the  aim  of  Socialism,  which  is  the  acquisition  of  political 
power  for  the  purpose  of  collective  ownership  of  the  means  of 
production ; 

This  Congress  declares,  while  warning  the  working-classes 
against  the  theory  which  maintains  that  co-operation  is  in  itself 
sufficient,  that  the  working-class  has  the  strongest  interest  in 
utilizing  the  weapon  of  co-operation  in  the  class  struggle  and 
urges  all  Socialists  and  all  members  of  trade-unions  to  take  part 
in  the  co-operative  movement,  in  order  to  develop  themselves  in 
the  spirit  of  Socialism  and  keep  the  co-operative  societies  from 
any  deviation  from  the  path  of  education  and  the  promotion  of 
working-class  solidarity. 

The  Socialist  members  of  co-operative  societies  are  urged  to 
endeavor  in  these  societies  to  see  that  the  profits  are  not  entirely 
returned  to  the  members,  but  that  part  is  devoted,  either  by  the 
society  itself  or  by  the  federation  of  wholesale  societies,  to  the 
development  of  production  and  to  education  and  instruction,  in 
order : 

1.  That  the  conditions  of  wages  and  work  in  the  co-operative 
societies  shall  be  regulated  in  accordance  with  trade-union  rules. 

2.  That  the  organization  of  the  conditions  of  employment  in 
co-operative  societies  shall  be  the  best  possible,  and  that  no  pur- 
chases of  goods  shall  be  made  without  regard  to  the  condition  of 
the  producers. 

It  is  left  to  the  co-operative  organizations  of  each  country  to 
decide  for  themselves  whether  and  to  what  extent  they  will  aid 
from  their  resources  the  political  and  trade-union  movement. 

Furthermore,  being  convinced  that  the  services  which  co-opera- 
tion can  render  to  the  working-class  will  be  the  greater  in  pro- 
portion as  the  co-operative  movement  is  itself  strong  and  united, 
the  Congress  declares  that  it  is  desirable  that  the  co-operative 
societies  of  each  country  which  is  constituted  on  this  basis  and 
subscribes  to  this  present  resolution  should  form  a  single  federa- 
tion. 

It  declares,  besides,  that  the  working-class  in  its  struggle  against 
capitalism  is  especially  concerned  that  trade-unions,  co-operative 
societies,  and  the  Socialist  Party,  while  preserving  each  its  own 
unity  and  autonomy,  should  enter  into  relations  more  and  more 
intimate  with  one  another. 


584       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

II.    THE   AMERICAN   SOCIALIST   CONVENTION   OF    1912 

The  following  reports  and  discussion  show  an  attitude 
among  American  Socialists  toward  co-operatives  that  is 
friendly,  though  not  enthusiastic. 

1.   THE   MAJORITY  REPORT  ADOPTED   BY  THE   CONVENTION 

Just  as  the  labor  unions  fight  for  industrial  self-control  for 
the  working-class,  the  Socialist  Party  for  political  self-control, 
and  the  labor  and  Socialist  press  for  intellectual  self-control 
for  the  workers,  so  the  co-opei'ative  movement  fights  for  an  in- 
creasing degree  of  economic  self-control  for  the  workers  through 
the  ownership  and  use  of  industrial  and  commercial  capital  by 
organized  groups  of  the  workers. 

The  development  and  successful  operation  of  the  co-operative 
movement  in  connection  with  the  mternational  labor  movement  is 
an  historical  fact,  which  cannot  be  disputed.  While  in  some 
countries  it  may  seem  for  the  time  being  to  have  checked  other 
lines  of  working-class  activity,  it  seems  to  be  true  also  that 
''  the  economic  power  of  a  class  at  a  given  stage  of  development 
turns  into  political  power." 

The  value  of  the  co-operative  movement  to  the  working-class 
has  been  recognized  by  the  Socialist  Party,  though  reluctantly 
at  first.  It  was  recently  so  recognized  at  the  Copenhagen  Con- 
gress in  1910,  the  American  delegates  voting  for  the  resolution. 

Following  the  path  of  other  national  oi'ganizations  of  the  So- 
cialist Party,  the  Socialist  Party  of  America  must  recognize  the 
fact  of  the  existence  on  the  American  continent  of  a  successful 
co-operative  movement,  though  it  has  not  as  yet  been  brought 
into  any  unified  form. 

Your  committee  has  not  been  able  to  gather  any  adequate  data, 
but  is  informed,  from  the  personal  knowledge  of  those  who  came 
before  the  committee,  of  distributive  co-operatives  doing  a  total 
business  of  not  less  than  twenty  million  dollars  a  year,  in  only 
a  few  of  the  states  of  the  Union.  Nearly  one  thousand  local 
organizations  are  within  the  knowledge  of  those  reporting  these 
facts  to  your  committee,  which  are  operating  successfully. 

That  there  is  still  room  within  the  developing  processes  of  the 


CO-OPERATION  585 

capitalist  system  in  this  country  for  the  inauguration  and  build- 
ing up  of  a  strong  and  successful  co-operative  movement  is 
evident  from  the  facts  already  adduced,  especially  in  view  of  other 
and  as  yet  unverified  statements  which  are  nevertheless  largely  of 
common  knowledge. 

The  benefits  claimed  by  those  most  closely  connected  with  the 
international  co-operative  movement  are  threefold,  and  relate  to : 

1.  The  furnishing  of  an  improved  quality  of  food  and  other 
supplies  to  the  co-operators; 

2.  The  actual  increase  of  the  economic  resources  of  the  co- 
opei'ators,  through  the  control  of  their  own  purchasing  power, 
and  the  building  up  of  resei'\'e  funds  which  have  been  of  great 
service  to  the  industrial  and  political  arms  of  the  labor  movement ; 

3.  The  training  of  members  of  the  working-class  in  the 
processes  of  industrial  and  commercial  administrative  work,  and 
developing  this  new  capacity  among  them,  thus  proving  that  it 
is  possible  not  only  to  do  without  the  capitalist's  capital  but  also 
to  do  without  his  alleged  superior  intelligence. 

The  most  successful  co-operatives  in  America  seem  to  be  among 
the  groups  of  foreign-speaking  workers  of  the  same  nationalitj^, 
who  furnish  a  community  highly  homogeneous,  having  similar 
habits  and  customs  of  life;  and  among  the  fanners,  who  find  it 
possible  to  combme  at  once  their  buying  and  selling  powers  in 
the  same  organization. 

In  view  of  the  failures  which  have  occurred  in  this  and  other 
countries  in  connection  with  the  efforts  to  establish  co-operatives, 
we  recommend  that  a  committee  of  five  persons  be  elected  by  this 
Convention,  not  confined  to  delegates  in  the  Convention,  who 
shall  be  given  the  assistance  of  the  national  office  in  making  an 
investigation  into  the  facts  concerning  the  co-operative  movement; 
the  committee  to  make  a  special  effort  to  ascertain  what  bearing 
the  degree  of  industrial  development  and  organization  in  any  par- 
ticular locality  has  upon  the  operation  of  co-operation  in  that 
locality ;  to  make  tentative  reports  from  time  to  time  through  the 
national  office  and  the  party  press ;  and  to  make  a  final  report  at 
the  next  national  convention. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
THE  DRINK  QUESTION 

Socialists  sympathize  with  the  attack  on  the  liquor  in- 
terests, since  they  sympathize  with  every  attack  on  the 
interests  and  every  assault  on  political  corruption.  They 
also  desire  to  see  the  working-people  keep  in  the  maximum 
state  of  physical  and  mental  efficiency.  On  the  other  hand, 
Socialists  have  always  been  ardent  advocates  of  personal 
liberty  in  every  form.  The  Socialist  attitude  to  this  ques- 
tion is  further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  a  large  number 
of  working-people  are  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  alco- 
holic beverages  and  would  have  to  accept  lower  salaries 
at  other  employments  if  they  lost  these  positions.  The 
labor  unions  representing  these  employments  are  therefore 
opposed  to  all  radically  restrictive  measures. 

There  can  be  little  question  that  the  majority  of  So- 
cialist parties  demand  either  the  nationalization  of  the 
drink  traffic  or  a  very  rigid  governmental  control.  More- 
over, the  question  has  been  generally  recognized  by  Social- 
ists as  of  growing  importance,  and  was  to  have  been  acted 
on  by  the  proposed  Congress  of  Vienna  which  was  to  have 
been  held  in  1914.  The  report  to  this  Congress  (which  we 
reproduce)  would  probably  have  been  adopted,  though  the 
Congress  would  have  been  very  evenly  divided  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  general  Socialist  position  is  further  illustrated 
by  the  discussion  at  the  French  Congress  in  instructing  its 
delegates  to  the  proposed  International  Congress  at  Vienna. 

The  American  Party,  on  the  other  hand,  although  it  is 
almost  evenly  divided  on  the  subject,  has  taken  a  position 

586 


THE  DRINK  QUESTION  587 

which  seems  directed  against  the  Prohibition  movement, 
and  yet  it  proposes  no  alternative  remedy  for  the  situation 
except  the  very  general  one  of  Socialism.  Of  course  So- 
cialism may  also  be  offered  as  the  Socialist  remedy  to  all 
the  other  problems  with  which  we  have  been  concerned  in 
preceding  chapters.  But  the  Socialist  parties  have  favored 
special  remedies  for  all  these  special  problems,  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  suppose,  as  Vandervelde 's  report  sug- 
gests, that  in  all  the  leading  countries  they  will  soon  in- 
dorse special  remedies  for  the  drink  evil,  and  that  in  most 
countries  it  will  be  along  the  lines  of  this  report  and  the 
resolution  of  the  French  Congress — though  the  influence  of 
the  wage-earners  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  alcoholic 
beverages  prevents  the  reaching  of  a  well-defined  interna- 
tional decision  at  the  present  time. 


I.   REPORT   TO  THE  PROPOSED  INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF 
VIENNA,    1914 

The  report  to  the  proposed  International  Congress  to  be 
held  at  Vienna  (1914)  on  this  question,  drawn  up  by 
Vandervelde,  presents  the  following  conclusions: 

(1)  Alcohol,  ethylic  alcohol,  is  a  poison,  like  morphine  or 
arsenic. 

(2)  Apart  from  cases  where  it  can  be  prescribed  medically,  it 
would  not  be  a  question  of  distinguishing  between  its  use  and 
abuse :  to  take  a  little  is  to  take  a  little  of  what  is.  bad ;  to  take 
much  is  to  do  injury  to  oneself. 

(3)  All  drinks  containing  alcohol — wine,  beer,  eider — are  more 
or  less  harmful.  Their  degree  of  harmfulness  depends  upon  their 
alcoholic  strength.  Beers  like  Iambic,  stout,  uitzet,  contain  from 
six  to  nine  per  cent  of  alcohol ;  wines  from  ten  to  twenty  per  cent. 
In  many  countries  alcoholization  by  wines  or  beers  causes  more 
disasters  than  alcoholization  by  spirits. 

(4)  It  is  not  true  to  say  that,  under  the  capitalist  system,  with 


588       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

its  bad  conditions  of  work  and  existence,  the  workers  must  inevita- 
bly consume  alcohol.  It  is  the  poorest,  on  the  contrary,  who  will 
have  the  strongest  interest  against  the  consumption  of  dear 
drinks,  containing  next  to  nothing  of  nutritive  element,  but,  on 
the  eontraiy,  a  dangerous  poison. 

(5)  It  is  true  that  the  workers,  badly  fed,  badly  housed,  badly 
treated  from  every  point  of  view,  are  more  inclined  than  others 
to  seek  forgetfulness  of  their  sufferings  and  anxieties  in  alcoholic 
narcotics.  Consequently  improvement  in  the  conditions  of  exist- 
ence for  the  proletariat  is  one  of  the  most  efficacious  means  of 
fighting  against  alcoholism. 

(6)  By  the  side  of  this  indirect  action  comes  direct  action,  and 
experience  shows  that  this  direct  action  gives  serious  and  lasting 
results,  if  it  is  led  by  men  who  preach  by  example,  men  who 
are  for  the  propaganda  of  deed,  and  who,  without  wanting  an 
excessive  austerity  for  others,  abstain  totally  and  strictly  them- 
selves from  all  drinks  containing  alcohol,  whether  in  wine,  beer, 
or  other  fermented  liquor. 

(7)  We  are  personally  inclined  to  believe  that  the  form  of 
organization  most  suitable  for  the  conduct  of  such  direct  action  is 
that  of  the  Independent  Order  of  Good  Templars,  which,  being 
politically  neutral,  leaves  the  most  complete  political  liberty  to 
its  lodges.  At  this  moment  several  among  them  are  affiliated  to 
the  Socialist  Party. 

(8)  The  Socialist  Good  Templars,  and  other  groups  of  Socialist 
teetotalers,  independently  of  their  general  action  against  alco- 
holism, should  assign  to  themselves  a  special  mission  for  organ- 
izing the  propaganda  inside  the  party  itself,  to  act  particularly 
upon  young  militants,  to  convince  their  comrades  of  this  fact, 
that  the  depressing  and  paralyzing  action  of  alcohol  reduces  the 
fighting  energy  of  the  proletariat,  and  where  it  reaches  a  certain 
degree  it  renders  it  incapable  of  all  patient  and  sustained  effort. 
We  saj'  nothing  about  the  resources  which  money  spent  on  alcohol 
takes  away  from  the  political  and  economic  organization  of  the 
■workers. 

Referring  to  these  conclusions,  the  report  states : 

The  International  Congress  is  not  asked  to  pronounce  for  these 
theses  by  the  vote  of  its  majority.  We  recognize  readUy  that 
many  among  them  lend  themselves  to  controversy.     If  men  of 


THE  DRINK  QUESTION  589 

science  are  agreed  in  recognizing  that  large  doses  of  alcohol  con- 
stitute a  dangerous  poison,  they  are  not  unanimous  in  admitting, 
with  Kraeplin,  Smith,  Forel,  Laitinen,  that  even  a  moderate  con- 
sumption of  wine  or  beer  is  not  only  useless,  but  harmful.  The 
decision  on  that  point  must  rest  with  further  experimental  re- 
searches, and  not  with  a  vote  of  the  Congress.  But  what  we  can 
ask,  what  we  have  the  right  to  ask  of  the  Socialist  and  Labor 
International,  is  to  pronounce  distinctly  in  favor  of  direct  action 
against  alcoholism,  and  to  examine  the  best  means  of  rendering 
such  action  effective. 

The  report  describes  the  efforts  made  in  Belgium, 
"where  it  is  not  water  but  beer  which  constitutes  the 
fourth  element, ' '  and  the  difficulties  of  establishing  lodges 
of  Socialist  Good  Templars,  and  the  conclusion  is  that 
"much  more  satisfactory  results  will  be  obtained  from 
the  propaganda  of  abstinence  than  by  moderation. ' ' 

The  report  continues: 

We  shall  certainly  not  make  ourselves  ridiculous  by  pretending 
that  a  little  beer  or  wine  can  appreciably  hurt  those  who  consume 
it,  even  daily.  In  the  course  of  our  existence  as  Socialists  we 
undoubtedly  do  many  things  infinitely  more  prejudicial  to  our 
health — if  only  hi  passing  interminable  evenings  in  the  midst  of 
a  thick  smoke,  in  the  poisoned  atmosphere  of  meeting-places. 

To  speak  frankly,  we  do  not  see,  from  the  individual  point  of 
view,  a  striking  difference  between  the  very  moderate  use  of 
beer  or  wine  and  complete  abstention  from  alcoholic  drinks. 

If,  therefore,  we  recommend  total  abstinence,  it  is  less  in 
the  interest  of  those  who  abstain  than  of  those  who  abuse — less 
from  the  object  of  individual  hygiene  than  from  social  propa- 
ganda. 

It  will  not  do,  indeed,  that  the  workers  whom  we  counsel  not 
to  drink  alcohol  in  the  form  of  brandy  should  be  able  to  say 
that  it  is  only  too  easy  to  give  them  such  advice,  when  we  our- 
selves do  not  abstain  from  alcohol  in  the  form  of  beer,  burgundy, 
or  champagne. 

We  know  well — the  editorial  staff  of  the  Vorivaerts  recalls  it 
slightingly — that  for  many  of  our  comrades  it  is  a  sacrifice  to  tie 


590       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

themselves  down,  after  a  long  day's  work,  not  to  drink  anything 
other  than  tea,  seltzer-water,  or  lemonade. 

But  what  is  this  trifling  sacrifice  in  comparison  with  the  unde- 
niable advantages  of  a  propaganda  of  deed  which  is  thus  able  to 
strike  their  imaginations? 

Moreover,  the  "  moderate  drinker "  who  completely  gives  up 
alcohol  finds  a  personal  advantage  from  a  few  months,  even  a 
few  weeks,  of  abstinence.  No  one  will  deny,  indeed,  that  alcohol, 
no  matter  how  small  the  doses,  and  even  when  inoffensive  to 
manual  workers,  exercises  a  noxious  influence,  a  paralyzing  action 
on  the  cerebral  centers  and  on  intellectual  work. 

Vandervelde  had  placed  the  following  resolution  on  the 
agenda  of  the  Congress,  and  it  is  probable  that  it  would 
have  been  carried : 

Granting  the  immense  evil  which  alcohol  inflicts  on  the  working- 
class  by  the  ruination  of  its  physical  and  moral  health,  the  weak- 
ening of  its  combative  energj',  and  the  absorption  each  year  of 
sums  equal  at  least  to  those  which  are  raised  by  the  war  budget: 

The  Congress  considers  that,  even  in  the  interest  of  the  progress 
of  the  Labor  and  Socialist  movement,  it  is  absolutely  necessary 
that  the  affiliated  parties  should  organize  direct  action  against 
alcoholism,  thus  acting  entirely  in  the  interests  of  the  working- 
class  : 

(1)  By  urging  the  militants,  and  particularly  the  Labor  and 
Socialist  journals,  to  call  the  attention  of  the  workers  to  the 
danger  of  alcoholism  more  than  has  been  done  in  the  past; 

(2)  By  trying  to  obtain  the  suppression  of  all  traffic  in  strong 
drinks,  or  at  least  of  spirits,  on  premises  under  the  control  of  the 
affiliated  organizations  and  parties; 

(3)  By  promoting  the  establishment  of  groups,  whose  special 
mission  shall  be  to  organize  propaganda  against  alcoholism  in 
working-class  centers; 

(4)  By  encouraging  the  militants  and  groups  which  are  against 
alcohol  to  undertake  a  most  energetic  propaganda  of  deed  by 
themselves  practicing  abstinence  from  alcoholic  drinks; 

(5)  By  attacking  alcohol  in  all  its  capitalist  forms  on  legisla- 
tive ground. 

The  measures  to  he  taken  for  this   [last-mentioned]  purpose, 


THE  DRINK  QUESTION  591 

from  the  limitation  of  the  number  of  licenses  to  complete  prohibi- 
tion, will  naturally  vary  in  different  countries,  and  will  depend 
on  the  residts  already  obtained  by  teetotal  propaganda.  But 
everywhere  the  Labor  and  Socialist  parties  must  put  themselves 
in  the  front  rank  of  those  who  wish  the  workers  to  be  freed  from 
the  domination  of  the  producers  and  retailers  of  alcohol.  (Our 
italics.) 

II.   THE  FRENCH   CONGRESS  OF   1914 

There  was  a  strong  difference  of  opinion  at  the  Congress. 
As  the  anti-alcohol  faction  won  in  France,  where  the  wine 
industry  is  so  much  more  important  than  either  the  beer 
industry  in  Germany  or  distilleries  in  other  countries,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  cause  of  anti-alcoholism  would 
also  have  received  strong  support  at  the  International  Con- 
gress of  1914 — had  it  been  held.  For  in  Europe,  as  in 
America,  it  is  only  the  brewery  workmen  and  others  in 
parallel  industries  who  prevent  the  workingmen  taking  a 
progressive  position  on  this  great  question. 

The  two  remedies  offered  at  the  French  Congress  were 
nationalization  of  the  drink  traffic  and  the  limitation  of 
the  number  of  drinking  places.  Nearly  all  speakers 
favored  the  former  measure.  But  the  friends  of  alcohol 
thought  it  sufficient,  while  its  opponents  wanted  it  supple- 
mented and  preceded  by  the  second  measure,  as  being 
easier  of  accomplishment. 

We  take  the  following  account  from  Le  Peuple,  the  Bel- 
gian Socialist  daily: 

"It  is  known  that  certain  Socialistic  deputies  [in 
France]  voted  against  the  bill  limiting  the  number  of 
wine-shops.  This  is  the  course  of  reasoning  of  the  the- 
oretical opponents — narrow  enough,  in  our  opinion:  'All 
measures  recommended  against  alcoholism  miss  their  end. 
The  triumph  of  Socialism  is  the  sole  solution ! ' 

"Lafont,  who,  as  mayor  of  Firminy,  adopted  a  policy 


592       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

of  control  and  restriction  over  the  wine-shops,  replied  to 
these  arguments.  He  admitted,  as  do  all  important  So- 
cialists, that  the  causes  for  the  greater  part  of  the  evil 
that  afflict  the  working-class  have  their  origin  in  the  cap- 
italistic regime  itself.  However,  he  insists  that  no  one 
should  neglect  any  possible  means,  however  slight,  of  as- 
sisting the  workers  to  control  and  to  educate  themselves. 
His  plea  against  the  dangerous  multiplication  of  drinking- 
places  received  the  approval  of  the  Congress.  In  the  vote 
taken,  those  for  limiting  the  number  of  liquor  shops  were 
1,518 ;  opposed,  1,192 ;  not  voting,  202. 

"The  French  delegates  were  instructed  then  to  move  a 
similar  resolution  in  the  International  Congress." 

Ill,    THE   AMERICAN    CONVENTION   OF   1912 

The  following  resolution  was  adopted : 

The  manufacture  and  sale  for  profit  of  intoxicating  and  adul- 
terated liquors  leads  directly  to  many  serious  social  evils.  Intem- 
perance in  the  use  of  alcoholic  liquors  weakens  the  physical, 
mental,  and  moral  powers. 

We  hold,  therefore,  that  any  excessive  indulgence  in  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  by  members  of  the  working-class  is  a  serious  obstacle 
to  the  triumph  of  our  class  since  it  impairs  the  vigor  of  the 
fighters  in  the  political  and  economic  struggle,  and  we  urge  the 
members  of  the  working-class  to  avoid  any  indulgence  which 
might  impair  their  ability  to  wage  a  successful  political  and 
economic  struggle,  and  so  hinder  the  progress  of  the  movement 
for  their  emancipation. 

We  do  not  believe  that  the  evils  of  alcoholism  can  be  eradicated 
by  repressive  measures  or  any  extension  of  the  police  poicers  of 
the  capitalist  sfafe— alcoholism  is  a  disease  of  which  capitalism  is 
the  chief  cause.  Poverty,  overwork,  and  overwoi-ry  necessarily 
result  in  intemperance  on  the  part  of  the  victims.  To  abolish  the 
wage  system  with  all  its  evils  is  the  surest  way  to  eliminate  the 
evils  of  alcoholism  and  the  traffic  in  intoxicatmg  Uquor.  (Our 
italics.) 


THE  DRINK  QUESTION  593 

In  1914  an  investigation  of  the  liquor  traffic,  in  view  of 
the  present  prohibition  agitation,  was  ordered  by  the  Na- 
tional Committee — after  a  bitter  discussion,  in  whi^h  the 
Committee  showed  itself  to  be  very  evenly  divided  on  the 
question. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
WOMAN  SUFFRAGE 

"Woman  suffrage  has  always  been  advocated  by  Socialists, 
and  in  some  countries  they  have  been  its  first  supporters. 
Seldom,  however,  has  any  party  gone  to  the  extent  of  the 
British  Labor  Party  Conference  in  1913,  where  it  declared 
that  it  would  not  accept  any  extension  of  manhood  suf- 
frage unless  woman  suffrage  was  granted  at  the  same  time. 
That  the  Labor  Party  (and  so  also  the  cause  of  woman 
suffrage  for  which  it  stands)  would  be  greatly  strength- 
ened by  the  extension  of  manhood  suffrage  seems  evident, 
since  a  large  proportion  of  its  members  are  at  present 
disfranchised. 

The  American  Socialist  Party  has  always  been  very 
active  in  support  of  woman  suffrage,  though  at  the  time 
of  the  Wisconsin  referendum  this  measure  was  badly  de- 
feated in  the  strongest  Socialist  wards  in  Milwaukee,  indi- 
cating that  the  Socialist  voters,  and  perhaps  the  party 
members  also,  are  by  no  means  unanimous  on  the  question. 
It  may  also  be  of  interest  to  note  in  this  connection  that 
one  of  the  few  sections  in  New  York  State  which,  in  1915, 
gave  a  majority  of  votes  to  the  suffrage  cause  was 
Schenectady,  the  city  which  returned  Dr.  Geo.  R.  Lunn, 
Socialist,  to  the  mayoralty  chair.  Such  opposition  as  has 
been  publicly  voiced  has  been  based  on  the  probability  that 
many  of  the  Catholic  women  would  follow  the  Catholic 
Church  in  its  hostility  to  the  Socialist  Party.  This  argu- 
ment is  not  considered  as  a  sound  one  by  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  the  American  Socialists,  who  believe  that 

594 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE  595 

these  women  would  soon  become  enlightened  in  regard 
to  that  which  is  advantageous  both  to  themselves  and  to 
the  country.  There  was  also  a  well-grounded  fear  on  the 
part  of  many  employees  engaged  in  the  making  and  dis- 
tributing of  alcoholic  beverages  that  the  women  would  put 
a  large  part  of  them  out  of  employment. 

I.   THE  INTERNATIONAL   CONGRESS   OF   STUTTGART,    1907 

The  International  Socialist  Congress  resolved  as  follows : 

The  Congress  greets  with  the  utmost  pleasure  the  First  Inter- 
national Socialist  Women's  Conference,  and  expresses  its  entire 
solidarity  with  the  demands  concerning  woman  suffrage,  put  for- 
ward by  it.     The  Congress,  in  particular,  declares: 

It  is  the  duty  of  Socialist  parties  of  all  countries  to  agitate 
most  energetically  for  the  introduction  of  universal  womanhood 
suffrage.  The  Socialist  Party  repudiates  limited  woman  suf- 
frage as  an  adulteration  of  and  a  caricature  upon  the  principle 
of  political  equality  of  the  female  sex.  It  fights  for  the  sole 
living  concrete  expression  of  this  principle,  namely,  universal 
womanhood  suffrage,  which  should  belong  to  all  women  of  age 
and  not  be  conditioned  by  property,  taxation,  education,  or  any 
other  qualification  which  would  exclude  members  of  the  laboring 
classes  from  the  enjoyment  of  this  right.  The  Socialist  women 
shall  not  cany  on  this  struggle  for  complete  equality  of  right  to 
vote  in  alliance  with  the  middle-class  women  suffragists, 
but  in  common  with  the  Socialist  parties,  which  insist  upon 
woman  suffrage  as  one  of  the  fundamental  and  most  important 
reforms  for  the  full  democratization  of  political  franchise  in 
general. 

It  is  the  duty  of  all  Socialist  parties  of  all  countries  to  agitate 
strenuously  for  the  introduction  of  universal  womanhood  suffrage. 
Hence,  the  agitation  for  the  democratization  of  the  franchise  to 
the  legislative  and  administrative  bodies,  both  national  and  local, 
must  also  embrace  woman  suffrage  and  must  insist  upon  it, 
whether  it  be  carried  on  in  Parliament  or  elsewhere.  In  those 
countries  where  the  democratization  of  manhood  suffrage  has  al- 
ready gone  sufficiently  far,  or  is  completely  realized,  the  Socialist 


596       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

parties  must  raise  a  campaign  in  favor  of  universal  woman- 
hood suffrage,  and  in  connection  with  it  put,  of  course,  for- 
ward all  those  demands  which  we  have  yet  to  realize  in  the 
interest  of  the  fuU  civil  rights  of  the  male  portion  of  the  prole- 
tariat. 

Although  the  International  Socialist  Congi*ess  cannot  dictate 
to  any  counti-y  a  particular  time  at  which  a  suffrage  campaign 
should  be  commenced,  it,  nevertheless,  declares  that  when  such 
a  campaign  is  instituted  in  any  country,  it  should  proceed  on  the 
general  Social  Democratic  lines  of  universal  adult  suffrage  without 
distinction  and  nothing  less. 

The  Congress  thus  condemned  the  limited  or  "lady"  suf- 
frage bill  advocated  by  many  British  suffragists,  including 
some  Socialists. 


n.    THE   CONFERENCE   OF   THE  BRITISH  LABOR   PARTY,   1913 

Mr.  H.  J.  Rolf  [East  Ham  L.  R.  C]  moved  the  follow- 
ing composite  resolution : 

"That  this  Conference  re-af6rms  its  previous  decisions 
regarding  the  enfranchisement  of  women,  deplores  the 
position  created  by  the  ruling  of  the  speaker,  considers 
that  the  pledge  of  the  prime  minister  can  only  be  ade- 
quately and  safely  redeemed  by  the  Government  providing 
facilities  during  the  coming  session  for  a  free  vote  of  the 
House  of  Commons  on  a  woman's  measure,  and  should  it 
obtain  a  second  reading  the  Government  becoming  re- 
sponsible for  it  through  all  its  subsequent  stages, 

"It  calls  upon  the  Parliamentary  Party  to  do  all  in  its 
power  to  expedite  the  passage  of  a  bill  during  the  coming 
session,  giving  votes  to  women  on  a  broad  and  democratic 
basis." 

Mr.  H.  Dubery  [I.  L.  P.]  moved  the  following  amend- 
ment: 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE  597 

* '  To  add :  It  further  calls  upon  the  party  in  Parliament 
to  oppose  any  franchise  bill  in  which  women  are  not 
included. ' ' 

Mr.  Dubery  declared  that  the  first  step  was  to  bring  in 
a  franchise  bill  for  women;  that  it  was  the  women  who 
had  made  that  demand,  and  they  who  would  reap  the 
reward.  He  appealed  to  the  Conference  to  have  the  Par- 
liamentary Party  refuse  in  the  future  to  deal  with  men's 
suffrage  bills,  but  to  make  women  the  first  point  of  all. 

Mr.  W.  Thorne,  M.  P.  [Gasworkers]  declared  that  he 
did  not  care  what  the  Conference  decided,  but  that  they 
should  decide  definitely  on  some  course  of  action. 

W.  S.  Sanders  [Fabian  Society]  stated  that  the  cause 
of  woman  suffrage  had  been  sold,  and  that  it  was  the 
business  of  Parliament  or  the  Government  to  make  good 
the  promise  that  had  not  been  kept.  There  was  only  one 
way  to  do  that  and  that  was  to  say  that  so  serious  did  they 
think  this  conscious  or  unconscious  breaking  of  the  pledge 
to  women,  they  must  put  that  question  first  and  foremost 
in  any  matter  referring  to  the  alteration  of  the  franchise. 
The  Liberals  had  refused  to  do  that  and  the  Conserva- 
tives would  not  do  it.  Both  parties  were  divided.  The 
one  party  which  ha,d  kept  any  respect  for  polities  in  the 
hearts  and  minds  of  the  women  was  the  Labor  Party.  If 
the  Labor  Party  failed  the  women,  no  longer  could  any  of 
the  women  engaged  in  politics  be  expected  to  believe  that 
their  claims  were  being  considered  seriously.  The  women 
members  of  the  Fabian  Society  appealed  to  the  Labor 
Party  to  keep  its  record  of  sincerity  and  chivalry,  and  say 
to  the  other  parties:  You  are  not  prepared  to  keep  your 
word;  we  are  prepared  to  go  one  better  than  our  word. 
Instead  of  saying  that  a  bill  without  women  would  not  be 
acceptable,  the  party  should  say  that  a  bill  that  did  not 


598      SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

confer  the  franchise  on  women  would  be  opposed.  If  the 
party  did  that  they  would  not  only  revive  the  dying  belief 
of  women  in  the  sincerity  of  politics,  but  they  would  bring 
to  the  support  of  the  party  that  great  new  element  which 
he  believed  would  do  much  to  secure  for  the  country  what 
the  Labor  Party  was  working  for. 

Mr.  Stephen  Walsh,  M.  P.  [Miners'  Federation],  said 
that  no  delegate  could  have  listened  to  the  speeches  that 
had  been  delivered  without  feeling  the  greatest  possible 
respect  for  the  point  of  view  taken  up,  but  he  wanted  the 
Conference  to  consider  for  one  moment  the  position  of  the 
members  of  Parliament  who  owed  allegiance  to  the  party 
and  who  had  been  sent  to  Parliament  on  the  pledges  they 
had  given  to  their  constituents  in  accordance  with  author- 
ity derived  from  the  Conference.  What  was  the  position  ? 
For  six  years  the  Conference,  year  after  year,  had  decided 
in  favor  of  adult  suffrage.  He  placed  adult  suffrage  in  his 
program  in  1906  and  in  every  election  address  since.  He 
was  prepared  to  fight  as  strongly  as  he  could  for  the  in- 
clusion of  women  on  broad  and  democratic  lines  and  for  the 
inclusion  of  men  also;  but  his  association  and  his  constit- 
uents had  also  a  right  to  say  that  they  expected  him  to 
play  the  game.  ...  He  would  do  all  that  lay  in  his  power 
along  with  his  colleagues  in  the  party  to  get  women  the 
franchise  on  the  broadest  possible  lines.  .  .  .  But  to  say 
that  if  they  did  not  succeed  in  so  doing  they  should  there- 
fore refuse  a  bill  that  offered  manifold  advantages  in  other 
directions  was  to  ask  them  to  submit  to  a  strain  which 
hitherto  they  had  never  had  imposed  upon  them.  .   .   . 

Mr.  Philip  Snowden,  M.  P.  [I.  L.  P.],  said  that  Mr. 
Walsh's  speech  was  surely  the  most  extraordinary  deliver- 
ance ever  made  to  a  labor  conference.  His  remarks  were 
usually  distinguished  by  being  logical,  but  that  quality  had 
entirely    deserted    him    on    this    occasion.     The    question 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE  599 

"What  does  Mr.  Walsh  mean  by  adult  suffrage?"  was  a 
pertinent  one,  but  the  only  inference  from  Mr.  Walsh's 
remarks  was  that  according  to  him  adult  suffrage  meant 
manhood  suffrage.     More  than  fifty  years  ago  the  House 
of  Lords  declared  that  in  all  matters  affecting  the  fran- 
chise "person"  meant  "man,"  and  "women"  were  not 
"persons"  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.    What  did  this  resolu- 
tion ask  the  Conference  to  do  ?    It  began  by  asking  the  Con- 
ference to  reaffirm  its  former  declarations.     What  were 
they?     According  to  Mr.  Walsh,  for  six  years  the  Con- 
ference had  advocated  adult  suffrage,  and  he  [the  speaker] 
thought  that  he  interpreted  that  aright  when  he  said  adult 
suffrage  meant  men  and  women.    Mr.  Walsh  asked :  What 
did  the  Conference  declare  last  year?     It  declared  that 
no  measure  for  the  extension  of  the  franchise  would  be 
acceptable  to  the  Labor  Party  unless  it  included  women. 
What  was  the  present  situation  ?    Up  to  the  previous  week 
the  women  had  been  led  to  believe  that  if  the  House  of 
Commons  gave  a  vote  in  favor  of  the  enfranchisement  of 
women  that  the  enfranchisement  of  women  would  become 
a  Government  measure,  and  every  member  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  going  to  be  pledged  to  support  the  bill  in  all  its 
stages.    Mr.  Asquith  stated  himself  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons on  Monday  afternoon  that  anti-suffrage  members  of 
the  Government  would  be  free  in  all  the  stages  of  the  pri- 
vate Member's  Woman  Suffrage  Bill,   not  only  to  vote 
against  it,  but  to  use  their  position  to  the  utmost  limit. 
The  Government  had  withdrawn  from  Mr.  Asquith 's  pledge, 
and  the  women  were  in  an  infinitely  worse  position  than 
before.     There  was  no  man  with  five  minutes'  experience 
of  the  House  of  Commons  who  believed  for  a  single  mo- 
ment that  there  was  a  ghost  of  a  chance  of  6,000,000  or 
8,000,000  women  being  enfranchised  by  a  private  Mem- 
ber's Bill.    Would  the  delegates  have  been  satisfied  when 


600       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

they  made  a  demand  for  the  repeal  of  the  Taff  Vale  de- 
cision, if  they  had  been  asked  to  rely  upon  a  private 
Member's  Bill?  This  was  a  question  as  important  in  the 
interests  of  the  community  and  of  the  Labor  section  as 
any  question  that  could  be  raised.  .  .  .  The  women  had 
been  tricked  long  enough.  In  the  words  of  the  late  Sir 
Henry  Campbell-Banneraian,  "Enough  of  this  fooling! 
"We  will  have  no  more  of  it."  "Down  with  the  Govern- 
ment!" Let  us  say  that  the  whole  force  of  the  Labor 
movement  will  be  on  the  side  of  the  women  in  demanding 
that  the  Government  shall  make  this  a  government  meas- 
ure. That  will  be  the  only  way  in  which  to  get  a  solution 
of  this  important  matter.  It  was  said  that  it  cannot  be 
made  a  government  measure  because  the  Cabinet  is  divided. 
What  was  the  Cabinet  ?  Were  they  living  in  a  democratic 
country?  Because  ]\Ir.  Asquith  and  Mr.  Harcourt  were 
opposed  to  votes  for  women,  were  their  opinions  to  carry 
more  weight  than  that  of  400  elected  representatives  in  the 
House  of  Commons?  The  Conference  should  say  that  if 
the  Government  and  the  Cabinet  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
expression  of  the  will  of  the  House  of  Commons,  then  the 
Government  and  the  Cabinet  must  give  way. 

The  amendment  was  put  and  declared  carried,  the  voting 
being : 

For 850,000 

Against   437,000 

The  resolution,  as  amended,  was  then  put  and  agreed  to. 

The  Conference  thus  refused  to  accept  further  democ- 
ratization of  male  suffrage  unless  accompanied  by  an  ex- 
tension of  female  suffrage. 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE  601 

m.    THE   RESOLUTION    OF    CONGRESSMAN   BERGER,    OF   THE 
UNITED   STATES 

On  January  16,  1912,  Congressman  Berger  introduced 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  the  following  joint  reso- 
lution, proposing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  extending  the  right  of  suffrage  to  women : 

**  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled 
(two-thirds  of  each  House  concurring  therein).  That  the 
following  article  is  proposed  as  an  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  which,  when  ratified  by  the 
legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several  states,  shall  be 
valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as  a  part  of  the  Con- 
stitution : 

**  'Article . 


((  ( I 


'Section  1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States 
to  vote  shall  not  he  denied  or  abridged  hy  the  United  States 
or  hy  any  state  on  account  of  sex. 

' '  '  Section  2.  When  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for 
the  choice  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  execu- 
tive and  judicial  officers  of  a  state,  or  the  members  of  the 
legislature  thereof,  is  denied  or  in  any  way  abridged  on 
the  ground  of  sex,  the  basis  of  representation  therein  shall 
be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such 
citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  and  female 
citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  state.'  " 


CHAPTER  XX 
PUBLIC  EDUCATION 

The  Socialists'  interest  in  education  as  a  question  of 
practical  politics  has  been  twofold.  They  have  fought  for 
the  extension  and  improvement  of  public  schools  against 
Catholic  opponents,  and  they  have  opposed  the  efforts  of 
the  employers  and  wealthy  taxpayers  to  restrict  the  de- 
velopment of  the  schools  financially  and  to  convert  them 
into  mere  training  places  for  the  factories.  We  illustrate 
the  former  problem  by  a  report  of  the  struggle  of  the  Bel- 
gian Socialists  against  the  Catholics  and  the  latter  by  the 
discussion  of  the  industrial  education  at  the  American 
Party  Congress  of  1912. 

I.    STRUGGLE   OF  BELGIAN   SOCIALISTS  FOR   NON-SECTARLAJT 
EDUCATION 

Just  before  the  elections  of  1914  the  Catholic  Govern- 
ment of  Belgium,  after  a  long  and  bitter  fight,  enacted 
a  new  school  bill.  The  public  school  policy  exemplified  in 
this  bill  is  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  demand  for  the 
abolition  of  plural  voting  and  the  establishment  of  equal 
suffrage.  A  New  York  Times  dispatch  thus  summarizes 
the  new  law: 

"The  object  of  the  measure  is  to  endow  the  clerical 
schools,  the  staffs  of  which  are  almost  entirely  composed 
of  monks,  and  it  is  computed  that  the  desired  subventions 
to  these  clerical  schools  will  amount  annually  to  $5,000,000. 
The  bill  also  provides  for  subventions  to  the  communal  or 


PUBLIC  EDUCATION  603 

municipal  schools,  but  not  nearly  as  liberally  as  for  the 
clerical  schools. 

"In  Brussels,  for  instance,  the  state  subvention  for  the 
municipal  schools  will  be  $7.37  per  scholar,  but  for  the 
clerical  schools  $13.72  per  scholar.  In  Antwerp  the  sub- 
vention for  the  clerical  schools  will  amount  to  $75,000. 

"In  Belgium,  as  nowhere  else  in  Europe— not  even  in 
Spain— the  church  forms  a  political  party  with  a  defined 
policy  and  with  the  proclaimed  object  of  controlling  the 
state,  hence  the  object  of  the  Education  Bill  is  to  freeze 
out,  as  much  as  possible,  the  schools  started  by  the  munici- 
palities where  there  may  be  non-Catholic  majorities.  The 
bait  that  is  dangled  before  the  poorer  communities  is  that 
by  turning  over  their  local  schools,  supported  by  municipal 
taxation,  to  the  teaching  orders,  they  can  save  money.  In 
other  words,  the  municipalities  are  asked  to  deliver  their 
children  to  clerical  teachers  in  return  for  an  exemption 
from  the  local  education  tax. 

"The  bill  does  not  provide  for  any  state  supervision  of 
the  way  the  subventions  may  be  spent,  so  that,  to  all  in- 
tents and  purposes,  the  bill  is  practically  an  endowment 
of  the  clerical  schools. ' ' 

It  may  be  added  that  there  are  15,240  denominational 
and  only  5,841  neutral  school  classes  in  the  country. 

1.   MANIFESTO   OP   GENERAL   COUNCIL   OF  LABOR   PARTY  AGAINST 
THE   LAW 

By  the  i^rojeeted  school  law  now  before  the  Belgian  Chamber, 
education  is  made  compulsory.  In  most  of  the  countries  of 
Europe  this  has  passed  into  legislation  more  than  thirty  years  ago, 
and  the  opposition  parties  in  Belgium  have  demanded  it  vainly 
up  to  the  present. 

Compelled  by  economic  circumstances  to  institute  this  reform, 
the  Clerical  Government  wishes  to  prevent  the  intellectual  emanci- 
pation of  the  workers,  which  would  normally  result  from  the  act, 


e04       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

by  delivering  elementary  education  into  the  hands  of  the  Catholic 
Church. 

As  all  the  popes  who  have  succeeded  to  the  papal  chair  since 
the  French  Revolution  have  condemned  our  modem  liberties, 
notably  the  freedom  of  conscience,  the  Clericals  cloak  with  the 
pretense  of  liberty  and  equality  their  attempts  against  freedom 
of  thought  and  against  the  people. 

They  wish,  they  say,  to  secure  for  the  heads  of  families  the  free 
choice  of  the  schools  to  which  their  children  shall  go.  It  is  for 
this  object  that  the  state  will  give  new  and  considerable  subsidies 
to  the  private  schools ! 

But,  from  the  preliminary  report  of  the  proposed  act  given 
by  M.  Woeste,  it  appears  that  the  state  would  refuse  any  subsidy 
to  a  Socialist  school  or  even  to  a  school  in  which  rational  moral 
instruction  was  given.  Further,  in  our  society,  governed  by  the 
powers  of  money,  it  is  impossible  to  have  liberty  without  prop- 
erty. The  poor  and  isolated  workers  are  no  more  able  to  send 
their  children  to  the  schools  of  their  own  choice  than  they  ai'e 
to  refuse  or  to  accept  the  conditions  of  work  offered  them  by  the 
employers. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Catholic  Government,  by  a  cunning  yet 
patient  maneuver,  by  suppressing  the  greater  part  of  the  state 
elementary  schools  and  favoring  in  various  ways  the  Clerical 
schools,  have  been  able  to  impose  male  and  female  instructors 
trained  in  Clerical  establishments  on  a  large  number  of  anti- 
clerical parishes. 

Possessing,  therefore,  devoted  agents  in  many  of  the  schools 
classed  as  non-sectarian,  directors  of  the  public  schools  where  the 
administration  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Clericals,  complete  masters 
of  the  "  adopted "  schools  and  of  these  "  adoptable "  (which 
contain  nearly  one-half  of  the  total  elementary  school  population), 
the  Catholic  Church  and  its  docile  accomplice,  the  Clerical  Gov- 
ernment, think  the  hour  has  arrived  to  destroj'  the  public  and 
non-sectarian  instruction  which  the  large  towns  and  the  industrial 
districts  of  Walloon  have  been  able  to  maintain  and  which  have 
prospered. 

They  wish,  they  say,  for  equality  between  the  public  and  the 
private  schools! 

But  all  political  or  philosophical  propaganda  is  prohibited  to 
the  state  school  teacher,  while  those  in  the  "  adopted "  schools 
are  free  to  work  for  the  Catholic  Party. 


PUBLIC  EDUCATION  605 

In  the  system  of  subsidies  which  is  hidden  in  the  complicated 
Poulett  scheme,  the  adoptable  schools  are  so  favored  that  in  cer- 
tain cases  elementary  education  will  become  a  source  of  revenue 
for  the  Catholic  Church. 

Although  the  provmcial  and  district  schools  are  subject,  on  the 
part  of  the  state,  to  an  irritating  and  often  hostile  supervision, 
the  Catholic  schools  will  not  have  even  to  announce  the  text-books 
— and  what  text-books  they  are — they  will  use  for  the  parishes 
which  will  have  to  pay  for  them. 

While  the  parishes  will  not  be  able  to  provide  the  scholars  with 
food  or  clothing  or  anything  at  all  except  instruction,  properly 
speaking,  without  granting  the  same  favors  to  the  children  in  the 
"  adoptable  "  schools,  the  managers  of  the  latter  will  be  free  to 
attract  the  workers'  children  by  all  kinds  of  material  advances 
without  at  the  same  time  having  to  obtain  them  for  the  public 
school  children. 

In  this  way  the  Catholic  Party  hope,  as  M.  Woeste  has  not 
hesitated  to  announce,  "  to  mark  the  young  minds  with  an  indelible 
impression,"  with  an  impression  which  leaves  them  the  prey  to  all 
kinds  of  domination  and  exploitation. 

The  Belgian  Socialist  Party,  respecting  all  religious  and 
philosophic  convictions,  considers  always  that  tolerance  and  free- 
dom of  thought  are  the  most  precious  conquests  of  the  modern 
spirit  and  the  indispensable  instruments  for  the  improvement  of 
the  conditions  of  the  working-class. 

Our  ideal  is  free  and  public  elementary  education  accessible  to 
all  children  without  offense  to  any  religious  conviction,  preparing, 
in  the  words  of  Hector  Denis,  "  the  power  which  must  proceed 
from  universal  human  solidarity." 


2.   FROM   DECLARATION   OF   SOCIALIST  GROUP   IN   SENATE  AFTER 
PASSAGE   OF   THE    LAW 

By  this  law  the  moral  education  of  the  children  is  entirely 
replaced  by  religious  education ;  yes,  it  is  even  permitted  to  insult 
and  slander,  before  the  children  in  the  school,  all  views  other 
than  those  of  the  congregations.  The  school  law  bears  the  stamp 
of  a  fanatical  spirit  of  caste.  We  appeal  to  all  towns  and  demo- 
cratic communities  to  resist  this  fanatical  law. 


606       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

n.   INDUSTRIAL   EDUCATION    AT    THE   CONGRESS   OP   THE 
AMERICAN    SOCIALIST   PARTY,    1912 

The  subject  of  vocational  education  and  guidance  has 
aroused  great  interest  among  American  Socialists.  It  will 
be  seen  that  the  reports  of  the  committees  make  definite 
recommendations  for  industrial  education,  but  that  the  dis- 
cussion brings  out  decided  opposition  to  vocational  train- 
ing as  at  present  existing,  on  the  ground  that  it  serves 
merely  to  make  boys  and  girls  "more  efficient  servants  to 
a  master  class. ' ' 

We  take  the  following  from  the  report  on  vocational 
education : 

The  demand  for  quick  profits,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  neces- 
sity for  maximum  family  earnings  on  the  other,  have  between 
them  done  much  to  destroy  the  apprenticeship  possibilities  of 
modern  industry. 

The  result  has  been  that  more  than  half  of  the  young  people 
who  leave  the  schools  at  about  the  age  of  fourteen  drift  into 
occupations  which  have  absolutely  no  future  for  them  except  to 
continue  to  work  as  men  and  women  at  wages  that  can  be  earned 
by  boys  and  girls. 

Without  prejudice  to  the  education  of  those  who  are  to  become 
professional  or  agricultural  or  commercial  workers,  the  schools 
should  fit  those  whose  occupations  will  be  found  in  the  industries. 
Without  loss  of  those  elements  in  our  culture  that  is  the  rightful 
heritage  of  every  boy  and  girl,  each  child  should  have  the  same 
opportunity  to  become  an  efficient  worker  as  is  now  given  to  the 
four  per  cent  who  become  professional  workers. 

It  therefore  devolves  upon  the  public  school  to  modify  and  to 
extend  its  program  to  include  training  for  vocational  efficiency. 
It  is  only  the  public  school  that  can  protect  the  interests  of  the 
children  of  the  public  as  well  as  advance  those  interests. 

In  this  connection  attention  should  be  called  to  a  system  of 


PUBLIC  EDUCATION  607 

part-time  schools  which  is  being  tried  experimentally  at  many 
points.  .  .  .  These  experiments  should  be  watched  with  interest, 
as  they  must  be  very  instructive  as  to  methods  of  conducting 
industrial  education;  but  they  are  not  likely  to  be  entirely  satis- 
factory, since  under  some  of  the  arrangements  the  employer 
determines  what  boys  are  or  are  not  to  have  an  opportunity  to 
learn  the  trade,  while  under  all  the  plans  the  employer  is  in  a 
position  to  direct  the  work  of  the  school  too  much.  The  em- 
ployers must  not  be  allowed  to  control  the  schools  for  their  advan- 
tage any  more  than  a  trade-union  may  be  allowed  to  restrict 
opportunities  of  workers  to  its  advantage. 

The  public  schools  that  have  introduced  industrial  courses  with 
a  view  to  giving  industrial  education  independent  of  commercial 
shops  are  likely  to  be  handicapped  at  first,  and  for  some  time 
to  come,  by  the  lack  of  suitable  equipment  and  by  the  impossi- 
bility of  obtaining  suitable  teachers  in  sufficient  numbers.  But 
eventually  this  type  of  school  will  probably  be  the  most  satisfac- 
tory. A  temporai-y  device  that  will  have  to  sen-e  for  many  years 
is  the  continuation  school,  whether  day  or  evening.  .    .    . 

Evening  schools  should  be  avoided  for  young  people,  as  far  as 
possible.  The  amount  of  work  required  of  them  in  shops  and 
factories  should  be  restricted  by  law,  that  they  may  have  the 
opportunity  to  attend  school  without  detriment  to  their  health  and 
physical  development. 


The  following  discussion  illustrates  the  point  of  view 
of  those  Socialists  who  are  opposed  to  the  present  system 
of  trade  education. 

Delegate  Slobodin  [New  York] :  There  is  one  point  on  which 
we  are  all  clear  in  regard  to  this  question  of  vocational  training, 
and  that  is  that  as  Socialists  we  are  opposed  to  the  present  system 
of  trade  education.  The  industrial  education  which  the  Socialist 
desires  is  different  from  the  industrial  education  which  the  cap- 
italists desire.  There  is  often  confusion  between  training  for  a 
trade  and  scientific  industrial  training.  How  can  a  Socialist  at 
this  time  stand  for  training  for  a  trade  merely? 

You  see  those  who  advocate  the  education  of  the  boy  or  girl 


608       SOCIALIST  PARTIES  AND  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 

for  a  mere  trade  are  not  advocating  what  we  are  striving  for. 
Your  boy  or  girl  should  be  trained  in  mechanics;  the  knowledge 
of  general  mechanics  and  the  use  of  tools.  The  young  man  or 
young  woman  who  possesses  a  knowledge  of  mechanics  and  knows 
how  to  use  tools,  can  go  into  many  trades,  and  can  acquire  a  new 
trade  very  easily,  and  can  adapt  themselves  to  almost  any  trade 
within  certain  limits. 

That  is  the  first  thing,  then :  broad  industrial  training,  and  not 
merely  training  for  one  trade. 

The  second  important  point  is  control  of  the  vocational  and 
industrial  schools  by  the  working-class,  not  by  the  public,  as  our 
reporters  want  to  say.  .   .   . 

Delegate  Clifford  [Ohio]  :  I  desire  to  speak  in  opposition  to 
this  entire  report.  I  do  not  agree  with  the  comrades  here  that 
this  Convention  should  go  on  record  simply  as  demanding  indus- 
trial education  for  our  boys  and  girls.  I  do  not  wish,  as  a  member 
of  the  Socialist  Party,  to  go  on  record  through  our  Convention 
as  favoring  the  training  of  our  boys  and  girls  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  making  them  more  efficient  servants  to  a  master  class. 
I  want  them  to  have  the  highest  industrial  education.  But  it  is 
practically  useless  for  us  even  to  demand  that  until  we  get  control 
of  our  public  school  system.  When  we  have  done  that  we  can 
put  into  operation  any  policy  that  we  see  fit,  but  in  the  meantime 
all  of  this  matter  should  be  simmered  down  to  the  one  main 
demand;  for  the  industrial  education  of  the  boj^s  and  girls  of 
the  working-class,  and  let  it  go  at  that. 

As  a  consequence  of  these  and  other  similar  criticisms, 
the  above  report  was  not  adopted,  but  was  referred  to  a 
new  standing  committee  for  report  at  the  next  convention 
(1916). 


APPENDIX 
''PREPAREDNESS" 

I.   DO   SOCIALISTS   FAVOR   CONSCRIPTION  AND  UNIVERSAL 
MILITARY    SERVICE? 

The  resolution  passed  at  the  International  Socialist 
Congress  of  Stuttgart  (see  Tlie  Socialists  and  the  War, 
Chapters  III  and  IV)  favored  universal  military  service. 
But  there  was  a  minority  which  opposed  the  idea.  The 
views  of  both  sides  need  explanation. 

The  place  in  the  Socialist  program  of  universal  military- 
service  in  the  form  of  a  compulsory  "militia"  or  "citizen 
army"  is  stated  and  defended  by  Morris  Hillquit  (in  The 
Metropolitan  Magazine)  as  follows: 

Almost  eveiy  Socialist  Party  in  the  world  has  a  pi-actieal 
program  for  relieving  the  prevalent  social,  economic,  and  po- 
litical abuses  within  the  present  or  "  capitalist  "  regime.  And 
similarly  the  organized  international  Socialist  movement  ad- 
vances a  practical  progi-am  for  partial  relief  from  the  evils  of 
wars  within  the  present  social  system. 

The  principal  measures  in  the  Socialist  anti-war  program  are 
international  peace  treaties  providing  for  general  limitation  of 
armament,  for  arbitration  of  all  disputes  among  nations,  and 
for  the  establishment  of  an  international  court  of  justice;  the 
abolition  of  secret  diplomacy,  and,  finally,  in  countries  based  on 
the  system  of  compulsory  military  service,  the  gradual  shortening 
of  the  period  of  service,  with  the  ultimate  object  of  supplanting 
the  professional  standing  army  by  a  system  of  popular  militia. 

There  is  nothing  distinctively  Socialistic  in  the  advocacy  of 
international  peace  treaties.  It  is  one  of  the  measures  which, 
like  so  many  other  planks  in  the  practicable  program  of  Soeial- 

609 


610  APPENDIX 

ism,  are  shared  by  reformers  of  all  shades.  Socialism  does  not 
claim  a  monopoly  of  progi^ess  and  does  not  reject  any  salutaiy 
measure  of  reform  because  it  has  been  formulated  or  adopted 
by  other  parties  or  schools. 

Of  a  somewhat  more  definitely  Socialistic  character  are  the 
measures  which  aim  at  the  democratization  of  international  politics 
and  of  the  national  defense.  .  .  .  The  Socialists  demand  full 
publicity  of  all  diplomatic  negotiations,  and  the  consent  of  Par- 
liament to  all  treaties  and  declarations  of  war.  In  this  connec- 
tion it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Socialists  stand  for  unre- 
stricted adult  suffrage  of  all  male  and  female  citizens.  The 
Socialist  demand,  therefore,  means  that  no  war  shall  be  declared 
by  any  country  unless  assented  to  by  the  women  as  well  as  the 
men  of  the  nation  through  their  chosen  representatives  in  the 
national  legislative  body. 

But  still  more  fundamental  is  the  proposed  Socialist  reform 
in  the  military  organization  of  each  country.  The  Socialists 
realize  that  it  would  be  futile  and  foolish  to  preach  complete 
disarmament  to  any  nation  while  its  neighbors  and  rivals  are 
armed.  They  frankly  acknowledge  that  under  existing  conditions 
each  nation  must  be  prepared  to  defend  its  integrity  and  inde- 
pendence against  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  must  maintain  a 
strong  militaiy  organization  for  that  purpose.  They  are,  how- 
ever, opposed  to  the  institution  of  professional  or  standing  armies, 
particularly  those  based  on  compulsory  long-tenn  service,  such 
as  prevails  in  most  countries  of  continental  Europe.  They  main- 
tain that  professional  armies  tend  to  destroy  the  civic  and  indus- 
trial usefulness  of  a  large  portion  of  the  male  population  of  the 
country,  to  alienate  the  militaiy  force  from  the  people,  to  develop 
it  into  an  instniment  of  aggression,  and  to  cripple  the  efficiency 
of  the  national  defense.  The  Socialist  ideal  of  military  organiza- 
tion is  the  popular  militia,  and  as  a  measure  of  transition  they 
advocate  the  progi'essive  reduction  of  the  period  of  sei'vice  coupled 
with  an  extension  of  general  military  training. 

"  The  annament  of  the  people,"  says  the  veteran  French  So- 
cialist and  Communard,  Edouard  Vaillant,  "  is  the  necessary 
complement  of  universal  suffi^age  and  a  prerequisite  to  the  de- 
velopment of  a  true  democracy.  The  militia  has  historically  been 
the  institution  of  democracy,  appearing  with  its  victories,  dis- 
appearing with  its  defeats."  .    .   . 

The  military  organization  which  the  Socialists  favor  is  largely 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  611 

based  on  the  principle  of  the  national  militia  of  Switzerland. 
Under  that  system  all  able-bodied  men  between  the  ages  of  20 
and  48  years  are  kept  in  military  training  and  can  be  relied 
on  for  the  defense  of  the  country  in  case  of  emergency.  The 
main  body  of  the  militia,  the  elite,  is  composed  of  the  young 
men  between  the  ages  of  20  and  32  years.  It  is  supplemented 
by  the  landwehr,  consisting  of  the  men  between  the  ages  of 
33  and  44  years,  and  the  landsturm,  which  comprises  all  male 
citizens  up  to  the  age  of  48,  who  for  one  I'eason  or  another  are 
excluded  from  the  first  two  classes.  The  members  of  the  elite 
are  called  for  brief  military  drills  once  in  two  years  and  those  of 
the  LANDWEHR  once  in  four  years.  Under  this  system  the  little 
Swiss  republic,  with  a  population  of  about  three  and  one-half 
million,  can  raise  for  its  defense  an  army  of  540,000  men,  and 
its  total  military  budget  approximates  only  $7,000,000  per  year. 
The  Socialists  would  improve  upon  the  Swiss  militia  system  by 
giving  the  men  the  right  to  elect  the  officers  and  would  supple- 
ment it  by  military  education  in  the  public  schools.  .   .   . 

One  of  the  first  tasks  of  the  International  Socialist  movement, 
after  it  emerges  from  the  present  European  nightmare,  will  be 
to  inaugurate  an  active  and  energetic  pi'opaganda  for  the  govern- 
ment ownership  and  operation  of  all  works  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  instruments  and  weapons  of  national  defense. 

Aside  from  this  lesson,  the  terrible  events  of  the  last  few 
months  have  produced  no  new  ideas  or  ideals  for  combating  the 
war  evil.  They  have  developed  nothing  to  shake  our  faith  in  the 
Socialist  anti-military  program.  The  only  legitimate  lesson 
which  the  Socialists  can  draw  from  the  gi'eat  European  catas- 
trophe is  that  hereafter  they  will  have  to  struggle  more  ear- 
nestly, more  indefatigably,  and  more  implacably  than  ever  for 
the  speedy  realization  of  their  immediate  as  well  as  their  ultimate 
program. 

In  an  earlier  number  of  the  same  magazine  (April, 
1914),  Jean  Jaures  made  a  long  defense  of  the  proposed 
system  as  advocated  by  the  French  Socialist  Party.  He 
said  in  part : 

The  position  of  the  Socialist  Party  must  not  be  misunderstood. 
It  has  by  means  taken   a  merely  negative  attitude  of  opposi- 


612  APPENDIX 

tion  to  militarism,  regardless  of  consequences.  If  it  has  clearly 
seen  the  political  and  social  significance  of  the  militaiy  question, 
it  has  not  for  one  moment  ignored  the  problem  of  national  de- 
fense. .   .   . 

Jaures   proceeds   to   describe   the    universal    and   com- 
pulsory militia  system  favored  by  most  French  Socialists. 
He  then  continues : 

Such  an  organization  as  this  may  still  appear  very  militaristic 
in  the  eyes  of  Anglo-Saxons,  who  are  happily  unacquainted  with 
the  burdens  borne  by  continental  Europe.  But  let  them  compare 
it  with  the  system  which  to-day  weighs  upon  the  French  people 
and  which  is  growing  heavier  year  by  year,  and  they  will  see 
what  an  immense  progress  this  military  reform  would  mean  for 
republican  France. 

On  these  lines  the  armed  nation  will  attain  the  maximum  of 
defensive  power,  and  France  will  be  able  to  protect  itself  against 
any  attack.  If  it  be  said  that  such  an  army,  while  admittedly 
effective  for  defensive  purposes,  would  be  ill  suited  for  aggressive 
warfare,  we  answer  that  this  is  just  what  we  desire.  In  the 
present  state  of  the  world  no  great  nation  can  disarm  itself 
without  thereby  inviting  assault.  The  democratic  oi-ganization 
of  the  armed  nation,  if  it  is  the  best  safeguard  for  national 
independence,  is  also  the  best  guaranty  of  international  peace. 
An  aiTuy  so  mingled  and  identified  with  the  nation  and  par- 
taking in  its  economic,  social,  and  civic  life  cannot,  like  one 
separated  from  the  people  and  devoted  to  war  as  a  trade,  be 
used  for  the  purposes  of  conquest  and  imperialism.  It  can  be 
strong  in  battle  only  on  condition  that  the  citizens  who  compose 
it  are  conWneed  of  the  justice  and  necessity  of  the  war  in  which 
they  are  engaged.  And  they  can  have  this  consciousness  only  if 
the  nation  has  first,  by  offering  in  good  faith  to  submit  the  dis- 
puted question  to  arbitration,  cleared  itself  of  all  moral  responsi- 
bility for  the  resort  to  arms. 

It  is  by  continuing  the  policy  of  international  arbitration,  and 
at  the  same  time  transforming  the  professional  or  semi- 
professional  army  of  to-day  into  a  thoroughly  organized  and  thor- 
oughly democratic  defensive  force  that  we  seek  to  assure  France 
of  independence,  dignity,  and  peace,  until  the  day  when  the  so- 
cialization of  the  world's  economic  life  will  pennit  the  nations 


"  PREP AREDNE  S  S  "  613 

to  abolish  not  only  the  savagery  of  war,  but  also  the  barbarism 
of  armed  peace. 

The  attitude  of  the  German  Party  may  be  seen  in  the 
speech  of  Heinrich  Sehulz  to  the  German  Party  Congress 
of  1913.  Sehulz,  presenting  the  official  report  for  the 
Reichstag  group,  presented  the  citizen  army  as  an  "  ideal, ' ' 
and  a  distant  one  at  that,  one  not  to  be  realized  in  the 
present  order,  but  only  as  an  element  of  Socialist  society. 
He  spoke  in  part  as  follows : 

We  are  attacking  a  present  capitalistic,  imperialistic  military 
system,  because  it  is  a  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  present  society. 
But  we  do  not  oppose  a  people's  ai-my.  In  fact  we  demand  it  in 
our  party  platform,  we  call  for  the  militia  to  take  the  place  of 
the  present  standing  army,  we  agitate  for  the  best  possible 
physical  and  mental  training  from  earliest  childhood,  thus  assur- 
ing to  our  people  the  most  efficient  means  of  self-defense.  We 
cannot  do  away  with  the  present  standing  army  by  parliamentary 
law  in  a  day.  Nor  can  we  realize  our  ideal  of  a  people's  army 
completely  in  the  present  order  of  society.  But  it  is  our  duty, 
nevertheless,  to  do  our  utmost  to  change  the  present  military 
system  by  criticism  and  reform,  as  far  as  this  is  possible  within 
capitalist  society.  The  character  of  these  reforms  will  be  deter- 
mined by  our  final  aim,  they  will  be  steps  toward  the  eventual 
fulfillment  of  the  ideal  of  a  people's  army.  This  must  determine 
our  attitude  toward  the  minor  questions  of  present-day  militarism, 
must  lead  us  to  initiate  reforms  which  point  in  the  direction  of 
the  Socialist  ideals. 

The  French  and  German  proposals  merely  carry  out  in 
detail  the  plan  long  indorsed  by  nearly  all  the  Socialists 
of  the  continent.  The  Stuttgart  anti-war  resolution, 
passed  by  the  International  Socialist  Congress  of  1907, 
contained  the  following  clause: 

The  Congress  sees  in  the  democratic  organization  of  armies,  as 
expressed  in  the  so-called  "  citizen  armies,"  in  place  of  standing 


614  APPENDIX 

armies,  a  good  guarantee  against  warlike  attacks  of  one  nation 
by  another,  and  against  the  existence  of  national  differences. 

Although  many  of  the  British  and  American  delegates 
had  expressed  themselves  against  this  clause,  none  voted 
against  the  resolution,  of  which  the  clause  was  a  part. 

By  agreement  with  the  British  and  American  delegates, 
however,  Chairman  Vandervelde,  who  officially  reported 
to  the  Congress  on  the  anti-war  resolution,  made  the  fol- 
lowing statement: 

Opposition  to  a  militia  [universal  compulsory  military  service 
under  democratic  management]  came  from  two  quarters  [in  the 
committee].  The  Swiss  comrades  pointed  out  that  their  militia 
was  commanded  by  officers  of  the  ruling  class  and  was  used  by 
the  bourgeoisie  against  the  working-people.  Our  answer  was 
that  the  Swiss  militia  had  a  class  character  and  was  far  removed 
from  the  arming  of  the  people  demanded  by  us. 

Another  earnest  attack  was  made  by  the  English,  who  have 
no  national  army.  They  opposed  any  expansion  of  armament 
and  the  importation  of  militarism  into  their  country.  Accord- 
ingl}^  we  took  a  stand  against  the  arming  of  the  people  in  those 
fortunate  countries  which  "  have  no  standing  army  in  the  Con- 
tinental sense." 

The  last-mentioned  countries  were  accordingly  excepted 
in  the  resolution. 

In  England,  any  form  of  conscription  might  seem  to  be 
retrogression,  but  Socialists  always  have  in  mind  the  great 
revolutionary  possibility  in  putting  arms  in  the  hands  of 
every  citizen.  The  Socialist  advocates  of  a  citizen  army 
in  England  are  divided  into  two  parts,  those  who  believe 
that  strong  armies  will  be  necessary  as  long  as  capitalism 
lasts,  and  those  who  hope  that  a  citizen  army  may  be  able 
to  effect  a  social  revolution,  and  when  the  time  comes,  to 
establish  Socialism.  Or  the  same  individual  may  hold  both 
views. 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  615 

The  British.  Socialist  Party  (the  smaller  of  the  two 
leading  Socialist  organizations  of  that  country)  discussed 
at  its  Annual  Conference  of  1914,  a  resolution  which  con- 
tained the  following  passage : 

We  point  out  that  a  standing  army  will  always  be  a  ready 
instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  governmg  class  for  aggression 
abroad  and  the  repression  of  popular  liberties  and  working-class 
intei'ests  at  home,  and  we  call  for  the  organization  of  a  national 
democratic  citizen  army  for  purposes  of  national  defense  alone 
as  the  only  alternative  to  conscript  militarism  and  the  only  sure 
guarantee  of  national  and  international  peace. 

This  resolution  was  not  passed,  but  it  obtained  the  votes 
of  58  branches  to  76  against  it. 

The  I.  L.  P.,  the  larger  of  the  two  Socialist  parties,  on 
the  other  hand,  has  continued  its  opposition  to  all  forms 
of  compulsory  military  service.  At  the  Conference  of 
April,  1915,  on  the  motion  of  Coventry  Branch,  seconded 
by  Norwich  Branch,  the  following  resolution  was  agreed 
to  unanimously: 

That  this  Conference  affirms  its  previous  decisions  in  opposi- 
tion to  conscriiDtion  or  any  form  of  compulsory  service,  and  ex- 
presses its  disapproval  of  any  attempt  to  introduce  any  sj^stem 
of  compulsory  military  traming,  whether  in  the  form  of  conscrip- 
tion or  by  the  despicable  method  of  closmg  the  industrial  market 
to  eligible  young  men  with  the  object  of  compelling  them  to  offer 
their  services  to  the  military  authorities. 

Brougham  Villiers,  of  the  I.  L.  P.,  writing  in  their  of- 
ficial monthly,*  gave  the  grounds  for  the  opposition  to  the 
citizen  army  idea,  in  part,  as  follows  : 

Unless  what  we  are  saying  every  day  is  all  nonsense,  the 
nations  of  the  world  have  no  real  quarrel,  and  in  a  Socialist 

*  The  Socialist  Revieic,  January-March,  1915. 


616  APPENDIX 

world  there  woiUd  and  could  be  no  war.  The  logical  implication 
is  that  there  would  be  no  armies,  either  "  citizen  "  or  any  other, 
for  it  is  simply  inconceivable  that  the  world  will  go  on  making 
arms  and  ammunition  and  training  men  to  use  them  as  soon  as 
it  is  certain  that  peace  will  be  permanent.  Such  a  constant 
rehearsal  for  a  drama,  which  everyone  knows  will  never  come 
off,  is  incredible,  and  sooner  or  later  we  may  be  certain  that  a 
Socialist  world  would  cease  to  arm  itself,  just  as  modem  men 
have  given  up  nose  rings  and  war  paint. 

But  considered  as  a  palliative,  a  reform  within  the  capitalist 
system,  a  citizen  army  would  be  a  real  advance  in  countries 
where  military  necessity  has  compelled  the  enlistment  of  the 
whole  male  population.  Just  as  in  a  protectionist  country  a 
free-trader  may  consistently  work  for  a  reduction  of  duties  down 
to  the  level  advocated  by  British  tariff  reformers,  so  an  anti- 
militarist  in  a  conscript  country  may  support  this  milder  form 
of  compulsory  service.  It  is  an  entirely  different  matter  in  a 
country  where  military  service  is  neither  universal  nor  com- 
pulsory, and  to  import  the  continental  doctrine  of  a  "  citizen 
army "  into  this  country  because  it  is  an  immediate  aim  of 
European  Socialism  is  to  become  impracticable  doctrinaires, 
and  that  not  about  a  principle,  but  for  the  sake  of  a  mere 
palliative. 

Yet  that  is  what  a  number  of  Socialists  continually  advocate, 
though  it  is  only  fail-  to  say  that  an  attempt  is  made  to  support 
the  propaganda  by  some  reference  to  principle  and  a  conception 
of  labor  needs.  The  defense  of  the  country  against  aggression 
being  regarded  as  a  universal  duty,  it  is  held  to  be  incumbent 
upon  everyone  to  become  an  efficient  soldier.  This  is  an  extraor- 
dinai-y  inference  from  the  Socialist  principle  that  everyone  ought 
to  do  his  share  in  the  work  of  the  world.  In  the  case  of  no 
other  calling  do  we  turn  from  the  general  idea  of  duty  to  perform 
some  work  to  the  assumed  duty  of  doing  any  particular  form  of 
work.  Though  it  is  as  necessary  to  protect  the  nation  from 
internal  lawbreakers  as  to  resist  the  aggression  of  foreign  ene- 
mies, it  has  never  yet,  as  far  as  I  know,  been  suggested  that 
everybody  should  take  his  turn  as  a  policeman.  We  are  quite 
satisfied  that  if  everyone  is  taxed  and  rated  for  his  or  her  share 
of  the  cost  of  police  work,  the  duty  of  the  citizen  is  accom- 
plished. Indeed,  only  in  that  way  can  such  a  duty  be  universally 
fulfilled.     The  notion  behind  this  argument  for  universal  service 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  617 

is  essentially  reactionary.  For,  of  course,  universal  personal 
military  service  is  impossible.  If  military  service  is  a  duty  of 
citizenship,  then  women  and  all  men  below  the  military  standard 
of  height  and  chest  measurement  are  incapable  of  performing 
citizen  duties — a  doctrine  likely  enough  to  please  anti-suffragists 
and  other  reactionaries,  but  not  likely  to  convince  Socialists. 
The  idea  that  there  is  anything  specially  sacrosanct  about  the 
duty  of  national  defense  which  does  not  apply  to  any  other 
work  is  incompatible  with  anti-militarism;  it  is,  in  fact,  an  espe- 
cially vicious  sort  of  militarism. 

Only,  perhaps,  when  the  citizen  army  is  defended  on  the  ground 
that  in  time  of  revolution  a  professional  army  would  fire  on  the 
people,  while  a  citizen  army  would  refuse  to  do  so,  does  the 
propaganda  have  any  relation  to  other  Socialist  ideas.  The 
belief  is  that  our  present  army  could  be  relied  on  to  obey  any 
order,  while  one  enlisted  on  "  citizen  "  lines  would  not.  And  if 
the  agitation  simply  confined  itself  to  advocating — as  on  the 
continent — a  change  in  the  discipline  and  organization  of  the 
army,  and  repudiated  any  intention  to  increase  its  size,  or  to 
adopt  compulsion,  this  would  be  all  right.  Citizen  rights  for  the 
voluntary  soldier,  better  pay,  and  greater  freedom  can  be  advo- 
cated without  rushing  to  the  help  of  the  National  Service  League. 
Even  so,  however,  the  dangers,  from  which  the  new  discipline  is 
intended  to  secure  us,  are  somewhat  shadowy,  and  the  method 
proposed  of  doubtful  efficacy.  The  idea  seems  to  be  that  the 
people  will  some  day  rise  in  mass  against  their  oppressors  and 
demand  the  downfall  of  capitalism — a  notion  we  have  heard 
before.  Probably  in  such  a  case  an  alarmed  capitalist  govern- 
ment would  proclaim  martial  law  and  order  out  the  soldiers  to 
suppress  the  rising.  Soldiers  accustomed  to  barrack  discipline 
would  be  more  likely  to  obey  than  those  of  a  "  citizen  "  army, 
but  there  is  no  certainty  either  way.  There  have  been  mutinies 
against  intolerable  orders  among  all  sorts  of  troops,  while  even 
the  slackest  militia  discipline  may  be  enough. 

But  the  dilemma  is  very  improbable.  If  there  is  to  be  civil 
war  over  the  coming  of  Socialism,  it  will  be  the  capitalists,  not 
the  workers,  who  will  rebel,  and  it  will  be  a  Labor,  and  not  a 
Tory  or  Liberal,  government  that  will  give  the  army  its  orders. 
Is  it  conceivable  that  the  electors  should  be  so  nearly  contented 
with  things  as  they  are  as  to  return  a  Liberal  or  Conservative 
government  to  power  and  then  become  so  furiously  revolutionary 


618  APPENDIX 

in  less  than  five  years  as  to  insist  on  turning  out  into  the  streets 
and  risk  fighting  the  soldiers  rather  than  wait  till  the  dissolution 
of  Parliament  to  give  them  a  chance?  I  hope  not,  for  I  confess 
I  have  very  little  hope  that  such  an  unstable  populace  could 
construct  any  worthy  Socialism  at  all.  In  the  meantime,  any 
government  that  brings  in  a  reform  will  certainly  be  willing  to 
defend  it.  Pi-ogress,  even  under  a  Labor  or  Socialist  govern- 
ment, is  never  likely  to  be  disturbing  enough  to  induce  our  big 
manufacturers  and  landlords  to  risk  all  in  a  gallant  charge  against 
the  bayonets  of  the  aiTny.  In  short,  the  "  citizen  anny  "  Socialists 
are  aiding  a  most  mischievous  campaign  because  of  an  imaginary 
danger. 

Even  on  the  Continent  there  is  som,e  Socialist  criticism 
of  the  citizen  army  plan.  In  their  Congress  of  November  1, 
1915,  and  in  the  resulting  discussion  afterwards,  it  ap- 
peared that  the  majority  of  Swiss  Socialists  believe  that  the 
"Swiss  System,"  as  it  actually  works,  makes  the  army  a 
serviceable  tool  against  strikers,  and  so  a  large  part  of  the 
Socialist  members  of  the  Federal  Council,  including  some 
of  those  from  German  Switzerland,  refuse  the  army  their 
votes  even  in  these  war  times. 

There  is  also  criticism  of  this  "armed  nation"  plan  in 
Holland — which  is  similarly  smitten  by  the  present  war — 
as  the  following  quotation  from  a  leading  Dutch  Socialist 
(Wibaiit)  will  show: 

If  at  the  end  of  the  war  the  Social  Democrats  of  the  countries 
at  war,  and  those  of  the  countries  which  remained  neutral,  recog- 
nize these  results  of  nationalism,  they  will  unite  their  efforts  in 
making  the  terms  of  peace  the  starting-point  of  the  abandonment 
of  national  armaments.  The  next  peace  will  be  nothing  more  than 
an  armistice,  if  it  does  not  prepare  the  way  to  the  abandonment 
of  arms. 

It  is  on  this  basis  that  the  Social  Democrats  of  all  countries 
will  have  to  join  at  the  end  of  this  war.  The  question  is  not 
whether  they  will  be  strong  enough  to  enforce  this  basis  of  peace 
upon  the  peacemaking  countries.     The  question  is  whether  they 


«  PREPAREDNESS  "  619 

will  realize  that  this  basis  is  essential  for  the  development  of 
international  Social  Democracy. 

The  European  war  has  not  found  the  proletariat  sufficiently 
strong  to  prevent  it.  But  it  has  taught  us  the  lesson — a  cruel 
lesson  it  is— that  wars  cannot  be  prevented  if  they  have  come 
near  at  hand.  The  lesson  is,  that  wars  must  be  forestalled  by 
preventing  preparation  for  them,  by  directing  all  the  force  of  the 
proletariat  against  national  armaments. 

The  Socialist  action  against  militarism  has,  in  some  countries 
on  the  European  continent,  taken  the  form  of  advocating  the 
"armed  nation"  [the  so-called  Swiss  "militia"  or  "citizen 
army"  system]  as  an  alternative  to  standing  armies  in  the 
service  of  the  governing  classes.  The  present  war  puts  the  ques- 
tion, whether  this  form  of  fighting  the  militarist  system  should 
be  continued  and  generally  adopted. 

The  present  war  is  a  "  war  of  machines."  It  is  many  times 
more  murderous  than  previous  wars,  but  it  kills  in  accordance 
with  the  rules  of  technical  science.  This  development  of  warfare 
throws  new  light  on  the  system  of  the  "  armed  nation." 

The  "  armed  nation "  now  and  henceforth  means  a  nation 
equipped  with  all  the  war  machinery  human  spirit  has  invented 
for  the  destruction  of  mankind — mankind  on  the  other  side  of  the 
frontier. 

It  will  thus  become  a  point  of  discussion  between  Socialists 
whether  the  plan  of  the  "  armed  nation  "  to  fight  militarism  may 
still  hold  good.  We  have  personally  little  doubt  that  the  issue  of 
such  discussion  will  lead  to  the  giving  up  of  the  plan  of  the 
"  armed  nation  "  and  the  adoption  of  the  position  of  antagonism 
to  all  systems  of  national  armaments. 


The  following  is  the  anti-war  manifesto  and  peace  pro- 
gram adopted  by  the  Socialist  Party  of  the  United  States, 
September,  1915 : 

The  supreme  crisis  in  human  history  is  upon  us. 

European  civilization  is  engulfed.  The  world's  peace  is  shat- 
tered.   The  future  of  the  human  race  is  imperiled. 

The  immediate  causes  of  the  war  are  obvious.  Previous  wars 
and  the  terms  of  settlement  which  created  lasting  hatreds  and 


620  APPENDIX 

bred  thoughts  of  revenge;  imperialism  and  commercial  rivah-ies: 
the  Triple  Alliance  and  the  Triple  Entente  dividing  all  Europe 
into  two  hostile  camps;  secret  intrigue  of  diplomats  and  lack 
of  democracy;  vast  systems  of  military  and  naval  equipment; 
fear  and  suspicion  bred  and  spread  by  a  vicious  jingo  press  in 
all  nations;  powerful  armament  interests  that  reap  rich  harvests 
out  of  havoc  and  death, — all  these  have  played  their  sinister  part. 
But  back  of  all  these  factors  lie  the  deeper  and  more  funda- 
mental causes,  causes  rooted  in  the  very  system  of  capitalist 
production. 

Every  capitalist  nation  on  earth  exploits  its  people.  The  wages 
received  by  the  workers  are  insufficient  to  enable  them  to  pur- 
chase all  they  need  for  the  proper  sustenance  of  their  lives.  A 
surplus  of  commodities  accumulates.  The  capitalists  cannot  con- 
sume it  all.    It  must  be  exported  to  foreign  countries. 

In  every  capitalist  nation  it  becomes  increasingly  difficult  for 
the  capitalists  to  re-invest  their  accumulated  profits  to  advantage 
in  their  own  country,  with  their  people  destitute  and  their 
resources  fully  developed  and  exploited.  The  capitalists  are 
constantly  forced  to  look  for  new  and  foreign  fields  of  invest- 
ment. 

In  many  countries  of  Europe,  limited  territorially  and  densely 
populated,  the  supply  of  natural  resources  is  insufficient  to  sup- 
port the  large  volume  of  industrial  requirements.  The  capitalists 
must  look  for  new  sources  of  raw  materials  and  supplies,  to  less 
developed  foreign  countries. 

Hence  arise  the  commercial  struggles  between  the  nations,  the 
rivalries  for  the  acquisition  of  foreign  colonies,  the  efforts  to 
defend  and  extend  the  oversea  "  possessions " ;  the  policies  of 
imperialism,  the  conflicts  for  commercial  supremacy,  ever  growing 
more  intense  and  fierce  as  the  nations  expand  and  the  world's 
field  of  conquest  narrows.  Hence  arise  the  policies  of  anna- 
ments  every  year  more  immense  and  monstrous.  Hence  arise  the 
strategy,  the  intrigues  of  secret  diplomacy,  till  all  the  world  is 
involved  in  a  deadly  struggle  for  the  capture  and  control  of  the 
world  market. 

Thus  capitalism,  inevitably  leading  to  commercial  rivalry  and 
imperialism  and  functioning  through  the  modern  state  with  its 
vast  armaments,  secret  diplomacies,  and  undemocratic  govern- 
ments, logically  leads  to  war. 

Reactionary  ruling  classes  sometimes  also  deliberately  plunge 


«  PREPAREDNESS  "  621 

countries  into  war  for  the  purpose  of  crushing  progressive  move- 
ments by  creating  false  patriotic  excitement  and  thus  side- 
tracking the  real  class  issues.  Every  war,  furthermore,  is  used 
by  the  capitalists  in  order  to  destroy  the  organized  forces  of  the 
labor  movement. 

For  more  than  half  a  century  the  Socialist  movement  has 
warned  the  world  of  this  impending  tragedy.  With  every  power 
at  their  command  the  Socialists  of  all  nations  have  worked  to 
prevent  it.  But  the  warning  has  gone  unheeded,  and  the  So- 
cialist propaganda  against  imperialism,  militarism,  and  war,  has 
been  ignored  by  the  ruling  powers  and  the  majority  of  the  people 
of  all  the  nations. 

To-day  our  prediction  has  been  only  too  swiftly  and  too  trag- 
ically fulfilled.    War,  with  all  its  horrors,  is  upon  us. 

And  it  has  come  as  the  logical  and  inevitable  outcome  of  the 
forces  of  the  capitalist  system.  It  has  come  in  spite  of  the 
warnings  and  protests  of  the  Socialist  and  labor  movements  and 
indeed  in  spite  of  the  personal  desires  of  many  of  the  capitalists 
themselves.  The  capitalist  system  is  a  modem  Frankenstein 
which  is  destroying  its  own  creators. 

If  this  unspeakable  tragedy  shall  serve  to  demonstrate  to  the 
world,  and  particularly  to  the  workers  of  all  nations,  the  real 
and  fundamental  causes  of  war  so  that  by  removing  these  causes 
man  henceforth  may  live  at  peace,  the  war  may  be  worth  the 
cost. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  people  shall  remain  blind  to  the 
terrible  lessons  of  this  war,  and  leave  the  destinies  of  the  world 
in  the  hands  of  unscrupulous,  war-inciting  capitalist  rulers,  then 
indeed  is  this  world  war  an  unmitigated  curse.  For,  if  the  causes 
that  brought  on  this  war  are  left  to  operate,  then  this  war  will 
not  be  the  last.  It  will  be  only  the  first  of  a  series  of  wars  more 
terrible  and  more  tragic,  until  one  mighty  and  monstrous  imperial- 
ism has  drenched  the  world  in  blood  and  subdued  the  peoples  in 
abject  slavery.  Socialism  alone  will  ultimately  save  mankind 
from  the  standing  menace  of  self-destruction. 

The  supreme  duty  of  the  hour  is  for  us,  the  Socialists  of  all 
the  world;  therefore,  to  summon  all  Labor  forces  of  the  world 
for  an  aggi'essive  and  uncompromising  opposition  to  the  whole 
capitalist  system,  and  to  every  form  of  its  most  deadly  fruits — 
militarism  and  war;  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  working-class 
solidarity,  to  deepen  the  cuiTents  of  conscious  internationalism, 


622  APPENDIX 

and  to  proclaim  to  the  world  a  constructive  program  leading 
towards  permanent  peace. 

The  Socialists  of  America  extend  the  hand  of  comradeship  to 
their  unfortunate  brothers  in  all  countries  now  ravaged  by  the 
war,  the  sufferers  and  victims  of  the  vicious  system  which  has 
engulfed  them  in  fratricidal  carnage.  We  convey  to  them  our 
unfaltering  faith  in  the  world-wide  class  struggle,  in  interna- 
tional Socialism,  and  in  brotherhood  of  man.  We  proclaim  our 
determination  to  join  our  comrades  in  all  countries  in  the  task 
of  rebuilding  the  Socialist  International  upon  such  a  basis  that 
henceforth  it  cannot  be  shaken  by  the  most  violent  storms  of 
capitalist  conflicts. 

To  the  Socialist  and  Labor  forces  in  all  the  world  and  to  all 
who  cherish  the  ideals  of  justice,  we  make  our  appeal,  believing 
that  out  of  the  ashes  of  this  mighty  conflagration  will  yet  arise 
the  deeper  internationalism  and  the  great  democracy  and  peace. 


OUR  PROGRAM 

I. — Terms  of  peace  at  the  close  of  the  present  war  should  be 
based  on  the  following  provisions : 

1. — No  indemnities. 

2. — No  transfer  of  territory  except  upon  the  consent  and 
by  the  vote  of  the  people  within  the  territory. 

3. — All  countries  under  foreign  rule  be  given  political  in- 
dependence if  demanded  by  the  inhabitants  of  such  countries. 

II. — International  Federation — The  United  States  of  the  World 

1.  An  international  congress  with  legislative  and  administra- 
tive powers  over  international  affairs  and  with  permanent  com- 
mittees in  place  of  present  secret  diplomacy. 

2.  Special  commissions  to  consider  international  disputes  as 
they  may  arise.  The  decisions  of  such  commissions  to  be  en- 
forced without  resort  to  arms.  Each  commission  to  go  out  of 
existence  when  the  special  problem  that  called  it  into  being  is 
solved. 

3.  International  ownership  and  control  of  strategic  waterways, 
such  as  the  Dardanelles,  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  the  Suez, 
Panama,  and  Kiel  Canals. 

4.  Neutralization  of  the  seas. 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  623 

III. — Disarmament 

1.  Universal  disarmament  as  speedily  as  possible. 

2.  Pending  complete  disarmament : 

a.  Abolition  of  tbe  manufacture  of  arms  and  munitions  of 
war  for  private  profit,  and  prohibition  of  exportation  of  arms, 
war  equipment,  and  supplies  from  one  countiy  to  another. 

b.  No  increase  in  existing  armaments  under  any  circumstances. 

c.  No  appropriations  for  military  or  naval  purposes. 


IV. — Extension  of  Democracy 

1.  Political  democracy. 

a.  Abolition  of  secret  diiDlomaey;  democratic  control  of  for- 
eign policies. 

b.  Universal  suffrage,  including  woman  suffrage. 

2.  Industrial  democracy. 

Badical  social  changes  in  all  countries  to  eliminate  the  eco- 
nomic causes  of  war,  such  as  will  be  calculated  gradually  to  take 
the  industrial  and  commercial  processes  of  the  nations  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  irresponsible  capitalist  class  and  place  them  in  the 
hands  of  the  people,  to  operate  them  collectively  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  human  wants  and  not  for  private  profits,  in  co-operation 
and  harmony,  and  not  through  competition  and  war. 

Im,mediate  Action 

Immediate  and  energetic  efforts  shall  be  made  through  the 
organizations  of  the  Socialist  parties  of  all  nations  to  secure 
universal  co-operation  of  all  Socialist  and  labor  organizations 
and  all  true  friends  of  peace  to  obtain  the  indorsement  of  this 
program. 

In  January,  1916,  the  American  Socialist  Party  pub- 
lished brief  statements  on  military  preparedness  from  all 
national  candidates,  either  for  party  offices  (secretary  and 
members  of  the  executive  committee)  or  for  public  office 
(presidential  and  vice-presidential  nominations). 

"We  give  the  responses  of  those  who  already  hold,  or 


624  APPENDIX 

have  held,  the  most  important  party  offices — also  the  re- 
sponses of  all  the  presidential  candidates  and  of  Gaylord, 
the  Socialist  congressional  candidate  who  came  nearest  to 
election  in  1914  (except  Meyer  London,  who  was  elected)  : 

By  Allan  L,  Benson,  Socialist  Nominee  for  the  Presidency 

I  am  opposed  to  any  addition  whatever  to  our  army  and  navy. 
I  believe  we  are  in  less  danger  of  invasion  than  we  have  been 
at  any  other  time  in  100  years.  I  believe  this  danger,  never  great, 
will  become  less  as  the  European  belligerents  proceed  toward 
exhaustion.  I  believe  that  for  this  nation  greatly  to  strengthen 
its  army  and  navy  would  be  likely  to  bring  war,  first  by  alarming 
other  peoples  and  causing  them  to  arm  against  us,  second  by 
giving  the  American  capitalist  class  a  greater  temptation  to  ti-y 
to  conquer  markets  by  force  of  arms. 

I  am  not  opposed  in  principle  to  the  defense  of  this  country 
from  invasion.  I  believe  invasion  should  be  resisted.  But  there 
is  ample  naval  authority  for  the  statement  that  the  invasion  of 
continental  United  States  could  be  resisted  without  a  navy. 
Mines  have  for  seventeen  months  defended  both  the  German 
coast  and  the  German  navy.  Mines  do  not  take  boys  from  their 
homes  into  the  army,  nor  can  they  be  used  to  break  strikes  nor  to 
attack  any  nation  that  is  not  far  from  home  seeking  trouble. 

Second :  Democratic  selection  of  all  officers. 

Third:  Each  such  soldier  to  retain  his  firearm  with  at  least 
two  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition,  furnished  by  the  Government, 
in  bis  home. 

Fourth :  The  Government  to  make  all  munitions. 

Fifth:  No  part  of  the  military  force  to  be  called  into  service 
by  the  Government  during  strikes  nor  aggressive  wars  against 
other  nations. 

Sixth:  This  military  arrangement  shall  displace  all  present 
military  forces. 

By  George  H.  Goebel 

I  am  absolutely  opposed  to  militarism.  And  just  as  emphat- 
ically against  the  so-called  preparedness — which  is  but  a  smooth 
word  to  accustom  us  to  the  idea  of  wholesale  blood-spilling. 

When  a  false  alarm  of  fire  is  raised  in  a  theater,  it  is  a  calamity 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  625 

indeed  if  there  be  not  even  one  masterful  personality  to  calm 
the  tumult  and  stay  the  tragedy  of  lives  eiaished  out  in  the  unrea- 
soning stampede  of  a  crazed  mob! 

And  just  so  it  is  the  mission  and  duty  of  every  Socialist,  and 
the  Socialist  Party,  to  set  their  faces  like  flint  against  the  whole 
damnable  business  of  war  and  its  handmaiden,  preparedness. 

Let  others  parley  and  use  fine  phrases.  I  hold  that  our  busi- 
ness is  to  make  it  emphatic  that  we  will  have  none  of  it.  To 
serve  as  the  clear  voice  in  the  roaring  tumult! 

By  Morris  Hillquit 

I  am  opposed  to  "  preparedness  "  because  preparedness  means 
militarism.  I  am  opposed  to  militarism  because  militarism  leads 
to  wars  between  nations.  I  am  opposed  to  wars  between  nations 
because  they  obscure  the  straggle  of  the  classes,  enfeeble  the 
workei's  physically  and  morally,  and  retard  the  progress  of  the 
Socialist  movement. 

I  realize  that  the  modern  capitalist  system,  based  on  interna- 
tional rivalry  for  foreign  markets  and  for  the  control  of  unde- 
veloped territory,  tends  to  breed  wars,  but  I  do  not  believe  that 
it  is  the  part  of  Socialists  to  support  these  tendencies. 

I  hold  that  wars,  like  many  other  evil  outgrowths  of  capitalism, 
can  be  checked  by  enlightened  and  determined  mass  opposition, 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Socialists  to  lead  in  such  opposition. 

I  have  learned  from  the  sad  lesson  of  Europe  that  when  the 
war  furies  break  loose  they  are  apt  to  caiTy  everything  before 
them,  including  the  Socialist  and  Labor  movements;  but  that  is 
an  added  reason  why  the  Socialists  should  oppose  all  prepara- 
tions for  war  while  there  is  yet  time. 

By  Arthur  Le  Sueur 

"  Preparedness  "  is  the  master  fraud  of  the  masters.  It  results 
in  the  thing  it  is  said  to  prevent.  The  only  war  in  which  workers 
should  enlist  is  the  "  class  war,"  the  cause  of  all  other  wars. 

We  should  oppose  with  action  any  effort  of  our  Government 
to  force  us  to  fight  the  workers  of  any  land.  Action  means  revo- 
lution at  an  opportune  time.  An  opportune  time  is  when  the 
masters  send  us  at  each  others  throats,  and  we  should  then  seize 
the  opportunity  to  fight  our  real  enemy — the  masters.    This  should 


626  APPENDIX 

not  be  with  words  alone,  but  with  such  means  as  they  may  compel 
us  to  use. 

Revolution  is  the  only  remedy  for  despotism,  whether  it  he 
political  or  industrial. 

As  immediate  steps  in  pi'eparation  for  successful  revolution 
we  should  abolish  the  private  profit  in  the  manufacture  of  arms 
and  munitions,  prevent  the  increase  of  army  and  navy,  compel 
legislation  allowing  democratic  military  organization  of  the 
"  woi-kers."  Those  who  do  the  fighting  to  give  the  final  orders ; 
to  the  end  that  we  may  be  prepared  against  hell's  own  breed  in 
every  land,  the  masters,  the  murderers  of  humanity  and 
brotherhood. 

By  James  H.  JMaurer 

I  am  opposed  to  the  program  of  so-called  preparedness,  as 
submitted  by  President  Wilson,  or  by  any  group  of  war  pro- 
moters. It  is,  therefore,  hardly  necessaiy  to  say  that  I  am  also 
opposed  to  militarism. 

I  stand  by  the  anti-war  manifesto  and  program  adopted  by 
the  national  committee  last  May  and  ratified  by  the  party  mem- 
bership. I  could  also  agree  with  the  Socialist  Party  if  it  said 
not  another  dollar  for  warships  of  any  kind,  transports  in- 
eluded;  not  another  dollar  to  privately  owned  manufactories  of 
army  and  navy  supplies.  If  we  must  prepare,  then  mine  our 
coasts,  furnish  a  submarine  for  every  fifty  miles  or  less  of  our 
coast,  enlist  every  citizen  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty 
years,  arm  them  with  the  latest  improved  rifles  and  a  thousand 
rounds  of  ammunition,  every  such  soldier  to  do  drill  duty  two 
weeks  in  each  year,  elect  their  own  officers,  and  keep  their  rifles 
and  ammunition  in  their  homes. 

By  A.  M.  Simons 

I  oppose  all  phrases  of  militarism  and  all  preparation  for 
war  between  capitalist  nations.  The  entrance  of  this  nation  into 
armament  competition  means  that  this  war  will  end  only  in  a 
truce  leading  to  other  wars.  But  if  the  American  ruling  class 
is  not  permitted  to  ann  it  must  work  for  intemational  disarma- 
ment. I  oppose  using  the  Socialist  Party  to  defend  militarism 
anywhere  and  see  in  such  attempted  use  one  of  the  main  excuses 
for  the   militarist   sentiment  among  American   Socialists.     The 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  627 

Socialist  Party  should  stand  for  internationalism  and  disarma- 
ment and  give  its  aid  internationally  to  those  Socialists  in  each 
nation  who  oppose  miUtarism  and  nationalism.  I  oppose  the 
effort  to  introduce  the  spirit  of  military  diseipHne  into  the  na- 
tional and  international  Socialist  movement  for  the  benefit  of  a 
bureaucracy  of  office-holders  or  office-seekers  in  suppression  of 
democracy. 

By  John  Spargo 

I  am  now,  as  I  have  always  been,  irreconcilably  opposed  to 
militarism.  I  regard  it  as  the  most  pressing  duty  of  American 
Socialists  to-day  to  vigorously  oppose  the  sinister  attempt  to 
commit  this  nation  to  militarism  under  the  misleading  title  of 
"  preparedness."  It  should  be  our  great  endeavor  to  create  in  the 
masses  a  hatred  of  militarism  in  all  its  forms;  to  oppose  to  the 
gi'owing  militaristic  psychology  the  psychology  of  international- 
ism and  proletarian  solidarity. 

I  am  not  a  non-resistant,  and  can  readily  conceive  of  condi- 
tions which  would  lead  me  to  fight.  For  example,  to  resist  and 
repel  actual  invasion  by  a  barbarian  horde  would  be  the  duty 
of  a  Socialist  commonwealth.  But  I  insist  that  the  United  States 
is  safer  from  attack  from  any  quarter  of  the  world  than  at  any 
time  in  her  history.  For  the  present,  and  for  some  years  to  come, 
we  are  absolutely  free  from  any  danger  of  attack.  Therefore,  the 
proposal  to  saddle  us  with  a  heavy  military  burden  is  indefensible 
from  every  point  of  view.    We  must  fight  it  to  the  uttermost. 

By  Carl  D.  Thompson 

I  am  absolutely  and  with  all  my  might  opposed  to  the  present 
militaristic  propaganda  that  is  going  under  the  name  of  "  pre- 
paredness." I  feel  that  the  Socialist  Party  should  use  its  utmost 
wisdom,  tact,  and  power  in  combating  it. 

This,  however,  is  negative.  The  best  way  to  combat  any  of 
the  evils  of  capitalism  is  to  put  forward  something  better,  some- 
thing that  supplants  the  evil  and  makes  it  impossible.  And  we 
have  in  our  national  party  program  and  in  the  international 
progi'am  the  greatest  and  the  most  inspiring  constructive  task 
in  human  history.  I  refer  especially,  of  course,  to  our  program 
for  the  development  of  a  federation  of  nations,  a  sort  of  United 
States  of  the  World,  with  an  international  congress  and  court, 


C28  APPENDIX 

universal  disarmament,  and  the  erection  of  the  World  Interna- 
tional. While  fighting  "  preparedness,"  let  us  urge  forward  the 
International, 

By  Victor  L.  Berger 

I  am  opposed  to  standing  armies  of  any  kind.  A  standing 
army  is  always  the  tool  of  the  ruling  class.  America  at  the 
present  time  not  only  has  a  standing  army,  but  the  worst  kind 
of  a  standing  army,  one  of  hired  mercenaries.  Our  national  de- 
fense force  is  mainly  recruited  from  the  "  submerged  tenth  "  and 
is  officered  by  trained  aristocrats. 

Our  standing  army  is  a  standing  menace  to  our  democracy  at 
home,  and  is  of  questionable  effectiveness  agamst  any  attack  from 
without. 

Any  nation,  class,  or  individual  that  is  defenseless,  however, 
will  soon  be  enslaved  or  cease  to  exist.  AH  history  bears  witness 
to  this  fact.    There  is  no  known  exception. 

A  nation  or  a  class  that  wants  to  become  free,  or  that  wants 
to  stay  free,  must  have  gi-eat  power  of  resistance.  It  must  be 
prepared  to  fight  for  its  freedom  at  any  time. 

Docility  and  non-resistance  will  soon  reduce  any  people  or  any 
class  to  the  level  of  the  Chinese  and  Hindus.  Moreover,  any 
man  who  is  unwilling,  or  not  ready,  to  fight  for  his  wife  or  his 
daughters,  does  not  deserve  to  have  a  wife  or  daughters.  Any 
man  who  is  unwilling  to  fight  for  his  class  or  nation  does  not 
deserve  to  belong  to  a  class  or  a  nation. 

I  am,  therefore,  in  favor  of  a  "  preparedness  "  that  shall  pro- 
tect and  unite  the  bulk  of  our  nation,  that  is,  the  working- 
people. 

For  that  purpose  we  must  train  the  bodies  and  minds 
of  all  our  young  folks, — not  only  those  of  the  few  select  who 
have  a  chance  to  attend  academies  and  universities.  We  want 
all  of  our  people  to  be  able  to  defend  themselves  and  the  common 
weal. 

Our  defense  must  be  democratic  and  industrial.  We  want  a 
preparedness  that  will  develop  the  faculties  of  the  workers,  add 
to  their  power  of  resistance,  and  aid  them  in  their  struggle  for 
existence. 

We  want  to  abolish  hunger,  want,  and  misery — as  a  part  of 
this  preparedness.  We  want  comfortable  homes  and  protection 
in  old  age  and  sickness— as  a  part  of  this  preparedness.     We 


"  PREPAREDNESS  "  629 

want  healthy  and  harmoniously  educated  men  and  women — able 
fathers  and  mothers — as  a  part  of  this  preparedness. 

Thus  preparedness  must  become  a  part  of  our  early  education 
by  practicing  calisthenics  in  our  common  schools  and  encourag- 
ing outdoor  sports  from  childhood  on,  m  order  to  produce  healthy 
men  and  women.     But  this  cannot  be  all. 

We  propose  that  the  public  school  system  be  made  a  part  of 
"  preparedness  "  in  the  following  manner : 

Every  citizen  should  devote  one  year — between  nineteen  and 
twenty — to  the  service  of  his  nation.  Every  citizen — male  or 
female — may  stay  at  home  during  the  time,  but  receive  for  the 
service  such  pay  as  Avill  be  fixed  by  congressional  legislation, 
because  this  education  must  be  in  charge  of  the  nation  and  the 
nation  must  pay  for  it. 

We  propose  to  make  the  public  school  system  the  center  of 
our  country's  defense.  For  that  purpose  a  workshop  should  be 
added  to  every  school  district.  And  every  young  man  and  young 
woman  should  be  educated  in  handling  modern  tools  on  wood  and 
iron.  They  should  learn  how  to  operate  machinery  and  under- 
stand the  make-up  of  an  automobile,  an  aeroplane,  or  a  machine 
gun.  One  year  of  service  Avould  be  sufficient  to  teach  them  all  of 
that  and  a  good  deal  more. 

This  education  should  consider  the  needs  and  advantages  of 
the  respective  districts.  But  eveiybody  should  learn  how  to 
plant  a  tree,  construct  a  road,  or  build  a  bridge.  And  everybody 
should  also  practice  at  the  target  during  that  time.  Girls  should 
also  learn  how  to  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  sick  and  wounded. 

No  able-bodied  man  or  woman  should  be  exempt  from  this 
national  duty  on  account  of  money,  rank,  or  class  privilege.  The 
details  of  that  education  could  be  easily  worked  out  as  the  experi- 
ence would  require. 

Such  a  year  of  national  service  will  be  a  welcome  interruption 
of  the  task  of  the  factory  worker  or  the  clerk  in  city  offices  and 
stores — it  will  teach  him  many  new  things  and  make  a  more 
useful  citizen  of  him.  It  will  be  a  most  excellent  "  top-off "  to 
the  education  of  a  young  farmer.  It  will  have  an  immensely 
democratizing  influence  upon  the  college  boy,  besides  giving  him 
advantages  that  he  could  not  get  from  books. 

Moreover,  such  preparedness  will  absolutely  guard  the  national 
independence  until  such  time  as  we  shall  have  complete  disarma- 
ment and  world's  peace  by  international  agi'eement,  but  it  will 


G30  APPENDIX 

be  useless  for  aggression.  It  will  protect  the  working-class 
against  further  subjugation  and  enslavement  at  home  until  all 
class  distinctions  are  abolished. 

This  kind  of  preparedness  will  not  only  effectively  protect  the 
American  people  against  attacks  from  without,  but  also  against 
the  foes  of  democracy  from  within.  It  will  forever  abolish  the 
misuse  of  public  military  forces,  as  well  as  armed  private  thugs. 

And  last,  but  not  least,  this  will  be  a  "  preparedness  "  by  the 
entire  nation,  militant  and  prepared,  not  by  a  capitalist  class  or 
by  insidious  clerical  forces,  arming  quietly  all  kinds  of  "  knights." 

In  short,  I  refuse  to  be  carried  away  by  any  hystei'ia  caused 
by  this  world  war.  We  Socialists  are  more  opposed  to  militarism 
than  ever.  But  the  Socialist  Party  is  not  for  "peace  at  any 
price."  War  may  be  hell,  but  there  are  some  things  in  this  world 
worse  than  "  hell."    Real  Socialists  are  willing  to  fight  them. 

By  Winfield  R.  Gaylord 

The  world  war  has  proven:  (1)  that  we  live  in  an  historical 
"war  zone";  (2)  that  an  effective  national  mobilization  must 
include  every  national  resource  and  equipment,  mental,  moral,  and 
physical,  under  highest  co-ordination. 

The  Socialist  Party  in  the  United  States  must  present  a  cor- 
responding program  of  preparedness  for  peace  and  against  war, 
essentially  along  the  following  lines: 

a.  Mobilization  of  National  Morale 

1.  Universal  suffrage. 

2.  Adequate  preventive  hygiene  and  medicine. 

3.  Remodeling  of  educational  system  for  social  welfare 
training. 

4.  Recognition,  in  advance,  of  organized  labor's  responsibility 
and  just  deserts,  to  secure  a  dependable  industrial  army. 

5.  Abolish  secret  diplomacy,  with  its  lies  and  spies. 

6.  Repudiate  protection  of  foreign  concessions,  the  principal 
demand  for  a  big  navy. 

b.  Mobilization  of  National  Production 

1.  Completion  of  postal  savings  bank  system. 

2.  Nationalize  transport  and  communications  equipment. 


"  PREP AREDNE S S  "  631 

3.  Nationalize  mines,  forests,  and  water-powers. 

4.  Nationalize  food  storage  and  manufacture. 

5.  Nationalize  manufacture  of  chemicals. 


c.  Mobilization  of  Military  Forces  and  Materials 

1.  Nationalized  merchant  marine,  to  furnish  loyal  and  efficient 
naval  recruits,  with  officers,  and  ships  ready  for  war  equipment. 

2.  Permanent  defense  army  of  500,000,  with  definite  service 
term;  employed  on  public  works;  at  civilian  pay;  with  military 
organization,  drill,  and  equipment;  having  full  political  rights 
(to  promote  mobilization  exj^erience  of  staff  officers,  reduce  unem- 
ployed ai'my,  and  increase  production  capacity,  offsetting  military 
expense). 

3.  Enlarged  corps  of  trained  military  officers,  employed  with 
permanent  defense  army  in  productive  occupations  after  training. 

4.  Government  plants  for  munitions  manufacture,  and  accumu- 
lations of  raw  materials  rather  than  finished  products  of  military 
stores. 

5.  Universal  military  education,  by  publication  of  general  staff 
theories  of  defense,  as  applied  to  finance,  industry,  agriculture, 
diplomacy,  and  military  practice. 

6.  Coast  defense  of  mine  fields  and  submarines. 

By  Adolph  Germer 

Briefly  stated,  I  am  opposed  to  what  is  euphoniously  called 
"  preparedness."  There  is  far  less  danger  of  an  invasion  by  a 
foreign  foe  than  by  the  American  Plunderbund.  We  should 
oppose  everything  that  smacks  of  militarism.  Teach  the  art  of 
peace  rather  than  the  "  art  "  of  war. 

But,  if  the  people  insist  that  there  must  be  a  military  organiza- 
tion, then : 

First:  Let  every  able-bodied  man  between  eighteen  and  forty- 
five  get  one  month's  training  each  year  with  full  pay  by  his 
amployer. 

(See  also  pp.  509-522.) 


INDEX 


B 


Adler,  Victor,  6,  292. 

Agriculture,  80,  140,  141,  171, 
185,  200,  213,  214,  217,  322, 
326,  350,  406,  450,  453-468, 
506;    see  also   Land   Question. 

Allemanistes,   11. 

Alliances,  Electoral,  11-24,  40- 
46,  59-64,  93,  109,  172,  174, 
176,  289,  295-298,  391,  392, 
539-544. 

Alliances,  Parliamentary,  11-24, 
46. 

America.     See  United  States. 

American  Socialist,  The,  504. 

Anarchists,  8,  12,  68,  226,  367, 
376,  384,  387,  404,  418. 

Ancona  Congress,  91. 

Anderson,  W.  C,  327,  469,  526. 

Anseele,  6,  293,  393,  395,  397. 

Appeal  to  Reason,  57. 

Arbitration  of  Labor  Disputes. 
See  Compulsory  Arbitration. 

Argentina,  Socialist  Movement 
in,  25,  249-254. 

Armament.  See  Militarism  and 
Disarmament. 

Asquith,  599,   600. 

Australia,  Socialist  and  Labor 
Movements  in,  309-339;  see 
also  Government  Ownership, 
High  Cost  of  Living,  Militar- 
ism, Social  Insurance,  Strikes. 

Austria,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
25,  155-162;  see  also  High 
Cost  of  Living,  Labor  Unions, 
Militarism,  Universal  Suffrage. 

Autonomy,  Local.  See  Home 
Rule. 


Balkan  League,  189. 

Balkan  War,  62,  164,  183. 

Bang,  Gustav,  137. 

Barthou,  M.,  512. 

Basle  Congress,  4,  6. 

Bauer,  Otto,  155,  411,  413,  414. 

Bavaria,  15. 

Bebel,  August,  6,  9,  16,  17,  18, 
19. 

Belgium,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
6,  7,  14,  18,  19,  25,  70-75;  see 
also  Clericalism,  Education, 
Labor  LTnions,  Taxation,  Uni- 
versal Suffrage. 

Benson,  Allan  L.,  624. 

Berger,  Victor,  206,  233,  249, 
483,  601,  628. 

Berlin,  29. 

Bernstein,  6,  43,  408. 

Berntsen,  Klaus,  138. 

Bertrand,  L.,  293,  396. 

Bicameral  System,  50,  113,  135, 
184,  205,  213. 

Bismarck,  23. 

Bissolati,  76,  78. 

Blanquists,  11,  16. 

Bohemia,  7. 

Bohn,  Frank,  384,  387. 

Bohn,  Wm.  E.,  152,  517. 

Bonomi,  78,  79. 

Boroughs,  S.  H.,  236. 

Bos,  Dr.,  120,  121,  123. 

Brand,  J.,  283. 

Brandenburg,  29. 

Branting,  Hjalmar,  148,  149, 
528. 

Briand,    57,    62,    66,    119,    390; 

Briandism,  59. 


633 


634 


INDEX 


British  Empire.  See  Great 
Britain,  Ireland,  Australia, 
New  Zealand,  Canada,  South 
Africa. 

Brocqueville,  de,  394,  390,  398, 
399. 

Brussels  Congress,   8. 

Budget  Question,  22,  131,  485, 
486-494. 

Buelow,  Count,  36. 

Bulgaria,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
7,  13,  25,  187-188. 

Burns,  John,  6,  22. 


C 


Cabrini,  78. 

Caetani,  Prince,  81. 

Call,  The  New  York,  99,   130. 

Camacho,  Brito,  177. 

Canada,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
25,  235-242;  see  also  Labor 
Unions,  Universal  Suffrage. 

Capital  Punishment  Abolished, 
34. 

Carnegie,  Andrew,  319. 

Central  America,  253. 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  581. 

Child  Labor,  34,  200,  204,  211, 
239,  258,  287,  288,  439,  456. 

Chile  Socialists,  25. 

China,  Socialist  and  Republican 
Movements  in,  357-369;  see 
also  Education,  Government 
Ownership,  Militarism,  Uni- 
versal Suffrage. 

Churchill,  Winston,  338. 

Ciecotti,  89. 

Cipriani,  A.,  7. 

Class  Struggle,  8,  15,  16,  17,  31, 
79,  109,  124,  201,  229,  238, 
295,  297,  336,  339,  374,  404. 

Clericalism.  16,  22;  in  Belgium, 
18,  72,  391  ff.,  402,  602-605;  in 
England,  288;  in  France,  17, 
59,  64;  in  Germanv,  33-37, 
39;  in  Holland.  114,'  120-122, 
125;  in  Ireland,  299-307;  in 
Italy,  85  ff. ;  in  Roumania, 
185;  in  the  United  States,  201, 
229. 


Clynes,  J.  R.,  260. 

Coalition  Government,  11-14,  72, 
77,  79,  143,  151,  152,  341. 

Cocea,  N.  D.,  183. 

Collectivism.  See  Public  Owner- 
ship. 

Colonialism.     See  Militarism. 

Commune,  The,  57. 

Communism,   363. 

Communist  Manifesto,  3. 

Compensation,  286. 

Comp&re-Morel,  5,  61,  376-378. 

Compulsory  Arbitration  of  La- 
bor Disputes,  272,  431-437. 

Congresses,  Socialist.  See  Names 
of  Countries. 

Connolly,  302,  304. 

Conservation,  39,  86,  203,  212. 

Conservatives.  See  Names  of 
Countries. 

Constitutional  Questions,  15,  60, 
64.  109,  113,  139,  205,  220, 
309,  317-319,  327,  329. 

Conventions,  Socialist.  See 
Names  of  Countries. 

Co-operation,  71,  74,  132,  164, 
204,  307,  449,  450,  457,  466, 
582-585. 

Copenhagen  Congress,  5. 

Cosmopolis,  The,  23. 

Costa,  Affonso,  177. 

Costa,  Andrea,  7. 

Crime,  38,  200,  204. 

Cummings,  David,  99. 

Cuneo,  Francisco,  250. 

Customs  Duties.     See  Tariff. 


D 


Daly,  302. 

da  Silva,  Manuel  Jose,  177. 

Deakin,  519,  521. 

de  Almeida,  Antonio  Jose,  177. 

de  Ambris,  89. 

de  Brouck&re,  396. 

Debs,  Eugene  V.,  225,   233,   380, 

383,  388. 
Debts,  Public,  91. 
Decentralization.        See       Home 

Rule. 


INDEX 


635 


De  Lara,  Guitterez,  243. 

Delassalc,  Paul,  381. 

De  Leon,  Daniel,  232,  233. 

Denis,  396. 

Denmark,  Socialists  in,  7,  25, 
129-144;  see  also  Labor 
Unions,  Militarism,  Universal 
Suffrage. 

de  Paepe,  Cesar,  6. 

Depew,   Chauncey  M.,   318. 

Destree,  395,  397. 

Diaz,  246. 

Dickmann,  Enrique,  250. 

Diplomacy,  Secret.  See  Mili- 
tarism. 

Direct  Action,  270  ff.,  381-388. 

Direct  Legislation.  See  Initia- 
tive and  Referendum. 

Disarmament,  79,  623 ;  see  also 
Militarism. 

Dobrogeanu-Glierea,  C,  181. 

Dracoules,  Dr.,  189,  190. 

Dragu,  Th.,  183. 

Dresden  Congress,  15,  19 ;  Reso- 
lution, 15-24. 

Drink  Problem,  219,  258,  288, 
562,  586-593. 

Dubery,  H.,  596,  597. 

Dubreuilh,  378. 

Duncan  (Mayor),  566. 


E 


Education,  in  Belgium,  391,  393, 
602-605;  in  China,  360,  366, 
367;  in  France,  512,  538;  in 
Germany,  29,  33;  in  Great 
Britain,  266,  269,  275,  277, 
278,  280,  287,  288,  581;  in 
Hungary,  170;  in  Italy,  86, 
544;  in  the  United  States, 
205,  212,  516,  561-563,  574, 
580,  606-608,  629,  630,  631. 

Eight  Hour  Day.  See  Work 
Day,  Shorter. 

Elections.  See  Names  of  Coun- 
tries. 

Electoral  Reform,  38,  41,  46,  50, 
205,  258,  261,  266,  272,  277, 
289,  366,  391;  see  also  Uni- 
versal   Suffrage,    Woman    Suf- 


frage, Proportional  Represen- 
tation, and  Second  Ballot. 

Emilia,  Reggio,  Congress  of,  419. 

Encyclopedie  Socialist e,  5. 

Engels,  Frederick,  4. 

England,  7,  18,  19,  22,  53, 
59,  255-298;  see  also  Great 
Britain,  Clericalism,  Govern- 
ment Ownership,  High  Cost  of 
Living. 

Erfurt  Congress,  9. 

Ewing,  Sir  Thomas,  521. 

Exportation  of  Arras,  Prohibi- 
tion of,  623. 


Fabian  Society,  255,  281,  285- 
291. 

Federalism,  161,  189,  622. 

Ferri,   12,   17,  81. 

Finland,  2.5,  103-107;  see  also 
Taxation. 

Fischer,  Edmund,  52. 

Fisher,  Andrew,  325,  329,  331, 
517,  519,  521. 

Foreign  Concessions,  630. 

France,  11,  19,  23,  57-69;  see 
also  Clericalism,  Education, 
French  Parties,  Government 
Ownership,  High  Cost  of  Liv- 
ing, Labor  Unions,  Mili- 
tarism, Social  Insurance,  Tax- 
ation, Universal   Suffrage. 

Franckel,   Leo,   7. 

Franco-German  Rapprochement, 
64,  69. 

Franco,  Joao,   180. 

Freemasons,  92. 

Free  Press,  204. 

Free  Speech  in  Assemblage,  33, 
40,  41,  100  ff.,  166,  204. 

French  Parties,  Independent  So- 
cialist, 57,  65;  Labor,  7;  Mon- 
archist and  Nationalist,  65; 
Progressist,  65 ;  Republican, 
65;  Radical,  65;  Socialist  Rad- 
ical, 17,  65;  Socialist,  6,  7,  8, 
9,  11,  12,  14,  17,  25,  57-69. 

Friedberg,  Dr.,   390. 


636 


INDEX 


G 

General  Strike,  9,  73,  376,  389- 
430,  548.    See  Strikes. 

German  Parties,  15,  59,  171; 
Anti-Semitic,  37,  48;  Beth- 
mann-Hohveg  bloc,  48;  Bue- 
low  bloc,  48;  Center,  37,  48; 
Conservative,  37;  Free  Con- 
servative, 48;  Independent,  9; 
Liberal,  52 ;  Social  Democratic, 
4,  5,  6,  10,  23,  27-56. 

Germany,  Socialist  Movement 
in,  25,  27-56;  Dresden  Con- 
gress, 15,  19;  Militarism,  20; 
Monarchical,  20;  see  also 
Clericalism,  Education,  German 
Parties,  Government  Owner- 
ship, High  Cost  of  Living, 
Militarism,  Social  Insurance, 
Taxation,    Universal    Suffrage. 

Germer,  Adolph,  249. 

Ghent,  Wm.  J.,  208. 

Ghesquiere,  376,  378. 

Giolitti,  Giovanni,  85,  90. 

Glasier,  J.  Bruce,  282. 

Goebel,  Geo.  H.,  249,  624. 

Goehre,  Paul,  30. 

Goremykin,   102. 

Government  Employees,  184,  215. 

Government  Ownership,  477  flf.; 
in  Australia,  309,  320,  322, 
327,  332,  333;  in  China,  360; 
in  England,  257,  269,  275, 
286,  472,  479;  in  France,  17, 
22,  449;  in  Germany,  478- 
479,  492;  in  New  Zealand, 
348;  in  the  United  States, 
203,  210,  220,  630,  631;  see 
also  jMunicipal  Problems,  Mu- 
nicipal Socialism,  National- 
ization. 

Graham,  Cunningham,  6. 

Great  Britain,  Socialist  Move- 
ment in,  25,  255-298;  see  also 
Education,  England,  Labor 
Unions,  Militarism,  Taxation, 
LTniversal  Suffrage. 

Greece,  Socialist  Movement  in. 
25,  188-190;  see  also  Labor 
Unions. 

Guesde,  Jules,  12,  14,  17. 


Hamburg,  29. 

Hardie,  J.  Keir,  6. 

Haywood,  Wm.  D.,  224,  382, 
384,  387. 

Heine,  Wolfgang,  52,  53,  55. 

Herv^,  00,  61,  62. 

Het  Yolk,  122. 

Heydebrand,   35. 

Hiekey,   P.,  427. 

High  Cost  of  Living,  446-453;  in 
Australia,  314-317,  333,  336, 
434,  436;  in  Austria,  158;  in 
England,  275,  276,  447,  448, 
450-452;  in  France,  448-450; 
in  Germany,  37,  39,  487;  in 
Spain,  175;  in  the  United 
States,  200,  562,  563. 

Hillquit,  Morris,  231,  483,  500, 
609,  625. 

Holland,  7,  11,  25,  108-127;  see 
also  Clericalism,  Parties  in, 
Militarism,  Social  Insurance, 
Taxation,    Universal    Suffrage. 

Holland,  Parties  in,  Catholic, 
114;  Calvinist,  114;  Chris- 
tian Historic,  114;  Free  Lib- 
eral, 113,  114;  Marxian  So- 
cialist, 112,  114,  125;  Pro- 
gressive Democratic,  114;  So- 
cial Democratic  Labor,  25,  114. 

Holman,  528,  530. 

Hoist,  Roland,  390. 

Home  Rule,  33,  184,  212,  261, 
266,  268,  276,  281,  299,  303, 
305,  544,  560,  573,  577. 

House  of  Lords,  Veto,  259,  261, 
263. 

Housing,  269,  270.  273,  288,  440, 
451,  457,  538,  544,  560,  579. 

Hughes,  Wm.  M.,  521. 

Himgary,  Socialist  Movement 
in,  7,  25,  162-171;  see  also 
Education,  Labor  Unions,  Mil- 
itarism, Universal  Suffrage. 

Hunter,  Robert,  500. 

Hutchinson,  Robert  H.,  433. 

Huvsmans,  Camille,  14,  293,  395, 
396. 

Hyndman,  H.  M.,  295,  296,  471. 


INDEX 


637 


Iglesias,  Pablo,  172. 

Immigration,  164,  175,  189,  327, 
333,  448,  450;  Immigration 
and  the  Race  Problem,  495- 
508. 

Imperialism,  6;  see  also  Mili- 
tarism. 

Import  Duties,  481-484. 

Income  Tax.     See  Taxation. 

Indemnities,  G22. 

Independent  Labor  Partj%  255- 
264,  280;    Program,   257. 

Industrial  Unionism.  See  Syn- 
dicalism. 

Inheritance  Tax.     See  Taxation. 

Initiative  and  Eeferendum,  11, 
33,  184,  205,  213,  230,  239, 
323,  329,  333,  348,  523,  537, 
550,  553,  559,  573. 

Injunction,  Abolition  of,  211. 

Insanity,  200. 

Intermarriage.  See  Race  Ques- 
tion. 

Internationalism.  See  Milita- 
rism. 

International  Ownership,  622. 

International  Socialist  Bureau, 
4,  14,  187,  294,  515. 

International  Socialist  Move- 
ment, 3-26. 

International  Socialist  Review, 
152. 

Intervention,  Mexico,  247. 

Ireland,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
13,  259,  299-308;  see  also 
Clericalism,  Labor  L^nions. 

Irving,  Dan.  295. 

Italy,  18,  76-94;  see  also  Cleri- 
calism, Education,  Italian 
Parties,  Militarism,  Universal 
Suffrage. 

Italian  Parties,  Independent,  87; 
Radical,  87 ;  Reformist  Party, 
76;  Reformist  Socialist  Partv, 
76,  81,  87;  Socialist  Party,  7, 
13,  25,  76-94. 
J 

James,  Alfred,  328. 

Jaur&s,  12,  14.  16.  19-23,  62,  67, 
377,  378,  511,  527. 


Jena  Congress,  11,  40. 

Jewish     Socialists,     97;      Equal 

Rights  of,   184;    Expulsion  of, 

182. 
Jimenez,  Angel  M.,  250. 
Jowett,  F.  W.,  260,  263,  514,  611, 

612. 
Justo,  Juan,  249. 


K 


Kautsky,  12,  15,  16,  17,  43,  292, 

390. 
Kerenskv,  100,  101,  103. 
Knee,  F',  525,  526. 
Kiang,  Kang  Hu,  361. 
Kitchener,  520. 
Kohevalov,  103. 


Labor  Disputes.  See  Compulsory 
Arbitration,  Strike,  General 
Strike. 

Labor,  Hours  of.  See  Workday, 
Shorter. 

Labor  Leader,  327. 

Labor  Legislation,  438-440;  see 
also  Child  Labor,  Compulsory 
Arbitration,  IMinimvim  Wage, 
Right  to  Organize,  Truck  Sys- 
tem, Social  Insurance,  L^nem- 
ployment  Insurance,  Shorter 
Workday. 

Labor  Parties,  7.  239,  255,  264, 
266,  284,  305,  309-334,  431. 

Labor  Unions,  4,  10,  12,  18,  182, 
373-388,  442,  495.  496,  502;  in 
Australia,  338,  506;  in  Bel- 
gium, 71,  75,  409;  in  Canada, 
240;  in  Denmark,  131;  in 
France,  375-378;  in  Great 
Britain,  255,  257,  268,  272, 
294,  297;  in  Greece,  190;  in 
Hungarv,  163;  in  Ireland,  303, 
307;"in'Xew  Zealand,  340,  342, 
346;  in  Roumania,  181,  182; 
in  South  Africa,  507;  in 
Sweden,  409 ;  in  the  United 
States,  378-388. 

Labriola,  81,  89. 


638 


INDEX 


Lafont,  591. 

Land  Question,  247,  248,  286, 
287,  301,  322,  332,  349,  3G6, 
456,  458,  459,  465-474,  493, 
581;  see  also  Agriculture. 

Larkin,  James,  303,  305. 

Lasalle,  Ferdinand,  491. 

L'Asino,  76. 

Latimer,  525. 

Laukki,  Leo,  502. 

Lavroff,  Pierre,  7. 

Lawrence,  Miss  Susan,  290. 

Ledebour,  George,  47. 

Lee,  Algernon,  3. 

Legge.  520. 

L'Egalite,  57. 

Leipzig  Yolkszcitung,  55. 

Leken,  396. 

Lerda,  78,  92. 

Le  Sueur,  Arthur,  480,  555,  625. 

Letts,  97. 

Lewis,  524. 

L'Humanite,  67. 

Liebknecht.  Karl,  409.  413. 

Liebknecht,  Wm.,  6,  10,  12. 

Lindliagen,  145. 

Lloyd-George,  David,  282,  338. 

London,  Congress,  11. 

London,  Meyer,  502. 

Longuet,  .Jean.  5,  8,  9,  11,  12. 

Lucci,  93,  539  ff.,  543,  546. 

Lunn,  George  R.,  569,  570,  594. 

Luxemburg,"  Socialist  Vote  in, 
25. 

Luxemburg,  Rosa,  405,  409,  412, 
413. 

]M 

Macdonald,    Ramsay,    260,    262, 

447,  527,  530. 
Mackenzie,  T.,  343. 
Madero,  Francisco,  246. 
Magyar,  nobles.   168,  171. 
]\Iaison  du  Peuple,  14. 
Maklakov,  100. 
Manoel,  King,   177. 
!Marx,   Eleanor,    6. 
Marx,  Karl,  4,  57.  384,  498. 
:\raurer,  James  H.,  249,  026. 
Maximilian,  Emperor,  425. 


Medical  Service,  Free,  269,  579. 

Membership  of  Socialist  Par- 
ties, 25 ;  see  also  Names  of 
Countries. 

Mercer,  J.  N.,  479. 

Metropolitan  Magazine,  3. 

Mexico,  243-249. 

Migoel,  Dom,   177. 

ililan,  90. 

Militarism,  91,  509-522,  609  ff.; 
in  Australia.  329,  332,  333, 
337,  338,  516-522;  in  Austria, 
157,  165;  in  China,  366;  in 
Denmark,  133,  136;  in  France, 
58,  61,  62,  376,  450,  510-514, 
611-612;  in  Germany,  35,  43, 
410,  411,  486  flf.,  613;  in  Great 
Britain,  259,  280,  614-618;  in 
Holland,  118,  121,  618;  in 
Hungary,  170;  in  Italy,  515; 
in  New'  Zealand,  348,  349 ;  in 
Sweden,  149,  152;  in  Switzer- 
land, 618;  in  the  United 
States.  515-516,  619  if.;  see 
also  Preparedness,  Disarma- 
ment. 

Millerand,  12,  14,  23,  57,  66,  119. 

Mills,  W.  T.,  340. 

Minimum  Wage,  24,  204,  257, 
267,  269.  270,  271,  275,  287, 
332,  348,  440,  444,  447,  452, 
455.  479,  504,  537. 

!Molkenbulir,  6. 

Monarchism.  Sec  Republican- 
ism. 

Monopolies.     Sec  Trusts. 

Morocco  War,  175;  Adventure, 
58,   63. 

^Muenchener  Post,  54. 

Municipal  Ownership.  See  Mu- 
nicipal Socialism,  Municipal 
Problems. 

Municipal  Problems,  58,  90,  93, 
153,  162,  220,  258,  549,  552, 
558,  562;  see  also  Municipal 
Socialism. 

Municipal  Socialism,  532-581 ; 
see  also  Municipal  Problems. 

Mussolini,  92. 


INDEX 


639 


N 


Nationalism.  -See  Militarism, 
Names  of  Countries. 

Nationalist  Parties.  See  Names 
of  Countries. 

Nationalization,  Industry,  322, 
327,  623,  624,  631;  Land,  270; 
Mines,  269,  270,  275 ;  Railway, 
266,  269,  270,  274,  322; 
Trusts,  309,  320;  see  also 
Government  Ownership. 

Naumann,  35. 

~Nepeszava,   163. 

A'ewe  Zeit,  Die,  47,  88,  104,  155, 
163. 

Neutralization  of  Seas,  622. 

'New  Statesman,  The,  333,  340. 

New  Zealand,  Socialist  and  La- 
bor Movements  in,  25,  340- 
353;  see  also  Government 
Ownership,  Labor  Unions, 
Militarism,    Social    Insurance. 

Nieuwenbuis,  Domela,  7. 

Norway,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
7,  25,  153-154. 

Numbers  of  Socialist  Voters  and 
Party  Members.  See  Names 
of  Countries. 

O 

O'Brien,  C.  M.,  237. 
Occupations    of    Socialist    Legis- 
lators. 30,  67. 
Olberg,  Oda,  88,  418,  541. 


Pacifism.     See  Militarism. 

Palacios,  Alfredo,  249,  253. 

Paris,  International  Socialist 
Congresses  at,  4,  6,  12,  15,  19 ; 
Commune  of,  7. 

Parker,  James,  260. 

Parties,  Political.  (For  brief 
references  to  all  political  par- 
ties, see  Names  of  Countries.) 

Party  Machine,  222,  228. 

Patents,  Collective  Ownership, 
204. 

Peace.    See  Militarism. 

Pearce,  H.,  295. 


Peasants,  31,  68,  82,  95,  146,  182. 
Pelloutier,  Fernand,  11. 
Penal  Reform.     See  Crime. 
Pensions.     See  Social  Insurance. 
Peonage,  248. 
Peraccina,  422. 
Petrovsky,   103. 
.  Place,  Jack,  238. 
Platform,    Socialist    and    Labor 
Parties.     See  Names  of  Coun- 
tries. 
Plebiscites,  622. 
Plechhanoff,  7,  13,  16. 
Podrecca,  76,  78. 
Police.     See  Violence. 
Polish  Socialists,  13,  97. 
Political    Action,    9-12,     19,    28, 
158,    221-228,    270,    378,    380, 
407. 
Portugal,      Socialist     Movement 

in,  7,  25,   176-180. 
Pouget,  Emile.  381,  382. 
Poverty,  200,  269. 
Preparedness,  609  flf . 
Presidential   Veto,   Abolition   of, 

205. 
Prices,  Maximum,  447,  450;   see 

also  High  Cost  of  Living. 
Programs,    Socialist    and    Labor 
Parties.     -See  Names  of  Coun- 
tries. 
Progressive   Parties.      See   Coun- 
tries. 
Prohibition.       See      The      Drink 

Problem. 
Proportional  Representation,   11, 
33,  64,  150,  184,  205,  273,  348, 
351,  523-531,  537,  551.  558. 
Prostitution,  200,  219,  366,  569. 
Protection.     See  Tariff. 
Protestant  Churches,  30. 
Prussia,  Monarchical  Power,  53. 
Public  Health,  561,  568,  581. 
Public   Ownership.     See  Govern- 
ment    0\\Tiership,      IMunicipal 
Socialism,  Nationalization. 
Public  Works,  442,  445.  457,  512, 
544,  559,  563,  572,  573. 

Q 

Quelch,  L.  E.,  474. 


640 


INDEX 


R 

Race  Question,  354.  495-508,  522. 

Rac-ovsky,  Dr.  C,   181. 

Radicals.     »S'ee  Countries. 

Raimondo,  9.3. 

Ralli,  539,  540. 

Recall,  184,  205,  213,  218,  348, 
351,  523,  550,  553. 

Referendum.  See  Initiative  and 
Referendum. 

Reformism,  17,  18,  20,  43,  79, 
80,  82,  155,  156,  158,  226,  420. 

Reichstag,  The,  28;  Rights  of, 
46. 

Republicanism,  16,  20,  23,  52-56, 
55,  67,  70,  81,  99,  145,  363, 
366,  418,  424,  425,  547. 

Revisionism.     See  Reformism. 

Revisionists,  15. 

Revolution,  10,  16,  18,  19,  37,  78, 
98,  156,  161,  202,  243,  265, 
363,  367,  378,  425,  547,  614, 
617,  626. 

Richardson,  Thomas,  260. 

Rigg,  R.  A.,  241. 

Right  to  Organize,  38,  64,  439, 
444,  537,  559,  563. 

Roberts,  270. 

Rockefeller.  John  D.,  318. 

Rodzianko,  101. 

Rolf,  H.  J.,  596. 

Roosevelt,   Theodore,   319. 

Rossignol,  J.  E.,  426. 

Rouanet,  67. 

Roumania,  171;  Socialist  Move- 
ment in,  7,  25,  181-187;  see 
also         Clericalism,  Labor 

Unions,  Taxation,  Universal 
Suffrage. 

Russia,  95-103;  see  also  Russian 
Parties. 

Russian  Parties,  Labor,  95,  96, 
97,  100;  Peasants',  95,  100; 
Social  Democratic,  7,  10,  13, 
25,  95-103;  Social  Revolution- 
ary, 95. 

Ruthenians,  157. 


Sabotage,  228  ff.,  381  ff. 
Sandberg,  Karl,  480. 


Sanders,  W.  Stephen,  281,  289, 
597. 

Sanial,  Lucion,  480. 

Santos,  Machado,   177. 

Saturday  Half  Holiday,  34,  204, 
439,  444. 

Saxony,  19,  29. 

Schaper,  122. 

Scheidemann,  43,  47,  409,  410, 
413,  414,  416. 

Scholarships,  538. 

School  Children,  Feeding,  266, 
269,  288,  440,  538,  574. 

Schultz,  Heinrich,  613. 

Scotland.     See  Great  Britain. 

Second  Ballott,  11,  40-46,  63. 
289,  349,  526,  558. 

Secret  Diplomacy,  622,  630. 

Seidel,  Emil,  575. 

Senape,   93, 

Servants,  Legislation  for,  34; 
Exemption  from  Contribution 
to  Insurance  Funds,  38. 

Servia,  Socialist  Vote  in,  25. 

Shaw,  G.  Bernard,  290. 

Shaw,  Tom,  282. 

Simons,  A.  M.,  626. 

Simpson,  James,  238. 

Sinn  Fein,  302. 

Slavonic,   171. 

Slovenians,  157. 

Smilie,  Robert,  261. 

Smith,  Herbert.  479. 

Snowden,  Phillip,  260,  261,  528, 
598. 

Social  Insurance,  439,  445;  in 
Australia,  324,  327,  332-334; 
in  France,  64,  538;  in  Ger- 
manv,  38,  442,  443,  535;  in 
Great  Britain,  257,  270,  280, 
286,  289;  in  Holland,  112,  118, 
120,  122,  125;  in  New  Zealand, 
348;  in  the  United  States,  212, 
215,  217,  559. 

Socialisis  and  the  War,  5,  8. 

Social  Reform.  See  Labor  Legis- 
lation. 

Socialist  Unity,  288. 

Socialization.  See  Government 
Ownership. 

Solf,  48. 


INDEX 


641 


Solomon,  U.,  524. 

Song  Chi  Ying,  368. 

South  Africa,  Labor  Movement 
in,  354-355;  see  also  Labor 
Unions.    - 

Sozial  Demokraten,  154. 

Spain,  Socialist  Movement  in,  6, 
9,  25,  172-170;  see  also  High 
Cost  of  Living,  Taxation. 

Spargo,  John,  378,  379,  381,  502, 
556,  627. 

Stauning,  132. 

Strikes,  121,  215,  270,  559,  563, 
574;  Australia,  321,  336,  337, 
519;  Mines,  271;  Policy,  270; 
Port  of  London,  267 ;  see  also 
General  Strikes,  Violence. 

Studholme,  Allan,  242. 

Stuttgart  International  Con- 
gress, 5. 

Suffrage.  See  Universal  Suf- 
frage, Woman  Suffrage. 

Supreme  Court,  Abolition  of 
Power  of,  205. 

Sweating,  269. 

Sweden,  Socialist  Movement  in, 
7,  25,  145-153;  see  also  Labor 
Unions,  Militarism,  Taxation, 
L^niversal  Suffrage. 

Swiss  Parties,  Social  Demo- 
cratic, 25,  127,  128,  618. 

Switzerland,  19,  127-128;  see 
also  Militarism,  Swiss  Parties. 

Sun  Yat  Sen.  358  ff. 

Syndicalism,  68,  76,  87,  125,  178, 
340,  376,  378-381,  413,  417, 
422;  see  also  Sabotage. 


Tariflf,  39,  41,  80,  82,  133, 
329,  333,  448,  449,  450, 
581,  616. 

Tartars,  97. 

Taxation,  91,  445,  485-494 
Belgium,  392  ;  in  Finland, 
in  France,  17,  20,  60, 
449,  450,  456,  512;  in 
many,  33-38.  39,  41,  49, 
494;  in  Great  Britain, 
269,    276,    287,    288,    581 


320, 

481, 


106; 
63, 
Ger- 
487- 
258, 
;    in 


Holland,  120;  in  Roumania, 
185;  in  Spain,  175;  in 
Sweden,  147;  in  the  United 
States,  212,  218,  467,  566,  567, 
575;  see  also  Import  Duties 
and  Land  Question. 

Tcheidze,  99. 

Terrorists,  10. 

Thiessen,  W.,  251. 

Thomas,  Albert,  61. 

Thompson,  Carl  D.,  557,  627. 

Thoine,  W.,  597. 

Timm  Eesolution,  442,  443. 

Tisza,  166. 

Trade  Unions.  See  Labor 
Unions. 

Tregear,  Edward,  348. 

Tripoli  War,  76,  77,  81,  90,  549. 

Troelstra,  120,  292. 

Truck  System  Prohibited,  34. 

Trusts,  314-320,  329,  334,  337, 
338,  448,  475-476. 

Tschechenelli,  102. 

Turin,  90. 

U 

Ugarte,  Manuel,  252. 

Unemplovment,  164,  200,  203, 
214,  268,  270,  348,  351,  441- 
445,  544,  560,  564,  578;  Pre- 
vention, 275,  440. 

Unemployment  Insurance.  See 
Social  Insurance. 

Unicameral  System.  See  Bi- 
cameral System. 

United  States,  7,  13,  25,  378;  So- 
cialist Movement  in,  25,  191- 
234;  see  also  Clericalism,  Edu- 
cation, Government  Ownership, 
High  Cost  of  Living,  Labor 
Unions,  Militarism,  Social  In- 
surance, Taxation,  Universal 
Suffrage. 

Universal  Suffrage,  11,  19;  in 
Austria,  156;  in  Belgium,  392- 
403;  in  Canada,  239;  in  China, 
306;  in  Denmark,  129,  130, 
135;  in  France,  20;  in  Ger- 
many, 33,  38,  403  ff. ;  in  Great 
Britain.  268;  in  Holland,  112, 
120,    122;     in    Hungary,    166, 


642 


INDEX 


169;   in  Italy,  82,  80;   in  Rou- 

mania,    184;    in   Sweden,    150; 

in  the  United  States,  204,  213, 

215,  623,  630. 
Untermann,  Ernest,  499. 
Uruguay,   Socialist  Vote   in,   25. 


Vaillant,  61. 

Vandervelde,  Emile,  8,  12,  14,  71. 

Vanguardia,  La,  250. 

Van  Vliegen,  7. 

Varga,  E.,  163. 

Vienna  Congress,  5. 

Vigna,  89. 

Villiers,  B.,  615. 

Violence,  20,  96,  211,  350,  376- 
378,  385,  409,  418,  425,  559, 
574;  see  also  Strike,  General 
Strike. 

Viviani,  Premier,  57. 

Volders,  Jean,  6. 

Vollmar,  6,  30. 

Vorwaerts,  45,  52,  54,  55,  72,  89, 
105,  108,  117,  119,  132,  136, 
146,  148,  152,  172,  187. 

Vote,  Socialist  and  Labor.  See 
Names  of  Countries. 


Waterways,  Strategic,  622. 

Watkins,   D.,  325,  331. 

Watson,   Chris,   521. 

Wauters,  396. 

Webb,  Sidney,  291,  294,  450,  580. 

Webb,  Mrs.  Sidney,  290. 

Welsh      Disestablishment      Bill, 

261,  266,  268,  276. 
Wendell,  Herman,  480,  487. 
Western  Clarion,  235. 
Wibaut,   F.   M.,   112. 
Williams,  Parker,  238. 
Wilson,  J.    Stitt,   249,   500,   525, 

556,  564. 
Winiarsky,  L.,  7. 
Woman   Suffrage,  239,   258,  259, 

273,    289,    348,    367,    594-601, 

623. 
Workday,    Sliorter,   34,    38,    112, 

150,   204,   211,   215,    216,   239, 

257,   266,    270,    289,   348,   439, 

440,    442,    444,    450,    504,    537, 

559. 
Wvirtemberg,  15. 


Yuan  Shi  Kai,  358,  361,  362,  363, 
360,  368. 


W 

Wages.     See  Minimum  Wage. 
Waldeck,  Rousseau,  Ministry,  14. 
W^alling,    Wm.    English,    5,'  329, 

383   387 
Walsh,  Stephen  T.,  598,  599. 
Wanhope,  Joshua,  500. 
War.    See  Militarism. 


Zaccagnini,  Antonio,  250. 

Zetkin,  Clara,  6. 

Zevaes,  66. 

Zurich  Congress,  8,  9;  Declara- 
tion of,  11;  Resolution  of,  9, 
11. 


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